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  • ‘To find the rare & unusual’: NASA launches new space telescope

    ‘To find the rare & unusual’: NASA launches new space telescope

    Why in the News

    The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) has launched the Nancy Grace Roman Space Telescope aboard a Falcon Heavy rocket from the Kennedy Space Center. The telescope cost 4.3 billion dollars and is named after NASA’s first chief astronomer. It is bound for an observation point 1.6 million kilometres from Earth, the same location that already hosts the James Webb Space Telescope, and takes more than three months to reach it. A wide survey instrument is therefore being added to a fleet built around narrow and deep observation.

    What does the Roman Space Telescope add to the existing fleet?

    1. The field of view: Roman’s field of view is more than 100 times wider than that of the Hubble Space Telescope, which has been in orbit for 36 years.
    2. The survey speed: A month of Milky Way observations by Roman would take Hubble a century to complete.
    3. The division of work with Webb: Webb observes a narrower field and can reach objects almost as old as the Big Bang. Roman spots new worlds first, and Webb then targets them to fill in the detail.
    4. The wider observing network: Roman joins Hubble and Webb alongside the European Space Agency’s Euclid spacecraft and the National Science Foundation’s Vera C. Rubin Observatory in Chile.

    What is the mission set up to observe?

    1. The expected catalogue: The telescope is expected to record thousands of supernovae, tens of thousands of planets, billions of galaxies and tens of billions of stars.
    2. The unseen components: It is expected to shed light on the dark matter and dark energy that make up most of the universe and remain concealed.
    3. The rate of expansion: Its catalogue of galaxies will let scientists establish how quickly the universe is expanding under those forces.
    4. The centre of the galaxy: It will scan the galactic bulge at the dead centre of the Milky Way, giving the deepest view yet of the heart of the galaxy.

    Conclusion

    The telescope is in transit and its survey work begins only on reaching its observation point. The next marker is the first release from its galaxy catalogue, since the expansion rate measurement rests on that catalogue rather than any single observation.

    Back2Basics: Dark Matter and Dark Energy

    1. Dark matter: Matter that emits no light and is detected only through its gravitational effect. It is inferred from the rotation speeds of galaxies and from the bending of light by galaxy clusters.
    2. Dark energy: The name for whatever drives the accelerating expansion of the universe. It was inferred in 1998 from observations of distant Type Ia supernovae.
    3. Their share of the universe: Ordinary matter accounts for about 5 per cent of the universe’s content, dark matter for about 27 per cent and dark energy for about 68 per cent.
    4. Why supernovae carry the measurement: A Type Ia supernova has a known intrinsic brightness, so its observed brightness gives its distance. That property makes it the standard yardstick for measuring expansion.

    “[2022, GS3, 15 marks] Launched on 25th December, 2021, James Webb Space Telescope has been much in the news since then. What are its unique features which make it superior to its predecessor Space Telescopes? What are the key goals of this mission? What potential benefits does it hold for the human race?”

    [2016] With reference to ‘Astrosat’,’ the astronomical observatory launched by India, which of the following statements is/are correct?
    1. Other than USA and Russia, India is the only country to have launched a similar observatory into space.
    2. Astrosat is a 2000 kg satellite placed in an orbit at 1650 km above the surface of the Earth.
    Select the correct answer using the code given below.

    [A] 1 only

    [B] 2 only

    [C] Both 1 and 2

    [D] Neither 1 nor 2

  • Why India took 16 years to acquire fire-and-forget Javelin missiles

    Why India took 16 years to acquire fire-and-forget Javelin missiles

    Why in the News

    India has finalised a deal to purchase the Javelin anti-tank guided missile (ATGM) system from the United States through its Foreign Military Sales (FMS) process. The purchase closes a process that began in 2010 and was shelved and revived several times in between. The original attempt collapsed over the American refusal to release the missile’s core seeker technology, and the alternative India turned to in its place, Israel’s Spike system, also failed to convert into a contract. The tension is that the deal has now closed on terms India rejected sixteen years ago, since co-production of a finished round is a different thing from the full transfer of technology that was demanded the first time.

    What is the Javelin anti-tank guided missile?

    1. What it is: A third generation, man portable anti-tank guided missile produced in the United States, designed to be carried and fired by a two person infantry team.
    2. Fire and forget guidance: The operator locks the missile onto the target before launch and the missile then guides itself to impact. The firing team can leave the position immediately, which a wire guided missile does not allow.

