💥Mains Ready By December. Smash Mains & Smash PYQ Admissions Open

Search results for: “”

  • INS Mysore arrives at Lumut, Malaysia for Exercise Samudra Laksamana [MENTION]

    PIB class: Press Release. Ministry: Ministry of Defence.

    Why in News

    Indian Naval Ship (INS) Mysore arrived at Lumut, Malaysia for the 4th edition of Exercise Samudra Laksamana.

    Static Context (the exam value sits here)

    1. Exercise Samudra Laksamana is the bilateral naval exercise between India and Malaysia. It builds maritime interoperability between the two navies.
    2. Lumut hosts the main base of the Royal Malaysian Navy. It sits on the west coast of Peninsular Malaysia facing the Strait of Malacca.
    3. INS Mysore is a guided missile destroyer of the Indian Navy. It belongs to the Delhi class of destroyers.
    4. The exercise supports India’s Act East Policy and Indo Pacific outreach. Malaysia is an ASEAN member and a maritime neighbour across the Bay of Bengal.

    Prelims angle

    Pairing exercises with countries. Samudra Laksamana is India and Malaysia. Location cue Lumut and the Strait of Malacca as a chokepoint. Distinguish from other India naval exercises such as Varuna with France and Malabar with the United States, Japan and Australia.

    Mains angle

    GS3, security, and GS2, India and its neighbourhood. Naval diplomacy and maritime security cooperation in the Indo Pacific.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “No direct PYQ on this bilateral exercise was traced in the provided files. Closest tracked Microtheme is Defence and India’s maritime security cooperation.”

  • Fueling the Blue Economy [PIB Backgrounder]

    PIB class: PIB Backgrounder. Unit: PIB feature unit.

    Why in News

    PIB published a thematic Backgrounder titled Fueling the Blue Economy.

    Core facts (static, definitional)

    1. The Blue Economy is the sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth, livelihoods and jobs, while preserving ocean ecosystem health. It covers fisheries, shipping, ports, coastal tourism, marine minerals and marine renewable energy.
    2. Governing frame: India’s draft Blue Economy policy treats the ocean as the sixth dimension of national growth alongside land based sectors.
    3. Release specific figures: Not verifiable this run and therefore omitted.

    Static Context

    1. The Deep Ocean Mission is India’s flagship ocean programme. It funds deep sea exploration, a manned submersible named Samudrayaan, and survey of sea bed minerals and biodiversity. The nodal body is the Ministry of Earth Sciences.
    2. The Sagarmala Programme drives port led growth. It links port modernisation, coastal shipping and inland waterways under the Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways.
    3. The Pradhan Mantri Matsya Sampada Yojana supports fisheries. It targets higher fish production, aquaculture and fisher incomes.
    4. India holds a large maritime footprint. It has a coastline of about 11,000 kilometres and an Exclusive Economic Zone of about 2 million square kilometres, which anchors the Blue Economy potential.

    Prelims angle

    The definition of the Blue Economy. Deep Ocean Mission and Samudrayaan under the Ministry of Earth Sciences. Sagarmala under the shipping ministry. The Exclusive Economic Zone extending to 200 nautical miles under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Blue carbon ecosystems such as mangroves and seagrass.

    Mains angle

    GS3, conservation and economy, and GS1 geography, ocean resources. Balancing marine resource extraction with ocean ecosystem health, and the Blue Economy as a driver of coastal livelihoods.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026] Consider the following statements with reference to the Sagarmala Programme of the Government of India: I. The Sagarmala Programme seeks to achieve port-led economic growth through cost-effective and sustainable coastal infrastructure. II. The success of the Sagarmala Programme is reflected in significant growth in coastal and inland waterway shipping, along with improved global port rankings. III. Sagarmala 2.0 aims to position India as a global maritime innovation hub aligned with Atmanirbhar Bharat and Viksit Bharat 2047 visions. Which of the following relationships among the above statements is/are correct? 1. Statement II validates the effectiveness of the strategies envisioned in Statement I. 2. Statement III extends the objectives of Statement I by embedding them into a future-oriented innovation framework. 3. Statement I contradicts Statement III by focusing only on traditional infrastructure instead of modern innovation. Select the answer using the code given below: (a) 1 only (b) 1 and 2 (c) 2 and 3 (d) 3 only. Answer: (b)”

    “[2014, GS1, 10 marks] Critically evaluate the various resources of the oceans which can be harnessed to meet the resource crisis in the world.”

  • 9th ASEAN India Ministerial Meeting reaffirms commitment to food security and resilient value chains [Dossier]

    PIB class: Press Release. Ministry: Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare.

    Why in News

    The 9th ASEAN India Ministerial Meeting on agriculture reaffirmed commitment to food security, sustainable agriculture and resilient value chains.

