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  • Minister seeks fundamental shift in fight against drought

    Minister seeks fundamental shift in fight against drought

    Why in the News

    The Union Environment Minister has called for a fundamental shift in the global approach to droughts, from reactive relief to proactive, technology-enabled resilience. He made the appeal at the Ministerial Dialogue on Accelerating Drought Resilience during the 17th Conference of Parties (COP17) of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), held in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia.

    What did the Minister’s statement propose?

    1. Drought is reframed as a development challenge: The Minister said drought is no longer an occasional event but a defining development challenge, citing its compounding disruptions to global water security, agricultural food systems, biodiversity, and economic stability.
    2. India’s own model was presented as a template: He highlighted India’s coordinated, multi-institutional approach integrating early warning, mitigation, relief and community resilience, where rainfall monitoring and satellite-based drought assessments trigger preparedness at the inter-ministerial and State levels.
    3. Land restoration was linked directly to water security: He called for restoring the forest before restoring the flow, underscoring India’s focus on catchment and riverscape forestry to reduce erosion, improve water retention, and recharge groundwater.
    4. The Minister called for a shift from relief to prediction: He advocated integrating predictive technologies, localised early-warning monitoring, and proactive land management policies, so vulnerable communities can anticipate and absorb environmental shocks rather than depending primarily on post-disaster relief.

    Back2Basics

    1. United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD): Adopted in 1994 following the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, it is one of the three Rio Conventions, alongside the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD).
    2. It is the sole legally binding international agreement linking environment and development to sustainable land management. COP17, held in Mongolia under the theme “Restoring Land. Restoring Hope,” is its 17th Conference of Parties.

    Conclusion

    The Minister’s intervention at COP17 sets out India’s preparedness-first model as its negotiating position within the UNCCD process, positioning predictive, land-restoration-based resilience as the alternative to a relief-centred global response to drought.

    “[2014, GS3, 12 marks] Drought has been recognised as a disaster in view of its party expense, temporal duration, slow onset and lasting effect on various vulnerable sections. With a focus on the September 2010 guidelines from the National disaster management authority, discuss the mechanism for preparedness to deal with the El Nino and La Nina fallouts in India.”

  • ‘Killer robots’ are closer than ever, warn UN, ICRC

    ‘Killer robots’ are closer than ever, warn UN, ICRC

    Why in the News

    The United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) have jointly warned that the world is dangerously close to the autonomous targeting of humans by machines, renewing an urgent appeal for international regulation of lethal autonomous weapon systems. The statement renews a 2023 call by the UN Secretary General and the ICRC president for specific bans and restrictions on the technology by this year.

    Note: Lethal autonomous weapon systems are weapon systems that select targets and apply force without human intervention.

    What is the concern, and how has it changed since 2023?

    1. The warning has hardened, not softened: The two bodies stated their fundamental concerns remain unchanged from 2023 but that the underlying risks have intensified since then.
    2. The alarm includes the technology’s own developers: The statement highlights that scientists and engineers involved in developing these weapon systems have themselves raised concerns about the direction the technology is taking.
    3. No confirmed use yet, but the trajectory is the concern: Experts state there has been no confirmed use of fully autonomous weapons to directly target humans so far, and the warning is precautionary rather than a report of an actual deployment.

    International Regulation

    1. United Nations: The UN has repeatedly called for international rules governing autonomous weapons.
    2. Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW): Discussions on LAWS have taken place under the CCW framework.
    3. UN Secretary General and ICRC: Both have advocated prohibiting weapons that operate without meaningful human control and imposing strict restrictions on other autonomous weapons.
    4. International Humanitarian Law (IHL): Existing principles such as distinction, proportionality and precaution remain central to assessing autonomous weapons.

    India’s Position

    1. India has participated in international discussions on Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems under the CCW.
    2. India has generally emphasised the importance of human control, international law and responsible development of emerging military technologies.
    3. For India, the issue is particularly relevant as AI, drones, robotics and autonomous systems become increasingly important in modern warfare.

    “[2025, GS2, 15 marks] “The reform process in the United Nations remains unresolved, because of the delicate imbalance of East and West and entanglement of the USA vs. Russo-Chinese alliance.” Examine and critically evaluate the East-West policy confrontations in this regard.”