    Why did India want the Javelin in 2010?

    1. The stated intent: In August 2010 the Defence Minister told Parliament that the government intended to procure third generation Javelin missiles through the FMS route, and that the procurement would include a transfer of technology.
    2. The inventory gap: The move was driven by a shortage of anti-tank guided missiles in the Indian Army’s inventory.
    3. The indigenous programme slipped: The original timelines for the indigenous systems being developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) had been delayed.
    4. What it was meant to replace: The idea was to replace the ageing Milan-2T and Konkurs missile systems then in use with the Army.
    5. Where the preference came from: United States forces actively showcased the system during the 2009 bilateral exercise Yudh Abhyas, after which it was highlighted as the choice to immediately fill the gap.

    Why did the first attempt collapse?

    1. The technology restriction: The acquisition was shelved because of stringent technology transfer restrictions imposed by Washington.
    2. The specific component withheld: The United States refused to share the missile’s core seeker technology, the imaging sensor that identifies and tracks the target, under a 100 per cent transfer of technology model.
    3. The consequence: The refusal caused India to pivot to Israel’s Spike missile system, manufactured by Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, in 2014.

    What happened to the Spike alternative?

    1. Why Spike was chosen: In 2014 India went ahead with Spike over the Javelin, on the understanding that it could offer greater flexibility of technology transfer and local production.
    2. The order cleared: The Defence Acquisition Council cleared the purchase of over 8,000 Spike missiles.
    3. Why it was cancelled: Concerns over the system’s performance in trials, over technology transfer, and over progress in India’s own man portable missile programme led to cancellation of the $500 million order in 2017.
    4. Revived and shelved again: The deal was revived in 2018 following the Israeli Prime Minister’s visit, and was subsequently shelved again.
    5. The stopgap purchase: India undertook an emergency purchase of a limited quantity of the fourth generation Spike-LR missiles in 2019 to meet an immediate operational gap.
    6. What did get built: In August 2023 Kalyani Rafael Advanced Systems, a joint venture between the Kalyani Group and Rafael, said it had won a Rs 287.51 crore order from the Defence Ministry for the supply of the missile systems.

    What changed to make the second attempt succeed?

    1. A different bilateral setting: The Javelin reappeared in India United States strategic discussions at a point when defence cooperation between the two countries had deepened.
    2. Co-production replaced technology transfer as the ask: A United States Congressional Research Service report updated in 2025 noted that co-production discussions involving the missile were ongoing.
    3. The industrial tie-up: In February 2025 the Javelin Joint Venture, a partnership between Lockheed Martin and Raytheon, said it was exploring co-assembly and co-production in India. It signed a memorandum of understanding with Bharat Dynamics Limited.
    4. The operational trigger: Discussions gained pace after Operation Sindoor in May 2025.
    5. The two track negotiation: By July 2025 India was negotiating for the systems both as an emergency procurement and through a long term contract, the latter likely involving co-production of the weapon systems.
    6. The clearance: Washington officially cleared the sale in November 2025.

    Challenges to the Javelin acquisition

    1. A government to government sale surrenders schedule control: Under Foreign Military Sales the buyer contracts with the United States government rather than with the manufacturer, so delivery follows the seller’s production queue. Eg. GE Aerospace’s F404 engine deliveries for the Tejas Light Combat Aircraft programme ran late as European demand for American systems surged after 2024. Fix. Write dated delivery milestones with defined penalties into the Letter of Offer and Acceptance rather than relying on the standard schedule.
    2. Co-assembly is not the technology that was withheld: An arrangement to assemble finished rounds in India leaves the guidance package as an imported item, which is the precise gap that stalled the 2010 attempt. Eg. Indian co-production of imported systems has historically stopped at airframe and integration work. Fix. Tie offset credit to manufacture of the seeker and its imaging components rather than to assembly hours.
    3. Unit cost limits how deep the stock can go: A fire and forget round with an imaging seeker costs many times what a wire guided round costs, which restricts the number of rounds a formation can hold. Eg. The 2019 purchase of Spike-LR was a limited emergency buy rather than an inventory replacement. Fix. Pair the import with volume production of DRDO’s Man Portable Anti-Tank Guided Missile so the expensive round is reserved for the hardest targets.
    4. Four missile families in one role: The Army would operate legacy Milan and Konkurs stock, Spike, Javelin and the indigenous system together, multiplying training pipelines and spares chains. Eg. The Kalyani Rafael line and a Bharat Dynamics Limited line would produce competing rounds for the same infantry task. Fix. Fix a role split by range band and phase the legacy systems out on a published timetable.