    Core facts

    1. The forum: ASEAN is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, a ten member regional grouping. India is a dialogue partner and a strategic partner of ASEAN.
    2. Stated themes: Food security, sustainable agriculture and resilient agricultural value chains formed the agenda of the ministerial meeting.
    3. Figures and specific deliverables: Not verifiable this run and therefore omitted.

    Static Context

    1. ASEAN was established in 1967 through the Bangkok Declaration. Its members are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
    2. India ASEAN relations run through a structured framework. India joined as a sectoral dialogue partner in 1992 and a full dialogue partner in 1996. The relationship became a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2022.
    3. The ASEAN India Trade in Goods Agreement is under review. Agriculture cooperation runs through a rolling plan of action agreed by the two sides.
    4. Food security cooperation links to India’s Act East Policy. It ties agriculture trade to India’s wider Indo Pacific engagement.

    Prelims angle

    ASEAN founding year 1967 and the Bangkok Declaration. The ten members. India’s status as a Comprehensive Strategic Partner since 2022. India ASEAN connectivity projects such as the Kaladan Multi Modal Transit Transport Project and the India Myanmar Thailand Trilateral Highway.

    Mains angle

    GS2, regional groupings affecting India’s interests. Agriculture and food security cooperation as a pillar of the Act East Policy and of India’s Indo Pacific strategy.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026] Which of the following connectivity projects is/are a part of cooperation between India and the ASEAN member countries? 1. Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project 2. IMT Trilateral Highway 3. Agartala-Akhaura Rail Line (a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3 (c) 1 and 3 (d) 2 only. Answer: (a)”

  • BRICS [PIB Backgrounder]

    PIB class: PIB Backgrounder. Unit: PIB feature unit.

    Why in News

    PIB published a thematic Backgrounder on BRICS, the intergovernmental grouping.

    Core facts (static, definitional)

    1. BRICS is an intergovernmental grouping. The founding members are Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.
    2. Origin: The term BRIC began as an economic grouping in 2006. South Africa joined in 2010, making it BRICS.
    3. Expansion: The grouping admitted new members from January 2024. Indonesia became a full member in January 2025 and is the first Southeast Asian state in the bloc.
    4. Institutions: The New Development Bank (NDB) finances infrastructure and sustainable development projects. The Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is a currency swap framework for balance of payments support.

    Static Context

    1. The New Development Bank (NDB) was established in 2015 and is headquartered in Shanghai. Founding members subscribed equal capital, so no single member dominates its voting.
    2. The Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is a treaty based safety net. It lets members access foreign currency during short term liquidity pressure.
    3. BRICS positions itself as a voice of the Global South. It presses for reform of the United Nations Security Council and of the Bretton Woods institutions.
    4. The 16th BRICS Summit was held at Kazan, Russia in 2024 under the Russian chairship. Its theme concerned strengthening multilateralism for just global development and security.

    Prelims angle

    Founding versus new members. The NDB headquarters at Shanghai and its equal capital structure. The CRA as a swap arrangement. Latest summit host and chair. Indonesia as the first Southeast Asian member.

    Mains angle

    GS2, global groupings affecting India’s interests. BRICS as a counterweight in global governance and a platform for the Global South, weighed against internal divergence among members.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2025] Consider the following statements with regard to BRICS: I. The 16th BRICS Summit was held under the Chairship of Russia in Kazan. II. Indonesia has become a full member of BRICS. III. The theme of the 16th BRICS Summit was Strengthening Multiculturalism for Just Global Development and Security. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) I and II (b) II and III (c) I and III (d) I only. Answer: (a)”

    “[2026, GS2, 10 marks] BRICS acts as a powerful counterweight in global governance, actively amplifying the voice and influence of the Global South. Explain the role of BRICS in projecting itself as an alternative to other groupings.”

  • Small Hydro Power positioned as distinctive in the clean energy transition [MENTION]

    PIB class: Press Release. Ministry: Ministry of New and Renewable Energy.

    Why in News

    The renewable energy ministry stated that Small Hydro Power (SHP) holds a distinctive role in India’s clean energy transition.

    Static Context (the exam value sits here)

    1. Small Hydro Power (SHP) is defined by installed capacity up to 25 megawatts in India. The nodal ministry is the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE).
    2. The capacity classes are standardised. Micro is up to 100 kilowatts. Mini is 100 kilowatts to 2 megawatts. Small is 2 to 25 megawatts.
    3. SHP is a run of river resource in most Indian sites. It needs no large reservoir, so its submergence and displacement footprint is small.
    4. SHP counts inside India’s non fossil capacity target. It supports decentralised generation in hill and remote areas.

    Prelims angle

    The 25 megawatt ceiling that defines SHP in India. The nodal ministry MNRE. SHP as a renewable source distinct from large hydro, which the power ministry handles. Run of river design.

