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  • Advocating for sustained focus on the maritime domain

    Context

    In an innovative departure from normal practice, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will preside (in virtual mode) over the UN Security Council, on Monday (August 9) when India holds the President’s chair for one month. The subject of debate is maritime security.

    Issues with global maritime security

    • FON issue: There is  tension in the South China Sea over freedom of navigation (FON) rights in international waters and how China has laid claim to “territoriality” based on artificial structures (not natural islands).
    • This formulation has not been accepted by the US that has exercised transit rights in these waters.
    • Many ASEAN nations and Quad members such as Japan, Australia and India subscribe to the principle of FON and do not accept the Chinese interpretation of the “nine-dash-line”.
    • Traditional challenges: Piracy and non-traditional challenges at sea such as gun-running and smuggling are old chestnuts.
    • Maritime pollution: Accidents in the oceans have added to the anxiety about marine pollution and its downstream consequences for the health of the oceans.
    • Global warming: A UN report has come up with grim statistics about the impact of global warming on the chemistry of oceans.
    • This study notes that oceans have become more acidic as sea water absorbs more carbon dioxide.
    • Furthermore, the upper layers of the open ocean have lost between 0.5 per cent and 3.3 per cent of their oxygen since 1970 as temperatures have risen.

    Way forward for India at UNCS: Security and equitable growth

    • The subject to be deliberated upon by the UNSC members is “Enhancing maritime security: A case for international cooperation”.
    • This would be an extension of India’s advocacy of SAGAR (security and growth for all in the region) in relation to the Indian Ocean region (IOR).
    •  At the UNSC strategic and security issues such as the South China Sea and FON would find little consensus as China is a permanent member and would stall any meaningful debate.
    • Focus on global goods: What may find support for a useful debate at the UNSC would be those areas that could be brought under the rubric of the “global good”.
    • For instance, the welfare of seafarers who are the sinews of the global merchant marine, has received scant attention in this Covid-scarred period and the IMO (International Maritime Organisation) has been unable to effectively address such issues.
    • Correlation with globalisation: India can also advocate for sustained focus on the maritime domain and the correlation with globalisation, the blue economy, the health of the ocean and the overall impact on human security.

    Conclusion

    Security and equitable growth for all by husbanding the global ocean for future generations is a laudable goal and encouraging the UNSC to prioritise this issue is a worthy cause.

  • South Asia’s emerging digital transformation

    Context

    COVID-19 has forced South Asia to take a quantum leap in digitalisation, which will help shape its future prosperity.

    Spike in digitisation due to Covid

    • In India, COVID-19 accelerated the launch of the National Digital Health Mission, enhancing the accessibility and the efficiency of health-care services by creating a unique health ID for every citizen.
    • Pandemic accelerated South Asia’s embrace of e-commerce, boosted by digital payment systems.
    • Bangladesh alone witnessed an increase of 70-80% in online sales in 2020, generating $708.46 million in revenues.
    • Even smaller nations such as Nepal recording almost an 11% increase in broadband Internet users.

    The dangers of a digital divide

    • A wide digital divide persists in access and affordability, between and within the countries of South Asia.
    • Despite having the world’s second-largest online market, 50% of India’s population are without Internet with 59% for Bangladesh and 65% for Pakistan.
    • This divide could permanently put children out of school, place girls at risk of early marriage, and push poor children into child labour costing economies billions of dollars in future earnings.
    • Businesses too have paid a heavy price for the gap in digital solutions, whereby many South Asian firms failing to embrace e-commerce or other cloud-based technologies to survive the financial chaos of the novel coronavirus pandemic.

    Asian digitalisation

    • Digital transformation is a global imperative with the adoption of advanced technologies.
    • At the forefront of Asian digitalisation are countries such as Singapore, Japan, and South Korea recognised as global technological hubs.
    • The digital boom in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) economies is pushing a “common market” initiative, fostering regional economic integration and enhancing global competitiveness.
    • South Asia has also made significant strides in the adoption of digital technologies such as the Digital Bangladesh Vision 2021.