    [2025] Consider the following statements regarding Al Action Summit held in Grand Palais, Paris in February 2025:
    I. Co-chaired with India, the event builds on the advances made at the Bletchley Park Summit held in 2023 and the Seoul Summit held in 2024.
    II. Along with other countries, US and UK also signed the declaration on inclusive and sustainable AI.
    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    [A] I only

    [B] II only

    [C] Both I and II

    [D] Neither I nor II

  • Our Central Asia strategy needs less romance, more realism

    Our Central Asia strategy needs less romance, more realism

    Why in the News

    Prime Minister Modi visits Uzbekistan and the SCO summit in Kyrgyzstan this week, entering a Central Asia that bears little resemblance to the region he toured in 2015. Central Asia has gained independent geopolitical agency and diversified its great-power relationships, exposing the gap between India’s ambition for strategic reconnection and its actual capacity for access and investment.

    How has Central Asia’s regional coherence altered its position between competing powers?

    • Central Asian Five consolidation: Since 2018 the five states have met regularly at summit level and signed a friendship treaty, moving toward organisational substance as a Central Asian community.
    • C-6 expansion: The Central Asian Five invited Azerbaijan to form the C-6, linking the region more closely to the Caucasus and Türkiye.
    • Fergana Valley settlement: Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan settled long-running border disputes in the Fergana Valley, removing a structural source of intra-regional friction.
    • Intra-regional trade growth: Rising intra-regional trade has reinforced political cooperation, converting Central Asia into a region in its own right rather than the sum of five post-Soviet republics.

    What do recent institutional realignments show about Central Asia’s shift toward the Greater Middle East and the West?

    • Kazakhstan–Abraham Accords: Kazakhstan announced accession to the Abraham Accords at the Washington summit with the US in November 2025.
    • Board of Peace charter: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan signed the charter of Trump’s Board of Peace at Davos in January 2026.
    • Organisation of Turkic States: Türkiye converted the OTS from a cultural forum into an instrument for political, economic and defence cooperation across Central Asia.
    • US bureau reorganisation: Washington restructured the State Department in 2006 to group Central Asia with Afghanistan and the Subcontinent, an earlier connectivity bet that Afghan instability defeated.

    What geographic constraints continue to block India’s direct access to Central Asia?

    • Land route blockage: Pakistan blocks India’s overland route, and Afghan instability rules out an alternate land corridor.
    • Chabahar disruption: The Iran–US conflict has complicated Chabahar and the International North-South Transport Corridor, leaving India’s one built connectivity node idle.
    • Emerging unaddressed issues: Central Asian states have moved toward pragmatic engagement with the Taliban, but new problems like Amu Darya water-sharing are arising in areas where India has no established role.

    Why can India not replicate other external powers’ approaches in Central Asia?

    • Diplomatic precondition unmet: Delhi has not resolved whether to extend diplomatic flexibility toward Pakistan, Türkiye and Azerbaijan, flexibility that would expand its room for manoeuvre.
    • Capability gap: India cannot match China’s infrastructure spending, Russia’s geographic advantages, Europe’s financial resources, or Türkiye’s Caspian access.
    • Multi-vector environment: Central Asian states engage all major powers and commit exclusively to none, closing off the option of an exclusive partnership regardless of capability.

    Conclusion

    India’s Central Asia policy should replace romantic historical framing with a realistic assessment of its access constraints and capabilities, and build engagement incrementally from that assessment rather than from renewed aspiration.

    Back2Basics

    1. Central Asian Republics (CARs): The five states that emerged from the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, sharing historic trade and cultural links with India through the Silk Route.

    “[2024, GS2, 10 marks] Critically analyse India’s evolving diplomatic, economic and strategic relations with the Central Asian Republics (CARs) highlighting their increasing significance in regional and global geopolitics.”

  • Congress urges PM to scrap caste census questionnaire

    Congress urges PM to scrap caste census questionnaire

    Why in the News

    The Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha have written to the Prime Minister demanding that the questionnaire prepared for the caste census be scrapped. They have asked that a new questionnaire be prepared to ensure accurate enumeration of castes.