    Mains angle

    GS3, infrastructure and energy. Role of decentralised renewable sources in the energy transition and in hill state electrification.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2013, GS3, 5 marks] What do you understand by run of the river hydroelectricity project? How is it different from any other hydroelectricity project?”

  • National Statistical Office releases first ever district level output for the unincorporated non farm sector

    PIB class: Press Release. Ministry: Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation.

    Why in News

    The National Statistical Office (NSO) released, for the first time, output estimates for the unincorporated non farm sector at the district level.

    Core facts

    1. What it covers: The unincorporated sector means enterprises that are not registered as companies. It spans manufacturing, trade and other services run as household or proprietary units outside agriculture.
    2. Institution: The National Statistical Office (NSO) sits under the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI). It compiles national accounts and conducts the large sample surveys.
    3. Significance stated in the headline: District level granularity is a new level of disaggregation. Earlier estimates for this sector stopped at the state and national level.
    4. Figures: Release specific counts and values were not verifiable this run and are therefore omitted.

    Static Context

    1. The unincorporated non farm segment is the statistical face of the informal economy. It employs the bulk of the non farm workforce and contributes a large share of jobs outside agriculture.
    2. The survey vehicle is the Annual Survey of Unincorporated Sector Enterprises (ASUSE). It records employment, output and value added for these units. It replaced the earlier periodic enterprise surveys of the erstwhile National Sample Survey Office.
    3. National accounts use these estimates. Value added from the unincorporated sector feeds the Gross Value Added computation for services and unregistered manufacturing.

    Prelims angle

    The parent body NSO and its ministry MoSPI. The distinction between incorporated and unincorporated enterprises. The survey name ASUSE. The place of unincorporated output inside Gross Value Added and Gross Domestic Product.

    Mains angle

    GS3, Indian economy, mobilization of resources, growth and employment. Better informal sector data supports district level planning and targeted formalisation. Frame around measurement gaps in the informal economy and the policy value of disaggregated data.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    No direct PYQ on unincorporated sector statistics was traced in the provided files. Closest tracked Microtheme is the manufacturing and micro, small and medium enterprise economy.

    “[2023, GS3, 10 marks] Faster economic growth requires increased share of the manufacturing sector in GDP, particularly of MSMEs. Comment on the present policies of the Government in this regard.”

  • Bihar flooded despite rainfall deficit; Nepal isn’t the reason

    Why in the News

    Bihar has flooded in a season of deficit rainfall. The State received 601.1 mm of rain between 1 June and 8 September, 27% below normal, and the Disaster Management Department recorded 2,157 villages across 14 districts affected. The Water Resources Minister has said this year’s flood pattern differed from previous years, with the Ganga rising first rather than the rivers that enter Bihar from Nepal. Discharge at the Valmikinagar Barrage on the Gandak stayed below what officials had expected, and the flooding continued anyway. The explanation offered is a backwater effect, so the immediate cause sits downstream in the main river rather than upstream across the border.

    What is a backwater effect?

    1. How a tributary drains: A tributary can discharge into a main river only for as long as the water level in the main river stays below its own.
    2. What happens when the main stem rises: A high stage in the main river holds the tributary’s water back and spreads it across the tributary’s own floodplain, with no additional rain falling there.

    Why did Bihar flood on a rainfall deficit?

    1. The seasonal shortfall: Rainfall from 1 June to 8 September was 601.1 mm, 27% below normal, and the deficit stood at 30% as late as 1 September.
    2. The month ran the other way: Rainfall during September itself was 31% above normal, so the cumulative figure conceals the period when the flooding worsened.
    3. Localised extremes: Individual rain events delivered 214.92 mm in East Champaran and 154.55 mm in Sitamarhi.
    4. The recorded damage: By 9 September the Disaster Management Department reported 2,157 villages in 14 districts affected and about 40.51 lakh people hit.
    5. Seasonal totals are the wrong measure: A flood is produced by the intensity and timing of rain and by upstream discharge, not by the season’s aggregate.

    How was this year’s flood sequence different?

    1. The usual order: The Bagmati, Kamla, Kosi and Gandak, which enter Bihar from Nepal, normally rise first, and the Ganga follows.
    2. What happened instead: The Ganga became the first source of concern this year, which inverted the sequence the State’s flood response is built around.
    3. The catchment is not local: The Ganga’s catchment extends far beyond Bihar, so it carries water generated by rainfall upstream, including in Uttar Pradesh.
    4. The stated drivers: The Disaster Management Department’s Principal Secretary identified rainfall around the Allahabad and Varanasi region and the resulting downstream discharge as important factors, with discharge from neighbouring States a major factor for the other rivers too.