    How digitalisation can help South Asia?

    • The region still has a long way to go.
    • Jobs in e-commerce: E-commerce could drive the post-pandemic growth in South Asia, providing new business opportunities and access to larger markets.
    • In India, e-commerce could create a million jobs by 2030 and be worth $200 billion by 2026.
    • Growth driven by Fintech: Fintech could drive significant growth and reduce poverty by building financial inclusion.
    • Increase in productivity: A timely, inclusive, and sustainable digital transformation can not only bolster productivity and growth but also serve as a panacea for some of the region’s socio-economic divides.

    Steps need to be taken

    • To reap the dividends of digital transformation, South Asia needs to address legal, regulatory and policy gaps as well as boost digital skills.
    • Digital infrastructure: A robust digital infrastructure is a sine qua non and there exists a huge financing gap.
    • India alone needs an annual investment of $35 billion to be in the top five global digital economy.
    • Private-public partnership: Public-private partnership needs to be leveraged for the region’s digital infrastructure financing.
    • Regulatory roadblocks need to be addressed as e-commerce regulations are weak in South Asia.
    • Digital literacy: There would be no digital revolution without universal digital literacy.
    • Governments and businesses need to come together to revamp the education system to meet the demand for digital skills and online platforms.
    • Cybersecurity measures: The crossflow of data and personal information calls for stringent cybersecurity measures as many have experienced painful lessons in data privacy during the pandemic.
    • Digital Single Market Proposal: By addressing issues such as regulatory barriers on currency flows inhibiting online payment to transport-related constraints for cross-border e-commerce activities, South Asia can emulate the European Union’s Digital Single Market Proposal.
    • Collaboration: Concerted collaboration at all levels is needed to push South Asia out of stagnancy and towards a digital future of shared prosperity.
    • Partnership for digital revolution: During the pandemic, South Asian nations joined hands to collectively battle the crises by contributing towards a COVID-19 emergency fund, exchanging data and information on health surveillance, sharing research findings, and developing an online learning platform for health workers.
    • If the eight nations (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Maldives, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) can start walking the talk, partnership for a successful digital revolution is plausible.

    Conclusion

    A shared “digital vision” could place the region on the right track towards the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

  • 127th Constitutional Amendment Bill

    The Government will bring the 127th Amendment Bill to Parliament to clarify “some provisions in the 102nd Constitutional amendment Bill” to restore the power of the states to identify backward classes — a demand made by a number of regional parties and even the ruling party’s own OBC leaders.

    Try answering:

    Q. Consider the following statements:

    1. An amendment to the Constitution of India can be initiated by an introduction of a bill in the Lok Sabha only.
    2. If such an amendment seeks to make changes in the federal character of the Constitution, the amendment also requires to be ratified by the legislature of all the States of India.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (CSP 2013)

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”q7zfr0mjpa” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″][/wpdiscuz-feedback]

    127th Constitutional Amendment Bill

    • The Constitutional 127th Amendment Bill will amend Articles 342 A — clauses 1 and 2 — and will introduce clause 342 A (3) specifically authorizing states to maintain their State List.
    • There will be a consequential amendment in Articles 366(26C) and 338B (9). States will then be able to directly notify OBC and SEBCs without having to refer to the NCBC.
    • There has been some confusion about what comprises a state and Central list, and this clause will clarify that.

    Why need amendment?

    • The Centre had earlier moved a review petition in the Supreme Court challenging the court’s interpretation of the 102nd amendment of the Constitution in the Maratha reservation judgment.
    • The 102nd CA had scrapped the power of the states to identify and notify socially and educationally backward classes.
    • The move is politically significant as the govt is banking heavily on OBC votes in key states that go to the polls next year.

    About the 102nd CAA

    • The 102nd  CAA, 2018 has given constitutional status to the National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC).
    • With this, NCBC gets powers to examine the grievances in the implementation of the various welfare schemes meant for OBCs.
    • The status of the Central list of OBCs has been elevated by giving constitutional status to the list.
    • It has given powers to the Parliament to make changes in the Central OBC list.