    What is being contested about the questionnaire’s design?

    1. The objection targets an open-ended format: The two leaders object to an open-ended format proposed for recording caste details, arguing it could allow the same caste to be recorded under different names, sub-castes, and linguistic variants, undermining accurate counts.
    2. They demand consultation before the survey form is finalised: The letter asks the government to formulate a new survey form only after consulting political parties, experts, and the public, rather than proceeding with the existing draft.
    3. The stated purpose is enumeration accuracy, not the census itself: The objection is to the questionnaire’s design, not to the decision to conduct a caste census, and the leaders frame the current format as an obstacle to the caste enumeration’s own stated purpose of social justice.

    Constitutional & Legal Angle

    • Article 15: Prohibits discrimination on grounds including caste and enables special provisions for socially and educationally backward classes.
    • Article 16(4): Enables reservation in public employment for backward classes that are not adequately represented.
    • Article 46: Directs the State to promote the educational and economic interests of weaker sections, particularly SCs and STs.
    • Article 340: Provides for a Commission to investigate the conditions of socially and educationally backward classes.
    • Article 17: Abolishes untouchability, making caste-related discrimination a key constitutional concern.
    • Privacy dimension: Caste is sensitive personal information, so enumeration also requires safeguards against misuse and unauthorised disclosure. UPSC has repeatedly tested the Right to Privacy under Article 21.

    Why Accurate Caste Data Matters

    • Reliable data → identify deprivation → better targeting of welfare → evidence-based reservation policy → social justice
    • Poor classification can lead to:
      • Under-counting of communities
      • Over-counting due to duplicate names
      • Difficulty comparing data across regions and time
      • Distorted assessment of representation and deprivation

    “[2009] Which one among the following South Asian countries has the highest population density ?

    (a) India

    (b) Nepal

    (c) Pakistan

    (d) Sri Lanka

  • NITI Aayog: Degrees like BA, B.Sc, B.Com have ‘weak job linkages’, need reforms

    Why in the News

    NITI Aayog has flagged that unemployment among graduates remains far higher than the national average, and that over-reliance on generic degrees such as BA, B.Sc and B.Com is contributing to the problem. The finding comes amid a renewed push to redesign India’s skilling architecture toward specialised, job-linked programmes.

    What does NITI Aayog’s assessment find?

    1. Most graduates work outside their field of study: Over 90% of India’s graduates are employed in roles not aligned with their qualifications.
    2. The disconnect is curriculum level: NITI Aayog states that curriculum in most institutions remains outdated and misaligned with evolving industry needs, producing degrees and diplomas with weak job linkages.
    3. The proposed direction is sector specific: The think tank makes the case for moving toward specialised, job-linked programmes in high-growth sectors such as green industries and electric vehicles, with greater emphasis on apprenticeships.

    Conclusion

    NITI Aayog’s assessment reframes graduate unemployment as a curriculum design problem rather than only a labour demand problem, and its recommendation is a shift from generic degrees toward sector-specific, apprenticeship-linked training in high-growth industries.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    "[2015, GS3, 12 marks] The nature of economic growth in India in recent times is often described as a jobless growth. Do you agree with this view? Give arguments in favour of your answer."

  • India’s youth crisis is about the absence of jobs, not just examination reform

    Why in the News

    The Hindu’s editorial argues that India’s youth unemployment problem is a jobs crisis, not merely an examination reform problem. The youth agitation that forced the resignation of the then Union Education Minister produced a government commitment to examination reform, including free online coaching for competitive examinations using India’s Digital Public Infrastructure. The editorial contends that cheaper coaching addresses only the preparation stage of the crisis, while the deeper problem is the absence of jobs at the end of that preparation.

    What does the data show about the scale of the crisis?