    Why did opening the Valmikinagar Barrage not settle the Gandak?

    1. The gates were opened early: When floods hit Nepal on 26 August, Bihar opened all 36 gates of the Valmikinagar Barrage on the Gandak, which was then below its normal levels.
    2. The peak came in under expectation: Discharge at the barrage reached 1,50,200 cusecs (cubic feet per second, the volume of water passing a point each second) and then declined, below what officials had expected.
    3. Flooding continued regardless: The Gandak and the Punpun could not drain once the Ganga had swelled, which is the backwater effect at work.
    4. A second local input: The Punpun was also carrying heavy rainfall from Jharkhand.
    5. A flood travels: A river flood is a moving event, so a peak recorded at one gauge is transferred downstream and the flooded area is far larger than the area that recorded the heaviest rain.

    What do Bihar’s embankments do, and what do they not do?

    1. The length built: The State has built more than 3,730 km of river embankments.
    2. What they have protected: These structures have historically shielded around 3,600 sq km of land during floods.
    3. The limit of the structure: Embankments do not remove the underlying vulnerability of one of India’s flattest and most sediment heavy alluvial landscapes.
    4. Sediment raises the bed: The Ganga, Gandak, Kosi and Bagmati carry enormous quantities of sediment, and accumulation within a channel lifts the riverbed relative to the land beside it. Silt is a permanent condition of Bihar’s rivers rather than an event.

    Why has the Farakka Barrage entered the flood argument?

    1. The State’s contention: State leaders hold that the Farakka Barrage has trapped large volumes of silt along the Ganga over the five decades since it was built.
    2. The claimed consequence: That accumulation has made the riverbed shallower, so even normal seasonal monsoon flows now spill over the banks and produce annual flooding across the plains.
    3. A treaty deadline gives it timing: The 1996 India Bangladesh Farakka Treaty expires in December 2026, and demands in Bihar are for a review of the pact.

    What in Bihar’s own geography keeps exposure high?

    1. The rivers move: The Ganga, Gandak and Kosi constantly reshape their channels, so the land at risk is not fixed from one year to the next.
    2. People live at the water’s edge: High population density means many communities are settled close to rivers, and a rise in level turns into an evacuation rather than an inconvenience.

    Challenges to Bihar’s flood management

    1. An embankment concentrates risk at its weakest point: A breach releases water at high velocity onto land that the structure had kept dry for decades, so the damage is deeper than an unprotected flood. Eg. The Kosi breach at Kusaha in 2008 shifted the river’s course and displaced over three million people in Bihar.
      The Fix: Hold a pre positioned stock of boulders and geobags at identified weak reaches before each monsoon rather than mobilising material after a breach.
    2. Land behind the line cannot drain itself: An area sealed off from the river also loses the outlet for its own rainfall, so ground protected from flooding turns permanently waterlogged. Eg. Large tracts in the Kosi and Bagmati belts of north Bihar have gone out of cultivation from persistent waterlogging.
      The Fix: Build and maintain sluices and drainage channels through the embankment line with a fixed operating protocol for the monsoon months.
    3. Flood moderation depends on storage that does not exist: Peak attenuation on the Kosi and the Gandak requires reservoirs upstream in Nepal that have never been constructed. Eg. A high dam at Barahkshetra on the Kosi has been under discussion since the 1950s without being built.
      The Fix: Separate real time data sharing and joint forecasting from the dam negotiation, so warning improves without waiting on construction.
    4. Warnings are issued off levels already recorded: Forecasts rest on gauge readings at the moment of the peak, which leaves little lead time on terrain where water spreads sideways for tens of kilometres. Eg. A level based warning gives downstream districts only hours once an upstream gauge has crossed its danger mark.
      The Fix: Build district level inundation forecasts from upstream rainfall and barrage release data rather than from gauge readings alone.

    Conclusion

    Bihar’s flood risk is no longer set mainly by how much rain falls inside the State. It is set by the level of the main river the State has to drain into, and by channels whose beds have risen relative to the land beside them. The unresolved tension is that the structures protecting settled land also hold in the sediment that raises those beds, so each decade of protection shortens the next decade’s margin. What to watch is whether flood planning shifts from adding embankment length to sediment management, drainage behind the line and forecasting built on upstream data.

    Back2Basics: Farakka Barrage

    1. What it is and where: A barrage on the Ganga in Murshidabad district of West Bengal, commissioned in 1975, a short distance upstream of the border with Bangladesh.
    2. Why it was built: It diverts a part of the Ganga’s flow into a feeder canal to the Bhagirathi and Hooghly, to flush silt and maintain navigability for the port of Kolkata.
    3. A barrage, not a dam: It regulates and diverts flow through gates rather than impounding a large storage reservoir behind it.
    4. The water sharing arrangement: An agreement between India and Bangladesh shares the dry season flow measured at the barrage in ten day cycles between 1 January and 31 May.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2024, GS3, 15 marks] What is disaster resilience? How is it determined? Describe various elements of a resilience framework. Also mention the global targets of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (2015-2030).”