    Back2Basics: Constitutional Amendment

    • Amending the Constitution of India is the process of making changes to the nation’s fundamental law or supreme law.
    • The procedure of amendment in the constitution is laid down in Part XX (Article 368) of the Constitution of India.
    • There is a limitation imposed on the amending power of the constitution of India.
    • The most famous among them is the Basic structure doctrine as laid down by the Supreme Court in the case of Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973).

    Procedure

    • An amendment of the Constitution can be initiated only by the introduction of a Bill in either House of Parliament.
    • The Bill must then be passed in each House by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a special majority of not less than two-thirds of the members present and voting.
    • There is no provision for a joint sitting in case of disagreement between the two Houses.
    • If the amendment seeks to make any change in any of the provisions mentioned in the provision to article 368, it must be ratified by the Legislatures of not less than one-half of the States.
    • Although there is no prescribed time limit for ratification, it must be completed before the amending Bill is presented to the President for his assent.

    Types:

    1. Simple majority of the Parliament: Creation of new states, Delimitation of constituencies etc.
    2. Special majority of the Parliament: for Fundamental rights and DPSPs
    3. Special majority of the Parliament and the ratification of at least half of the state legislatures: Election of the President and its manner, Supreme Court and high courts etc.
  • Declaring a National Calamity

    Under the existing Scheme of State Disaster Response Fund / National Response Fund of the Ministry of Home Affairs, there is no provision to declare any disaster including flood as a National Calamity.

    How does the law define a disaster?

    • A natural disaster includes earthquake, flood, landslide, cyclone, tsunami, urban flood, heatwave; a man-made disaster can be nuclear, biological and chemical.
    • As per the Disaster Management Act, 2005, “disaster” means:
    1. A catastrophe, mishap, calamity or grave occurrence in any area, arising from natural or man-made causes, or
    2. It results in substantial loss of life or human suffering or damage to, and destruction of, property, or damage to, or degradation of, environment, and
    3. Damage is of such a nature or magnitude as to be beyond the coping capacity of the community of the affected area.

    How can any of these be classified as a national disaster?

    • There is no provision, executive or legal, to declare a natural calamity as a national calamity.
    • The existing guidelines of the State Disaster Response Fund (SDRF)/ National Disaster Response Fund (NDRF), do not contemplate declaring a disaster as a National Calamity.

    Has there ever been an attempt to define a national calamity?

    • In 2001, the National Committee under the chairmanship of the then PM was mandated to look into the parameters that should define a national calamity.
    • However, the committee did not suggest any fixed criterion.

    How, then, does the government classify disasters/calamities?

    • The 10th Finance Commission (1995-2000) examined a proposal that a disaster be termed “a national calamity of rarest severity” if it affects one-third of the population of a state.
    • The panel did not define a “calamity of rare severity” but stated that a calamity of rare severity would necessarily have to be adjudged on a case-to-case basis taking into account.

    What happens if a calamity is so declared?

    • When a calamity is declared to be of “rare severity/severe nature”, support to the state government is provided at the national level.
    • The Centre also considers additional assistance from the NDRF.
    • A Calamity Relief Fund (CRF) is set up, with the corpus shared 3:1 between Centre and state.
    • When resources in the CRF are inadequate, additional assistance is considered from the National Calamity Contingency Fund (NCCF), funded 100% by the Centre.
    • Relief in repayment of loans or for grant of fresh loans to the persons affected on concessional terms, too, are considered once a calamity is declared “severe”.
  • What is Retractable Roof Polyhouse?

    The CSIR-CMERI has recently inaugurated a “naturally ventilated polyhouse facility” and laid the foundation stone of “retractable roof polyhouse”.

    What is a Polyhouse?

    • A polyhouse is a specially constructed structure like a building where specialized polythene sheet is used as a covering material under which crops can be grown in partially or fully controlled climatic conditions.
    • It is covered with a transparent material as to permit the entry of natural light. Polyhouses are also helpful in reducing threats such as extreme heat and pest attacks in crops.
    • This is especially important for crops growing in the open field with no protection from the weather, and therefore its yield, quality, and crop maturity timings are changed.