    1. Coaching costs have risen, not fallen: Private coaching now costs 16% of what an average Indian family spends on a child’s education, up from 12.5% in 2018. Nearly a quarter of that spending occurs during the higher secondary years, when students prepare for competitive examinations.
    2. Seat scarcity dwarfs coaching costs: Over 22 lakh candidates appeared for this year’s medical entrance examination for about 1.4 lakh undergraduate seats, with fewer than 10,000 of those seats at the top 50 colleges. The Joint Entrance Examination for engineering colleges shows a similar pattern.
    3. Undergraduate enrolment has fallen for the first time: For the first time since the All India Survey on Higher Education began in 2011, undergraduate enrolment fell by 93,322 in 2023-24, sharpest among young men.
    4. The fall is regionally concentrated: Uttar Pradesh recorded the steepest decline, with undergraduate enrolment down 1.53 lakh even as diploma enrolment rose 1.38 lakh, suggesting students are substituting away from degrees that do not lead to jobs.
    5. Formal, secure jobs remain rare among graduates: Periodic Labour Force Survey unit level data shows that of every 100 graduates aged 15 to 29 in 2025, only 26 held regular salaried employment, and only four held a salaried job with both a contract and social security.

    Why has growth not translated into jobs?

    1. Manufacturing has not absorbed graduates: Manufacturing, the sector best placed to absorb India’s college graduates, remains at around a sixth of gross value added, well short of the quarter of the economy the government has long promised.
    2. Private investment has retreated: Corporate investment fell from 17.3% of GDP in 2007-08 to 10.3% in 2024-25, unmoved by the cut in the corporate tax rate from 30% to 22% in 2019.
    3. Regulatory enforcement has turned selective: The editorial states that a regulatory and enforcement zeal that selectively targets enterprises has disproportionately affected medium sized companies, the segment best placed to generate jobs.

    Conclusion

    The youth employment crisis has two distinct ends: preparation for jobs, and the jobs themselves. Free coaching addresses only the first. The editorial’s position is that public investment in industrial capacity, export-disciplined industrial support, and a less selective regulatory posture toward medium sized enterprises would do more for youth employment than examination reform alone, citing Vietnam as a comparator that has used this route.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    "[2023, GS3, 15 marks] Most of the unemployment in India is structural in nature. Examine the methodology adopted to compute unemployment in the country and suggest improvements."

  • Excavation at Vaishya Tekri, Ujjain, sheds light on Ashoka’s Mauryan-era rule

    Excavation at Vaishya Tekri, Ujjain, sheds light on Ashoka’s Mauryan-era rule

    Why in the News

    An ongoing excavation at the Vaishya Tekri mound in Ujjain has uncovered a Buddhist stupa dated to the Mauryan period, adding physical evidence to the tradition that Ashoka served as Mauryan viceroy over Ujjain and the surrounding Avanti province before he became emperor. Ujjain’s connection to Ashoka has so far rested mainly on textual and traditional accounts, including his association with the city of Vidisha and with Devi, traditionally described as his consort during his time there. A dated stupa at Vaishya Tekri gives that tradition an archaeological anchor it did not previously have at this specific site.

    What has the excavation at Vaishya Tekri found?

    1. A Buddhist stupa dated to the Mauryan period: Excavators have uncovered the remains of a stupa, a dome-shaped Buddhist commemorative structure typically built to enshrine relics, at the Vaishya Tekri mound, with the structure’s dating placed within the Mauryan period.
    2. Located at a mound with a known but under-explored history: Vaishya Tekri has long been recognised as an archaeologically significant mound in Ujjain, but the current excavation is what has produced the specific Mauryan-period stupa evidence.
    3. Physical evidence for a previously text-based tradition: The tradition that Ashoka governed Avanti province from Ujjain as a Mauryan prince before becoming emperor has rested on textual and inscriptional sources; a dated Mauryan-period Buddhist structure at Ujjain itself gives that tradition a corresponding physical find.

    How does this connect to Ashoka’s association with Ujjain, Vidisha, and Devi?

    1. Ujjain as Ashoka’s provincial capital under his father: Textual tradition holds that Ashoka was appointed viceroy of Avanti province, governing from Ujjain, during the reign of his father, Bindusara, before Ashoka’s own accession as emperor.
    2. Vidisha’s connection through Devi: Tradition associates Ashoka with Devi, described as his consort during his time in the region, whom he is said to have met at or near Vidisha, a city close to Ujjain within the same Avanti province.
    3. Stupa construction consistent with early Buddhist patronage in the region: A Mauryan-period Buddhist stupa at Ujjain is consistent with the broader pattern of early Buddhist architectural patronage across the Avanti region during and after Ashoka’s association with it, including the well-documented stupas at nearby Sanchi.