  • ‘Seeds Bill will not harm farmer rights’

    Why in the News

    The Union Agriculture Minister has said the proposed Seeds Bill will not be detrimental to the rights of farmers. The statement followed a meeting with about 20 farmers’ organisations on the draft Seeds Bill and the draft Pesticides Management Bill. The Centre’s stated case is that the Seeds Act, 1966 no longer matches contemporary farming practice, and that 70% of the seed Indian farmers use falls outside its purview. The Ministry has said every policy will be finalised on the basis of consensus after discussion with farmers, and that traditional seeds will be conserved. The contest is between tighter regulation of the seed trade, which runs on registration and traceability, and the informal exchange through which most smallholders obtain planting material.

    Why does the Centre want new seed and pesticide statutes?

    1. The governing law is six decades old: The Seeds Act, 1966 is no longer in tune with contemporary farming practices, on the Ministry’s own assessment.
    2. Most seed sits outside its reach: 70% of the seed used by Indian farmers falls outside the purview of the existing Act, so the standards it sets govern a minority of actual sowing.
    3. Spurious seed is the stated target: A crackdown on “fake” seeds is the immediate purpose of replacing the Act.
    4. Traceability is the proposed mechanism: A traceability system, which links a seed lot back to its producer through the supply chain, is intended to let a farmer identify the right seed before sowing.
    5. A parallel pesticide statute: A new pesticide management law is sought on the same logic, to identify substandard pesticides in the market.

    Who has been consulted, and on what terms?

    1. Scope of the consultation: About 20 farmers’ organisations were brought in on both draft Bills together rather than on the seed law alone.
    2. Who was in the room: The Bharatiya Kisan Sangh, various factions of the Bharatiya Kisan Union, the All India Kisan Coordination Committee (AIKCC) and the Kisan Mahapanchayat, among others, presented their views.
    3. The official side: The Union Agriculture Secretary and other senior officials of the ministry attended.
    4. The stated decision rule: The Centre has committed to finalising policy by consensus with farmers, and to conserving traditional seed varieties.

    Challenges to the Seeds Bill

    1. Registration can narrow informal exchange: Compulsory registration of varieties raises the cost of selling seed outside the formal trade, which is where most smallholder exchange happens. Eg. Farm saved and farmer to farmer seed still supplies a large share of the area under pulses and coarse cereals.
      The Fix: Write an express exemption for the sale and exchange of unbranded farm saved seed into the statute itself rather than leaving it to subordinate rules.
    2. Overlap with the existing plant variety law: Farmers’ rights to save, use, sow, exchange and sell the produce of a protected variety already sit in the Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers’ Rights Act, 2001, and a new seed statute can cut across them. Eg. That Act bars a farmer only from selling branded seed of a protected variety, not from exchanging it.
      The Fix: State the relationship between the two statutes on the face of the Bill, so the earlier right is not read down by implication.
    3. Compensation for seed failure is hard to obtain: A farmer who sows spurious or poorly germinating seed loses an entire season and then has to prove causation to recover anything. Eg. Cotton growers in Telangana and Maharashtra have repeatedly reported germination failure in purchased seed lots.
      The Fix: Fix a statutory time bound compensation route through a district level seed committee rather than leaving the farmer to consumer litigation.
    4. Enforcement capacity sits with the States: Seed inspection and seed testing laboratories are run by State governments and are thinly staffed, so a traceability mandate can outrun the machinery meant to police it. Eg. Sampling and prosecution depend on notified State seed inspectors and a limited network of notified seed testing laboratories.
      The Fix: Fund State seed testing laboratory capacity and tie dealer licence renewal to sampling and reporting performance.

    Conclusion

    Neither draft has reached Parliament, and the consultation route the Ministry has chosen makes the text itself the thing to watch rather than the assurance around it. The unresolved question is where the line falls between a seed a farmer may freely exchange and a seed that must be registered, labelled and traced. An assurance that rights will not be harmed carries weight only if that line is drawn in the statute rather than in rules framed later.