    Retractable Roof Polyhouse

    • The retractable roof system is a modular screen system for greenhouses that helps in saving costs and time along with providing stability, flexibility & durability for the greenhouse structure.
    • Such polyhouse will have an automatic retractable roof which will be operated based on weather conditions and crop requirements from the conditional database using the software.

    Advantages offered

    • Ability to use the benefits of natural weather conditions
    • Long life of the system and material used
    • Easy assembly and installation
    • Maximum insulation and complete protection from insecticides
    • Easy maintenance & even easier repair work during operation

    Why need such polyhouse?

    • With rapidly rising temperatures due to mounting greenhouse gases in the atmosphere from human activities, crops are increasingly facing both threats — extreme heat and pest attacks — simultaneously.
    • Crop losses in India due to insect pests are about 15 percent at present and this loss may increase as climate change lowers the plant defense system against insects and pests.
    • Conventional greenhouses have a stationary roof to reduce the effect of weather anomalies and pests.
    • However, there are still disadvantages due to roof covering which sometimes lead to excessive heat and insufficient light (early morning).
    • Besides this, they are also prone to insufficient levels of carbon dioxide, transpiration, and water stress.
  • Person in news: Abanindranath Tagore

    Year-long celebrations marking 150 years of Abanindranath Tagore have been kicked off in Kolkata.

    Abanindranath Tagore (1871-1951)

    • Tagore CIE was the principal artist and creator of the “Indian Society of Oriental Art”.
    • A nephew of Rabindranath Tagore and a decade younger to the poet, he helped shape modern Indian art and was the creator of the iconic ‘Bharat Mata’ painting.
    • He was also the first major exponent of Swadeshi values in Indian art, thereby finding the influential Bengal school of art, which led to the development of modern Indian painting.
    • He was also a noted writer, particularly for children.
    • Tagore sought to modernize Mughal, Rajput styles to counter the influence of Western models of art, as taught in art schools under the British Raj.
    • Along with other artists from the Bengal school of art, Tagore advocated in favor of a nationalistic Indian art derived from Indian art history, drawing inspiration from the Ajanta Caves.

    Q. Which among the following event happened earliest? (CSP 2018)

    (a) Swami Dayanand established Arya Samaj.

    (b) Dinabandhu Mitra wrote Neeldarpan.

    (c) Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay wrote Anandmath.

    (d) Satyendranath Tagore became the first India to succeed in the Indian Civil Services Examination.

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”g8kqy5pabf” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Answer this PYQ in the comment box:[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

  • [pib] SATYAM Programme

    The Ministry of Science & Technology (MoST) is implementing the Science and Technology of Yoga and Meditation (SATYAM) Programme to explore the effect of yoga and meditation as add on therapy to fight COVID-19.

    SATYAM Programme

    • The MoST is implementing SATYAM Programme since the year 2015-16 to promote scientific research in the field of yoga and meditation in order to understand its role in human wellbeing.
    • Its main objective is encouraging scientists, clinicians and experienced practitioners of yoga and meditation, with a proven track record, to submit concept notes.

    Themes covered:

    • Investigations on the effect of Yoga and Meditation on physical and mental health and well being.
    • Investigations on the effect of Yoga and Meditation on the body, brain, and mind in terms of basic processes and mechanisms.

    Focus on COVID

    It shall focus on three dimensions of COVID related illness:

    • Mental Stress
    • Respiratory
    • Immune system
  • Resolving the Assam-Mizoram issue

    Context

    The violent stand-off between the Assam and Mizoram armed policemen at Vairengte in Mizoram, on July 26, took six lives and left over 50 injured is the culmination of a long-standing border dispute.