    Back2Basics: Vaishya Tekri, Ujjain

    1. An archaeological mound in Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, long identified as a site of historical significance within the ancient city associated with the Avanti Mahajanapada, one of the sixteen great kingdoms of ancient India.
    2. Ujjain’s ancient layers have previously yielded evidence of settlement dating from well before the Mauryan period, making it one of the longer continuously significant urban sites in central India.
    3. Its Mauryan-period association rests on textual tradition identifying it as the seat of Ashoka’s viceroyalty over Avanti province prior to his accession as emperor.
    4. Sits within the same historical region as Vidisha and Sanchi, both major centres of early Buddhist architectural activity.

    “[2022] Consider the following pairs :
    Site of Ashoka’s major rock edicts Location in the State of
    1. Dhauli — Odisha
    2. Erragudi — Andhra Pradesh
    3. Jaugada — Madhya Pradesh
    4. Kalsi — Karnataka
    How many pairs given above are correctly matched ?
    (a) Only one pair
    (b) Only two pairs
    (c) Only: three pairs
    (d) All four pairs

  • Why Indian cities flood after heavy rain and overheat in summer

    Why in the News

    A 2025 amendment to Section 41A of the Disaster Management Act, 2005 has created Urban Disaster Management Authorities, a governance response to the recurring pattern of Indian cities flooding after heavy rain and overheating in summer. World Bank cost estimates on urban flood damage and a NITI Aayog assessment of the gap between master-plan provisions and their actual implementation frame the same underlying problem: cities are being planned for climate conditions they no longer experience, and the governance structures meant to close that gap have themselves lagged.

    Why do Indian cities flood after heavy rainfall?

    1. Unplanned urbanisation over natural drainage channels: Rapid, often unauthorised urban expansion has built over natural drainage channels, lakes, and wetlands that previously absorbed and carried away excess rainwater, removing the city’s own natural flood buffer.
    2. Storm-water drainage systems designed for outdated rainfall intensity: Much of urban India’s storm-water drainage infrastructure was designed decades ago for rainfall intensities lower than what cities now experience during concentrated, high-intensity rain events.
    3. Impervious surface cover reduces natural absorption: The replacement of open, permeable ground with concrete and asphalt across expanding cities means a much larger share of rainfall runs off immediately rather than being absorbed into the soil, overwhelming drainage systems built for lower runoff volumes.
    4. Fragmented civic responsibility for drainage maintenance: Responsibility for different components of urban drainage, roads, sewers, and stormwater channels, is often split across separate municipal, water-board, and public-works departments, leaving no single body accountable for the full drainage system’s maintenance.

    Why do the same cities overheat in summer?

    1. Loss of urban green cover and water bodies: The same unplanned urbanisation that removes natural drainage also removes the tree cover and water bodies that moderate local temperature, contributing to the urban heat island effect, the pattern by which built-up urban areas run measurably hotter than surrounding rural areas due to concrete and asphalt absorbing and re-radiating heat.
    2. Building density without ventilation planning: Dense, closely packed construction without adequate spacing or ventilation corridors traps heat at street level and limits the natural air movement that would otherwise help dissipate it.
    3. Overheating and flooding share the same root cause: Both problems stem from urban master plans that have not kept pace with the density and climate conditions cities actually face, meaning a plan built around outdated rainfall and temperature assumptions fails on both fronts simultaneously.

    What does the Section 41A amendment change?

    1. Creates dedicated Urban Disaster Management Authorities: The 2025 amendment to Section 41A of the Disaster Management Act, 2005 mandates the creation of Urban Disaster Management Authorities specifically for cities, distinct from the district-level disaster management authorities the original 2005 Act established.
    2. Intended to close the urban-specific governance gap: The amendment responds to the recognition that urban flooding and heat risks require a governance structure focused specifically on city-level infrastructure and planning, rather than being folded into a district authority that also covers rural areas with different risk profiles.
    3. Implementation still depends on State-level rules: Like other provisions of the Disaster Management Act, 2005, the practical functioning of Urban Disaster Management Authorities depends on rules and staffing decisions each State government must still put in place.

