PYQ Relevance[UPSC 2020] Judicial Legislation is antithetical to the doctrine of separation of powers as envisaged in the Indian Constitution. In this context justify the filing of large number of public interest petitions praying for issuing guidelines to executive authorities. Linkage: This question directly aligns with the article’s core concern that recent judicial suggestions on online content regulation risk crossing from constitutional adjudication into judicial legislation, thereby unsettling the separation of powers framework. |
Mentor’s Comment
This article analyses recent Supreme Court observations on regulating online content and places them within the broader constitutional jurisprudence on free speech. It examines whether judicial intervention is moving beyond constitutional adjudication into regulatory governance, with implications for separation of powers and democratic accountability.
Introduction
The Supreme Court has historically protected freedom of speech under Article 19(1)(a) through a doctrine of judicial restraint. In Sahara India Real Estate Corp. Ltd. v. SEBI (2012), the Court cautioned against prior restraint and blanket prohibitory orders on the media, permitting restrictions only as a last resort and subject to strict reasonableness. In Ardhish Cooperative Housing Society Ltd. v. Union of India (2018), the Court refused to interfere in film certification, reiterating that content regulation lies with statutory bodies, not courts. More recently, in Kaushal Kishor v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023), a Constitution Bench reaffirmed that the grounds for restricting speech under Article 19(2) are exhaustive and cannot be expanded judicially.
Against this settled jurisprudence, Supreme Court observations on November 27, 2025, made while hearing cases relating to obscene and improper online content, suggested that existing laws may be inadequate and proposed the creation of neutral, autonomous regulatory bodies along with draft government guidelines. This signals a shift from judicial restraint to regulatory engagement, raising constitutional concerns that form the core of this debate.
Why in the News?
The issue gained prominence after the Supreme Court indicated that self-styled online bodies are insufficient to regulate online content. It invited the government to publish draft regulatory guidelines. This represents a significant departure from earlier judicial positions that confined courts to assessing constitutionality rather than designing regulatory frameworks. The development is critical because it potentially alters the balance between free speech protection and content control at a time when digital expression has become central to democratic participation.
Existing Legal Framework Governing Speech
Statutory Regulation of Content
- Information Technology Act, 2000: Penalises obscene online content under Section 67, hacking and cyber offences under Section 66, and cyber terrorism under Section 66F.
- Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023: Sections 294-296 criminalise obscene acts and materials.
- IT (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021: Establish content moderation obligations and grievance redressal mechanisms, though criticised for enabling executive overreach.
Centralised Oversight
- Executive Control: IT Rules empower the Centre to issue directions, raising concerns of prior restraint and chilling effect on speech.
- Judicial Caution: Despite existing regulation, courts have traditionally avoided endorsing additional controls.
Expansion of Judicial Scope in Online Content Cases
Shift in Case Consideration
- Scope Enlargement: The Court extended proceedings beyond the validity of FIRs to examine broader regulatory mechanisms.
- Moral Standards Inquiry: Consideration of content offensive to societal morality reflects a regulatory approach.
- Constitutional Risk: Such expansion risks judicial entry into legislative policy-making.
Separation of Powers and Institutional Competence
Limits of Judicial Function
- Legislative Primacy: Content regulation requires democratic deliberation and accountability.
- Technical Expertise: Courts lack institutional capacity to design digital media regulation.
- Constitutional Restraint: Judicial intervention must remain confined to legality review.
Judicial Tests on Prior Restraint
Sahara India Doctrine (2012)
- Last-Resort Principle: Pre-publication bans are permissible only in exceptional cases.
- High Threshold: Orders must meet strict necessity and proportionality standards.
Ardhish Cooperative Housing Society (2018)
- Statutory Authority: Film certification lies with the Censor Board.
- Judicial Non-Interference: Courts rejected content-based directions such as mandatory disclaimers.
Constitutional Exhaustiveness of Speech Restrictions
Article 19(2) Framework
- Enumerated Grounds: Sovereignty, security of the state, public order, decency, defamation, among others.
- Kaushal Kishor (2023): Held that no additional grounds beyond Article 19(2) can justify speech restrictions.
- Article 19(1)(a) Protection: Judicially created restrictions undermine constitutional text.
Role of Courts in Free Speech Governance
Constitutional Arbiter
- Judicial Review: Courts assess reasonableness of restrictions enacted by law.
- Non-Regulatory Role: Law-making lies outside judicial mandate.
- Democratic Safeguard: Preserves separation of powers and civil liberties.
- Legislative Domain: Content regulation requires democratic deliberation.
- Institutional Competence: Courts lack technical expertise for media governance.
- Precedent Risk: Judicial law-making bypasses parliamentary accountability.
- Constitutional Design: Courts act as arbiters, not regulators.
What lessons emerge from global experiences?
Democratic Regulation
- European Union: Digital Services Act prescribes structured content removal.
- Germany: Network Enforcement Act mandates timely takedown of unlawful content.
- United Kingdom and Australia: Online Safety laws impose compliance penalties.
Authoritarian Risks
- China and Russia: Surveillance-driven censorship regimes.
- Judicial Capture: Courts used to legitimise executive control.
- Democratic Erosion: Demonstrates risks of excessive regulation.
Conclusion
The constitutional position on free speech has remained clear across decades: restrictions must flow only from Article 19(2), be legislatively enacted, and meet the tests of reasonableness and proportionality. Constitutional propriety requires that courts act as arbiters of legality, not architects of regulation. In a democracy governed by the rule of law, the protection of free speech is best ensured when courts guard constitutional limits rather than expand them.
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