    History of the boundary issue

    • The ‘inner line’ boundary of the Lushai hills was ‘fixed’ in 1875 on the southern border of Assam’s Cachar district.
    • In line with the colonial practice of ‘fixing’ borders, this boundary was however not ‘precise’ as it was drawn largely using natural markers such as rivers and hills.
    • In post-independent India, the Mizoram government has accepted this boundary in preference over the subsequent revisions made by the colonial government.
    • There was a change in boundary when the Inner Line Permit under the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation, 1873 was extended to the Lushai hills district in 1930 and 1933.
    • The Mizoram government perceives that the boundary instituted by these revisions amounted to unilateral superimposition.
    • These revisions are also seen to conspicuously fail to recognise the Mizo’s long-standing historical rights to use the un-demarcated southern border of Cachar as their hunting ground, for jhum cultivation, and as sites of their resource extraction including rubber and timber.
    • However, considering that borders cannot be driven by perception but by institutionalised rules and laws, Assam’s government continues to refuse to accept Mizoram’s standpoint.
    • The Assam government considers Mizo plantation and settlements in the Inner Line Reserve Forest areas as an ‘encroachment’.

    People-centric Vs. State-centric approach in dispute

    • At the heart of this dispute is the contending approaches of the Assam and Mizoram governments to ‘borders’, namely ‘state-centric and ‘people-centric approaches.
    • The Assam government represent a continuum of the colonial ‘state-centric’ approach to borders which gives premium to legal, juridical and administrative recognition and protection of the border.
    • The Mizoram government advocate a ‘people-centric approach seeks to give a premium to the historical and traditional rights of the local indigenous people.
    • The Mizoram government also advocate the principle of uti possidetis juris (‘as you possess under law’, including customary law) on the other hand.

    Way forward

    • Historical context: Fixing the Assam-Mizoram border and resolve the dispute need to be sensitive to the historical context.
    • Deep historical knowledge, sensitivity and an accommodative spirit need to inform dialogue and negotiation under the neutral supervision of the Centre.
    • Inter-governmental forum: It is about time that the Centre sets up a permanent inter-governmental forum to involve important stakeholders in order to effectively manage border and territorial conflicts.
    • Quick-fix solution should be avoided: Any quick-fix solution driven by temporal electoral considerations should be avoided if we were to resuscitate and sustain interdependent Assam-Mizoram borders and beyond.

    Conclusion

    The resolution should be sensitive to the possibility of fluid and overlapping sovereignty, where forest ‘commons’ are seen not simply as sites of revenue-extraction but as powerful symbols of identity and sustainable livelihood resources for the local people.

  • State of food insecurity

    Context

    The latest edition of the State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World (SOFI) report, released jointly by five UN organisations in July, reveals that the pandemic and failure on the part of state to combat its effects, has led to a significant increase in the prevalence of hunger and food insecurity in the country.

    About the report

    • Estimates on food insecurity presented in the SOFI report are based on two globally-accepted indicators of food insecurity:
    • 1) The Prevalence of Undernourishment (PoU), which estimates the proportion of people suffering from chronic deficiency of calories.
    • 2) A more recently developed an experience-based indicator called the Prevalence of Moderate and Severe Food Insecurity (PMSFI).
    • The PoU estimates are based on estimates of per-capita supply of food and distributional parameters estimated using the national consumption surveys
    • On the other hand, PMSFI estimates are based on data collected through surveys that attempt to capture people’s experiences of food insecurity (such as eating less, modifying diet to eat cheaper food etc).
    • No assessment of food insecurity during a pandemic: The PMSFI estimates presented in the report are particularly important because, since the outbreak of the pandemic, the Indian government has not undertaken any official assessment of food insecurity in the country.
    • Not only has the government not conducted its own consumption or food security surveys, it does not approve the publication of results based on the Gallup World Poll.
    • As a result, estimates for India are not published in the SOFI reports.
    • However, these can still be obtained indirectly because the data are presented for South Asia and for “South Asia (excluding India)”.
    • Estimates for India can be obtained by comparing the two sets of data.