    What is the scale of the cost, and the implementation gap?

    1. World Bank cost estimates on urban flood damage: World Bank assessments have placed a substantial recurring economic cost on urban flood damage in India each year, covering infrastructure repair, business disruption, and health impacts, a cost that provides the economic case for investing in the governance and infrastructure fixes the amendment aims at.
    2. NITI Aayog’s master-plan implementation gap: A NITI Aayog assessment has flagged a persistent gap between what city master plans formally provide for, including drainage, green cover, and building density norms, and what is actually implemented on the ground, identifying weak enforcement rather than a lack of planning provisions as the core problem.

    Conclusion

    Urban flooding and summer overheating in Indian cities share a common origin in master plans that have not kept pace with actual urban density and climate conditions, and the 2025 Section 41A amendment creating Urban Disaster Management Authorities is a governance response to that gap. Whether the new authorities close the NITI Aayog-flagged implementation gap will depend on the staffing and enforcement powers States actually give them, not on the amendment’s existence alone.

    Back2Basics: Urban heat island effect

    1. The pattern by which densely built urban areas record measurably higher temperatures than their surrounding rural or less-developed areas, caused primarily by concrete and asphalt surfaces absorbing and re-radiating heat.
    2. Intensified by the loss of urban tree cover, water bodies, and open green space that would otherwise moderate local temperature.
    3. Compounds public health risk during heatwaves, since urban residents, especially in dense, low-income settlements with limited cooling access, face higher effective temperatures than official city-wide readings suggest.
    4. Addressed in India through urban greening and cool-roof initiatives under various city climate action plans, alongside the disaster-management governance changes covered above.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2024, GS3, 15 marks] Flooding in urban areas is an emerging climate-induced disaster. Discuss the causes of this disaster. Mention the features of two such major floods in the last two decades in India. Describe the policies and frameworks in India that aim at tackling such floods.”

  • Counting out the disabled citizens

    Why in the News

    Census 2027’s questionnaire carries a single disability question, Question 13, which enumerates only nine categories of disability, against the 21 conditions formally recognised as disabilities under the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016. A count built on nine categories cannot register a person whose recognised condition falls outside those nine, which means the Census undercounts India’s disabled population by construction, not merely by survey error, and the Unique Disability ID (UDID) database that might otherwise cross-check the Census figure carries its own coverage gaps.

    What does the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 recognise, and what does the Census actually ask?

    1. 21 recognised conditions under the 2016 Act: The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 (the law replacing the earlier 1995 Persons with Disabilities Act, expanding recognised disabilities from 7 to 21 categories, and mandating reservation, accessibility, and non-discrimination duties on the State) legally recognises 21 distinct categories of disability, including several, such as specific learning disabilities, acid attack survivors, and multiple sclerosis, that were not recognised under India’s earlier disability law.
    2. Census 2027’s Question 13 covers only nine categories: The Census questionnaire’s single disability question condenses the 21 legally recognised categories into just nine, meaning twelve legally recognised disabilities have no corresponding option a respondent can select.
    3. A structural undercount, not a response-rate problem: Because the missing twelve categories are absent from the question itself, a respondent living with one of them cannot be captured correctly regardless of how carefully the Census is conducted, making this a design gap rather than an implementation gap.

    Why can’t the UDID database fill this gap?

    1. UDID (Unique Disability ID) coverage depends on active registration: The UDID database only includes individuals who have actively applied for and been issued a disability certificate and identity card, so it excludes anyone with a recognised disability who has not gone through that certification process.
    2. Certification access itself is uneven: Access to the medical assessment boards that issue UDID certification varies sharply between urban and rural areas, meaning UDID’s own gaps are likely to be concentrated among the same populations the Census undercount would most affect.
    3. Two flawed instruments cannot cross-check each other reliably: A Census that undercounts by question design and a UDID database that undercounts by registration access cannot be used to validate one another, since neither offers an independent, complete count against which the other’s gap can be measured.

    What follows from an undercounted disabled population?