    Back2Basics: Seeds Act, 1966

    1. What it regulates: The Act governs the quality of seed sold in India by empowering the Centre to notify kinds and varieties of seed and to prescribe minimum standards for them.
    2. The standards it sets: Notified seed must meet prescribed limits for germination and genetic and physical purity, and must carry a label stating them.
    3. Who enforces it: State level seed certification agencies certify seed and notified seed inspectors draw samples and prosecute violations.
    4. What it leaves out: The Act regulates only notified kinds and varieties, so seed outside that list is not covered by its standards.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2019] Consider the following statements: 1. According to the Indian Patents Act, a biological process to create a seed can be patented in India. 2. In India, there is no Intellectual Property Appellate Board. 3. Plant varieties are not eligible to be patented in India. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 and 3 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3 ANSWER: (c)”

  • Govt. backing ‘ecocide’ by going ahead with Tara coal block auction: Congress

    Why in the News

    The Tara (Revised) coal block in the Hasdeo Aranya region of Chhattisgarh has been auctioned and allocated. The block covers about 5,000 acres, of which over 4,000 acres is dense forest. The auction reverses a settled position on the region: the State Assembly had resolved against further coal allocation there, the State told the Supreme Court that no new mines were needed, and the Union Coal Ministry had denotified the block from the auction process. Local Gram Sabhas have opposed mining in the region for nearly 15 years. The principal Opposition party has described the auction as “ecocide”. The contest is between a commercial coal allocation and both the ecological value of a contiguous forest and the recorded consent position of the communities inside it.

    What does the Tara block auction involve on the ground?

    1. Area and forest share: The block covers about 5,000 acres, of which over 4,000 acres is dense forest in a biodiversity rich ecosystem.
    2. Scale of felling: Working the block would require the clear felling of more than 10 lakh trees.
    3. A renaming, not a redesign: The block was renamed Tara (Revised), which does not materially alter what is being mined or where.
    4. Who won it: The successful bidder is CG Syn Gas and Chemicals Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Mundra Synenergy Limited, itself wholly owned by Adani Enterprises Limited.

    Which earlier decisions does the auction reverse?

    1. A unanimous legislative resolution: The Chhattisgarh Assembly resolved unanimously in July 2022 that no further coal blocks should be allocated or auctioned in Hasdeo Aranya.
    2. The State’s position before the Supreme Court: The State government filed an affidavit in July 2023 stating that there was no need to allocate or develop any new mines in the region.
    3. The State’s request to the Centre: The State wrote to the Union Coal Ministry in June 2023 seeking the exclusion of nine coal blocks, including this one, from the auction.
    4. The Centre’s own earlier step: The Union Coal Ministry denotified 40 coal blocks, including this one, from the auction process in October 2023.

    What are the ecological stakes beyond the loss of trees?

    1. An elephant corridor runs through it: Mining around the Lemru Elephant Reserve would disrupt the movement corridor that elephant herds use through the region.
    2. Species at the sharper end: Other species in the same landscape, including critically endangered ones, would be placed at further risk.
    3. Replacement planting is contested: Compensatory afforestation replaces a diverted natural forest with a plantation raised elsewhere, and the objection is that no such planting can substitute for the loss of a contiguous mature forest of this size.

    How have the affected communities recorded their opposition?

    1. A fifteen year record of refusal: Adivasi and other local communities have opposed mining in Hasdeo Aranya for close to 15 years.
    2. The formal route used: Opposition has been recorded through Gram Sabha resolutions, the village assembly decisions that the forest diversion process is required to consider.
    3. Beyond the paperwork: The same communities have run public campaigns, sit ins and protest marches, including in Raipur.

    Challenges to auctioning coal blocks under dense forest

    1. The bid parameter does not price the forest: A commercial coal block is won on the revenue share offered to the State, so a block under dense forest competes on the same financial terms as one under farmland. Eg. Commercial auctions are decided on the percentage of revenue a bidder offers, with no ecological weighting in the bid.
      The Fix: Make a graded forest quality threshold a qualifying condition, so blocks above it never enter the auction list.
    2. Allocation happens before clearance is decided: A block is sold before forest and environmental clearance is settled, which converts a later refusal into the cancellation of an existing commercial commitment. Eg. The Parsa East and Kete Basan blocks in the same forest received clearance only after allocation and years of litigation.
      The Fix: Complete the forest diversion decision for a block before it is offered, so the auction follows the environmental appraisal rather than preceding it.
    3. Recorded consent is weakly verified: Consent is captured as a Gram Sabha resolution at the diversion stage, and a refusal has repeatedly been overridden or replaced by a fresh resolution. Eg. Gram Sabhas in Hasdeo Aranya alleged in 2022 that consent recorded for a neighbouring block had been forged.
      The Fix: Require independent verification of every consent resolution and publication of the minutes before diversion is recommended.
    4. Impact is appraised one block at a time: Each clearance assesses a single block, so the combined effect of several mines inside one contiguous forest is never evaluated as a whole. Eg. Hasdeo Aranya holds multiple allocated coal blocks within a single forest stretch and a shared river catchment.
      The Fix: Require a cumulative impact assessment for the entire coalfield before any further block inside it is auctioned.