    What the report says

    • According to the data presented in the report, the prevalence of moderate to severe food insecurity in India rose by about 6.8 percentage points in 2018-20.
    • Data show that there were about 43 crore of moderate to severe food-insecure people in India in 2019.
    • As a result of the pandemic-related disruptions, this increased to 52 crore in one year.
    • In terms of prevalence rates, moderate to severe food insecurity increased from about 31.6 per cent in 2019 to 38.4 per cent in 2021.

    Causes of food insecurity in India

    • Economic distress: The problems of hunger and food insecurity are grave in India because of widespread economic distress, high unemployment and high levels of inequality.
    • Dependence on informal economy: A large proportion of the poor is dependent on the informal economy in which incomes are too low and uncertain.
    • Unemployment: Unemployment rates have risen sharply over the last few years, shrinking public investment and the economic slowdown have compounded the distress among working classes and the peasantry.
    • With low and uncertain incomes, families dependent on the informal economy do not have assured access to adequate and nutritious food.

    Way forward

    • Monitoring system: There is an urgent need for the government to establish systems for regular monitoring of the food security situation in the country.
    • Universal access to food: It is ironic that the country with the largest stock of grain in the world — 120 million tonnes as of July 1, 2021 — accounts for a quarter of the world’s food-insecure population.
    • Universalising access to the public distribution system is the need of the hour at least during the pandemic.

    Conclusion

    The increasing severity of food insecurity in India points to the urgent need for measures by the government to ensure the right to food of citizens of India.

  • What changed for Indian industry after 1991 economic reforms?

    Context

    It has been 30 years since the spirit of liberalisation was unleashed in 1991 economic reforms. The private sector, which had been seen very differently up to 1990, was placed at the centre of the reform process. And this has continued and grown since then.

    Challenges and opportunities for Indian industry after economic reforms

    1) Entry of MNCs and centrality to consumers

    • The first challenge was the entry of MNCs through the joint venture (JV) route.
    • Centrality to consumers: The reforms gave centrality to the consumer who till 1991 did not have a choice.
    • The Indian consumer was given choices and companies, both foreign and Indian, wanted to be their first choice.
    • Growth in demand: The surge of new demand from the marketplace transformed the scenario, reflected in GDP growth rapidly moving up to 7 per cent per annum.

    2) Increased competition

    • For the first time, Indian companies faced real competition from other Indian as well as foreign companies.
    • But, many corporates restructured themselves and transformed into competitive forces.
    • The new reality of reduced customs duties and industrial licensing disappearing, removed the protection umbrella and Indian companies, by and large, who had been planning for this day, were ready to face this challenge.

    3) Government-industry partnership

    • Till June 1991, the government and industry were at a distance from each other.
    • June 1991 changed all of that, the government’s dialogue with industry deepened, consultations were frequent.
    • Feedback on what was happening on the ground was taken regularly.
    • A government-industry partnership became a reality.

    4) Boost to aspiration of industries

    • The most significant change brought about by the reforms pertained to the level of “aspirations” of the industry.
    • There was excitement and ambition to be world-class.
    • Rise of IT industry: In this, the IT industry led by TCS, Infosys and Wipro played a major role.
    • They showed that Indian engineers and managers were the best in the world.
    • They exuded confidence which spread to others.

    5) Boost to entrepreneurship

    • Not just the big industry, but also, the small and medium sectors that became part of the new energy in industry.
    • Component manufacturing and exports were new initiatives from ancillaries and suppliers of major manufacturers.

    6) Infrastructure

    • The public sector had a monopoly over infrastructure.
    • This changed and the private sector was invited to participate, to get into public-private partnerships and end the government’s monopoly.

    7) Birth of new private sector bank

    • Banking had been nationalised in 1969.
    • But the reforms of 1991 gave birth to a new private sector bank — HDFC Bank — which, after due diligence by the government and the Reserve Bank of India, opened its doors in 1994.
    • This was a huge step forward in the reform process.

    8) Improvement in corporate governance

    • An industry-led initiative brought out the first-ever task force guidelines and report on corporate governance.
    • This was followed by many other actions and policies.

    Conclusion

    There is still a long way to go, but the die that was cast in 1991 has led to a new tsunami of change.