    1. Reservation and welfare planning rests on the undercount: Government reservation quotas in education and employment for persons with disabilities, and the targeting of disability-specific welfare schemes, are calibrated using population estimates that a structurally undercounting Census feeds into.
    2. Categories left out of Question 13 remain statistically invisible: Persons with conditions such as specific learning disabilities or multiple sclerosis, recognised under the 2016 Act but absent from the Census question, have no official population estimate to anchor policy design specific to their needs.

    Conclusion

    A Census disability question built on nine categories against a legal framework recognising 21 will undercount India’s disabled population in a way no amount of survey diligence can correct, and the UDID database’s own registration-dependent gaps mean there is no reliable instrument left to check the resulting figure against. Expanding Question 13 to match the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016’s full 21 categories before Census 2027 is administered is the specific, correctable step this gap points to.

    Disability rights in India

    1. About: Disability rights in India rest on a rights-based, rather than a purely welfare-based, framework since the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016, which places binding legal duties on the State to ensure accessibility, non-discrimination, and reservation, rather than treating disability support as discretionary welfare.
    2. Rationale: The shift to a rights-based approach followed India’s ratification of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which required domestic law to guarantee enforceable rights rather than optional benefits.
    3. Named typology: The 2016 Act expanded recognised disability from 7 categories under the 1995 law to 21, adding categories such as acid attack survivors, Parkinson’s disease, specific learning disabilities, and multiple sclerosis that the earlier law did not recognise at all.

    Challenges in disability rights implementation

    1. Undercounting in national data systems: As Census 2027’s nine-category question shows, India’s principal demographic data instrument cannot fully register the 21 categories the law itself recognises. Eg. Specific learning disabilities and multiple sclerosis have no dedicated Census option despite legal recognition since 2016. Fix. Redesign Question 13 to map directly onto the 2016 Act’s full 21-category schedule before the Census is finalised.
    2. Accessibility mandates poorly enforced: The 2016 Act places a legal duty on government and public infrastructure to be accessible, but compliance across transport, government buildings, and digital platforms remains inconsistent. Eg. The Sugamya Bharat Abhiyan (Accessible India Campaign) set accessibility targets for government buildings that a large share of audited buildings have still not met. Fix. Tie a share of central grants to State governments to independently verified, building-by-building accessibility audit scores.
    3. Reservation implementation gaps in employment: The Act mandates a minimum reservation in government employment for persons with disabilities, but actual fill rates against the reserved quota lag the mandated share in most government departments. Fix. Mandate an annual, department-wise public disclosure of reservation fill rates for persons with disabilities, modelled on existing Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe reservation reporting.
    4. UDID registration barriers in rural areas: Certification for the Unique Disability ID depends on access to a medical assessment board, which is disproportionately concentrated in urban centres. Eg. A rural resident may need to travel to a district hospital multiple times to complete the certification process. Fix. Conduct periodic camp-based UDID certification drives at the block level rather than requiring travel to a fixed district facility.
    5. Weak data on economic outcomes for persons with disabilities: Beyond the population count itself, India lacks robust, regularly updated data on employment rates, income levels, and educational attainment specifically among persons with disabilities. Fix. Add disability status as a standard disaggregation category in the Periodic Labour Force Survey, alongside the existing gender and social-category breakdowns.

    Back2Basics: Unique Disability ID (UDID)

    1. A national database and identity card system issued to persons with disabilities upon certification by a designated medical assessment board.
    2. Intended to serve as a single, portable proof of disability accepted across government schemes, replacing the need for repeated, State-specific certification.
    3. Coverage depends on individuals actively applying for and completing certification, so it does not capture persons with disabilities who have not gone through that process.
    4. Administered under the Department of Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026] Which of the following statements with regard to the persons with disabilities in India is/are
    correct?
    1. The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, an Act passed by the Parliament of India in
    2018, mandates reservation in education and employment, places a legal duty on
    Governments to ensure accessibility and non-discrimination.
    2. The Sugamya Bharat Abhiyan focuses on achieving universal accessibility for Persons with
    Disabilities across three key domains — built infrastructure, transport systems and
    information and communication technology.
    3. The National Divyangjan Finance and Development Corporation (NDFDC) is a public
    sector organisation set up by the Ministry of Corporate Affairs as a not-for-profit company to
    promote entrepreneurship among Persons with Disabilities (PwDs).
    Select the answer using the code given below:
    (a) 1 and 2
    (b) 2 only
    (c) 1 and 3
    (d) 1 only
    ANSWER: B”