    Conclusion

    The block has been allocated, and the operative decisions now move to the forest diversion and clearance stage, where the State and the Centre must each take a position again. The unresolved tension is that a legislature and a State executive have recorded one view of the region. The auction machinery has proceeded on another, with no mechanism that reconciles the two. What to watch is whether the recorded refusals are treated as binding inputs at the diversion stage, and whether the dispute returns to court before mining begins.

    Back2Basics: Elephant Reserves

    1. What the designation is: An elephant reserve is an area declared by a State government to protect elephant populations and the corridors between their habitats.
    2. The programme behind it: Reserves are declared under Project Elephant, launched by the Union environment ministry in 1992 to support elephant range States.
    3. Its legal weight: The designation is administrative, and it carries none of the statutory bar on land use that applies inside a national park or wildlife sanctuary.
    4. The species status: The Asian elephant is listed as Endangered on the IUCN Red List and in Schedule I of the Wild Life (Protection) Act, 1972.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2025, GS3, 15 marks] Mineral resources are fundamental to the country economy and these are exploited by mining. Why is mining considered an environmental hazard? Explain the remedial measures required to reduce the environmental hazard due to mining.”

  • The challenges for BRICS

    Why in the News

    India hosts the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi on 12 and 13 September, twenty years after the grouping was formalised in 2006. The grouping now accounts for a larger share of world output than the G7 and has grown from four members to eleven. Expansion has made agreement harder rather than easier. The foreign ministers’ meeting earlier in 2026 closed without a joint declaration after two members on opposite sides of an active conflict clashed. The economic project shows the same gap, with the idea of a single BRICS currency shelved in favour of settling bilateral trade in national currencies.

    How did BRICS grow from a four country dialogue into an eleven member bloc?

    1. Origin in a growth forecast: BRIC began in 2006 with Brazil, Russia, India and China, following a Goldman Sachs projection identifying these economies as future engines of global growth.
    2. From ministers to leaders: The format moved from a foreign ministers’ dialogue to a leaders’ forum, and the first summit was held at Yekaterinburg in Russia in 2009.
    3. First enlargement: South Africa joined in 2010, and the grouping took its present name.
    4. Second enlargement: Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE were added in 2024, and Indonesia became the eleventh full member in January 2025.

    How does BRICS now compare with the G7 in economic weight?

    1. The position in 2000: The four original members together accounted for roughly 23% of global GDP on a purchasing power parity (PPP) basis, which compares economies using what a currency actually buys at home rather than at market exchange rates. The G7 held nearly 52%.
    2. The position in 2024: The eleven member grouping accounted for approximately 36.8% of global GDP (PPP), and the G7 share fell below 29%.
    3. Growth differential: BRICS economies are projected to grow by an average 3.8% in 2025 and 3.7% in 2026, more than three times the G7 average.
    4. Prosperity tells a different story: Per capita GDP averages around $53,000 in the G7 against roughly $8,200 in BRICS.
    5. What drives the aggregate: The bloc’s weight comes from population and resource scale rather than from individual prosperity.

    Why has the grouping’s original grievance survived twenty years?

    1. The founding complaint: Global institutions have not kept pace with the redistribution of economic and political power.
    2. What the first summit asked for: Reform of the international financial institutions and of the United Nations, greater energy security, and a more democratic multipolar world order.
    3. Still unmet: Those demands remain the grouping’s central agenda two decades later, which is why an economic forum has turned into a geopolitical one presenting itself as a voice of the Global South.

    What does BRICS do for India’s strategy of multi alignment?

    1. Membership without alliance: India participates simultaneously in BRICS, the G20, the Quad and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) without accepting alliance commitments.
    2. The purpose of that spread: Multi alignment rests on strategic autonomy and is about creating room for manoeuvre rather than choosing between competing power centres.
    3. The grouping is not anti Western by origin: BRICS emerged during an early phase of convergence between India and the United States on strategic questions.
    4. India’s institutional contribution: India proposed a development bank at the 2012 New Delhi summit, and that proposal became the New Development Bank (NDB).
    5. What the bank has done: By mid 2026 the NDB had approved approximately $44 billion across 141 projects.

    What divides the members over what BRICS is for?

    1. The Chinese and Russian reading: Both increasingly position the grouping as a counterweight to Western dominance and a platform to challenge United States led institutions and the dollar’s hegemony.
    2. Beijing’s stake in size: China drove the enlargement, treating a larger grouping as a vehicle to project leadership of the Global South.
    3. Moscow’s stake in survival: Excluded from the SWIFT messaging network that banks use to send cross border payment instructions, and facing sweeping sanctions, Russia treats BRICS as an economic lifeline.
    4. The Indian and Brazilian reading: Both view BRICS primarily as an economic and reform oriented grouping.
    5. Where the divergence became explicit: Russia demanded in 2023 that India pay for oil in yuan, and India refused, insisting on dollars or rupees only.