  • Opposition raises concerns over ‘weakening’ of ISRO; Centre hits back

    Why in the News

    Opposition parties in Parliament questioned the government’s push to privatise parts of the space sector, citing recent resignations at the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and asking whether the shift toward private participation is weakening the organisation. The government responded by citing the $44-billion space economy target, the Kulasekarapattinam spaceport under development, and continued investment in the Sriharikota launch facility, arguing that private participation is expanding, not displacing, ISRO’s role.

    What is the Opposition’s specific concern?

    1. Reported resignations at ISRO cited as evidence of institutional strain: Opposition members pointed to recent resignations at ISRO as a sign that the organisation is losing talent, and linked this to the government’s parallel push to open the space sector to private companies.
    2. Question framed as public-versus-private capacity, not merely personnel: The core question raised was whether directing new space-sector opportunities toward private players comes at the cost of ISRO’s own institutional capacity and morale, rather than being framed as a narrow human-resources issue alone.

    How did the government respond?

    1. The $44-billion space economy target as the framing device: The government’s rebuttal centred on India’s targeted space economy size, cited at $44 billion, arguing that reaching this scale requires private capacity in addition to, not instead of, ISRO’s own programmes.
    2. The Kulasekarapattinam spaceport as evidence of expansion: The government cited the Kulasekarapattinam spaceport, under development in Tamil Nadu specifically to support the small-satellite launch vehicles that private and ISRO missions alike are expected to use, as evidence of continuing public investment in launch infrastructure.
    3. Continued investment in Sriharikota: The government also pointed to ongoing investment in the Sriharikota launch facility, ISRO’s principal spaceport, as evidence that ISRO’s core launch infrastructure is being expanded rather than run down.

    What is the structural relationship between ISRO and India’s growing private space sector?

    1. IN-SPACe as the facilitating body for private entry: The Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe), an autonomous body under the Department of Space, was created specifically to authorise and facilitate private-sector participation in space activities that were previously the exclusive domain of ISRO.
    2. NewSpace India Limited as the commercial arm: NewSpace India Limited, the public sector undertaking under the Department of Space, commercialises ISRO-developed technology and manages the transfer of ISRO capabilities to industry.
    3. Private launch capability is still at an early, unproven stage: Private Indian space companies have made progress, including new propulsion technologies, but have not yet demonstrated launch capability at the scale or reliability of ISRO’s own vehicles, meaning private participation currently supplements rather than substitutes for ISRO’s launch role.

    Conclusion

    The exchange reflects a genuine disagreement over sequencing rather than over the direction of India’s space policy: both sides accept that private participation is expanding, and the dispute is over whether that expansion is currently coming at ISRO’s institutional expense. Whether the resignations flagged by the Opposition reflect a broader retention problem, or are within the range any large scientific organisation experiences, will only be clear from data the government has yet to place before Parliament.

    Back2Basics: Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe)

    1. An autonomous, single-window agency under the Department of Space, established to authorise, promote, and regulate private-sector space activities in India.
    2. Created as part of the 2020 space-sector reforms that opened satellite building, launch vehicle development, and space-based services to private Indian companies.
    3. Functions separately from ISRO, which retains its own research, development, and launch mandate, so the two operate as parallel rather than competing structures.
    4. Reviews and clears private-sector proposals for satellite launches, ground infrastructure, and related space activities.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026] Consider the following statements about involvement of private entities in India’s space programme:
    1. IN-SPACe is an autonomous agency formed to facilitate participation of private entities.
    2. Agnikul Cosmos launched the world’s first flight using 3D-printed rocket engine.
    3. Skyroot Aerospace has developed liquid fuel for GSLV.
    (a) 1 only
    (b) 2 and 3 only
    (c) 1 and 2 only
    (d) 1, 2 and 3
    ANSWER: C”

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