    Why has expansion made consensus harder to reach?

    1. The visible fault line: The BRICS Foreign Ministers’ meeting in New Delhi in May 2026 failed to agree on a joint declaration.
    2. What caused the breakdown: Two member states on opposite sides of an active conflict, Iran and the UAE, confronted each other directly.
    3. What the chair issued instead: India recorded a chair’s statement acknowledging “differing views among some members regarding the situation in West Asia”.
    4. The structural point: BRICS operates on consensus, and every added member adds another veto on any text touching a geopolitical crisis.

    What has replaced the idea of a single BRICS currency?

    1. The currency idea is shelved: The United States President has threatened 100% tariffs on BRICS nations if they created a new currency or backed another currency to replace the dollar, and a single BRICS currency has largely been dropped.
    2. Bilateral settlement instead: Members have moved to settling trade in national currencies, a decentralised route that needs no common institution. Russia and China now settle over 90% of their bilateral trade in ruble and yuan.
    3. The India cases: Roughly 90% of direct payments between Russia and India have moved to national currencies through Special Rupee Vostro Accounts, which are rupee accounts that a foreign bank holds with an Indian bank, authorised by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI). India has run a rupee and dirham settlement system with the UAE since July 2023 and a rupee and rupiah framework with Indonesia since July 2026.
    4. A payments layer, not a currency: BRICS Pay, to be unveiled at the 2026 summit, links national payment rails including Russia’s SPFS, China’s CIPS, India’s UPI and Brazil’s Pix, so members can settle trade without routing through dollar correspondent banks.
    5. India’s own preference: India pushes interoperable central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), meaning sovereign digital money that can move across systems, rather than a supranational currency.

    How far has the dollar’s position actually weakened?

    1. Reserve holdings barely moved: The dollar still accounted for 57.13% of global central bank reserves in the first quarter of 2026.
    2. No member is building an alternative reserve: No BRICS member is accumulating rupee, yuan or rand reserves at meaningful scale.
    3. The Western assessment: Western countries treat the grouping not as an immediate replacement for the existing international order, but as a platform capable of gradually reshaping the distribution of geopolitical power.

    Challenges to BRICS

    1. No permanent secretariat or charter: The grouping has no treaty, no standing staff and no institutional memory, so follow up on a summit commitment depends on whichever member holds the rotating chair. Eg. Implementation is tracked through each chair’s own sherpa arrangements rather than by a standing body.
      The Fix: Create a small permanent secretariat with a published implementation review against each summit declaration.
    2. Unsettled disputes between members cap cooperation: India and China remain in an unresolved boundary dispute, which limits how far either will accept the other’s leadership of the bloc. Eg. The Galwan Valley clash of 2020 froze wider cooperation between the two for years.
      The Fix: Ring fence bilateral disputes into a separate channel so bloc business is not suspended whenever a member pair falls out.
    3. The bank depends on the market it wants to bypass: The NDB raises much of its capital in dollar markets, so lending to a sanctioned member threatens its own credit standing and funding cost. Eg. The bank suspended new transactions in Russia in 2022 to protect its market access.
      The Fix: Expand local currency lending and local currency bond issuance so project finance does not rest on dollar funding.
    4. Enlargement without an entry standard: Membership now spans oil exporters, sanctioned economies and aid recipients with little shared trade interest, which weakens any common negotiating position. Eg. Argentina abandoned its accession after being invited to join in 2023.
      The Fix: Publish objective accession criteria covering intra bloc trade share and acceptance of the reform agenda before any further enlargement.

    Conclusion

    BRICS has accumulated weight faster than it has accumulated agreement. Its economic case is largely settled and its political case is not. The marker to watch at the New Delhi summit is whether the chair closes with a text every member has signed or with a statement of its own. A second marker is whether the payments platform moves from launch to measurable settlement volume, since that is where the grouping’s stated ambition meets the actual behaviour of its members.

    Back2Basics: New Development Bank

    1. Founding instrument: The bank was established by an agreement signed at the 2014 BRICS summit in Fortaleza, Brazil, and began operations in 2015.
    2. Headquarters: It is based in Shanghai, with its first regional office in Johannesburg.
    3. Voting design: The five founding members hold equal shareholding, unlike the weighted voting used in the Bretton Woods institutions.
    4. Membership beyond the founders: Bangladesh, the UAE, Egypt and Algeria have been admitted as members, so the bank’s membership is wider than the grouping itself.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026, GS2, 10 marks] “BRICS acts as a powerful counterweight in global governance, actively amplifying the voice and influence of the Global South.” Explain the role of BRICS in projecting itself as an alternative to other groupings.”