    Conclusion

    Whether the Bharat Dynamics Limited arrangement moves past final assembly into seeker manufacture is the marker to watch, since that is the exact component the first attempt broke on and building a complete round is not the same as holding the technology that makes it work. A second marker is the delivery schedule, which under a government to government sale follows the seller’s production priorities rather than the buyer’s operational timeline.

    Back2Basics: Foreign Military Sales

    1. What it is: The United States government’s programme for selling defence articles, services and training to foreign governments and international organisations.
    2. How the transaction runs: The buyer contracts with the United States government, which then places the order with the manufacturer on the buyer’s behalf, so there is no direct commercial contract with the company.
    3. Who administers it: The Defense Security Cooperation Agency, under the Department of Defense, runs the programme under the Arms Export Control Act, 1976.
    4. The Congressional step: Sales above set value thresholds must be notified to the United States Congress before a Letter of Offer and Acceptance is issued to the buyer.

    [2021, GS3, 10 marks] How is S-400 air defence system technically superior to any other system presently available in the world?”

  • [31st August 2026]OpED: Typhoid control needs more vaccine, less antibiotic [Express]

    [31st August 2026]OpED: Typhoid control needs more vaccine, less antibiotic [Express]

    Question (2014, GS3 – 12.5 Marks): “Can overuse and the availability of antibiotics without doctor’s prescription, the contributors to the emergence of drug-resistant diseases in India? What are the available mechanisms for monitoring and control? Critically discuss the various issues involved.
    Linkage: The core of the current news is the concern over potential wrongful disenfranchisement vs. genuine roll clean-up. When the ECI implements large-scale deletions (up to 50% in some urban constituencies) without releasing verifiable metrics like the elector-to-population ratio, it creates a transparency deficit. This directly mirrors the challenge of maintaining public trust in the electoral process, similar to the EVM debate.
    [2020] What is the importance of using Pneumococcal Conjugate Vaccines in India?
    (1) These vaccines are effective against pneumonia as well as meningitis and sepsis.
    (2) Dependence on antibiotics that are not effective against drug-resistant bacteria can be reduced.
    (3) These vaccines have no side effects and cause no allergic reactions.
    Select the correct answer using the code given below:
    (a) 1 only (b) 1 and 2 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3

    Mentor Comment

    Typhoid cases in India are mounting without attracting the attention that influenza and swine flu currently draw, and every suspected case becomes a trigger for inappropriate or unnecessarily broad-spectrum antibiotic use. The disease is bacterial and vaccine preventable, yet it continues to be diagnosed imperfectly and treated empirically. The reason is the absence of a simple, reliable and accessible diagnostic test, which leaves the clinician with suspicion rather than confirmation. The tension is that the same empirical prescribing that substitutes for a diagnosis also generates the antimicrobial resistance in Salmonella typhi that makes future typhoid harder to treat, and it destroys the case data needed to see that resistance building.

    What is the typhoid conjugate vaccine?

    1. What it is: The typhoid conjugate vaccine (TCV) links the Vi capsular sugar coat of Salmonella typhi to a carrier protein. The conjugation produces a durable immune response, including in children under two, which the older unconjugated vaccine did not.
    2. India’s manufacturing position: India produced the world’s first World Health Organization (WHO) prequalified typhoid conjugate vaccine, Typbar-TCV, in 2017. Additional Indian products have achieved WHO prequalification since then.
    3. Where WHO places it: The WHO has prioritised introduction of the vaccine in countries carrying a high typhoid burden or high levels of antimicrobial resistance.

    Why does typhoid get treated without being diagnosed?

    1. A single Widal test settles nothing: The Widal test measures antibodies against Salmonella typhi, and one result is not sufficient to establish a diagnosis of acute typhoid.
    2. Endemicity corrupts the reading: In an endemic country such as India, background antibodies and previous exposure or vaccination make the result difficult to interpret. In routine practice a positive Widal result may still be treated as confirmation.
    3. The laboratory standard is only half sensitive: Blood culture remains the conventional laboratory standard. The latest WHO typhoid guidance puts the sensitivity of a single blood culture at only around 55 to 60 per cent.
    4. What the yield depends on: Sensitivity is influenced by the volume of blood collected and, critically, by prior exposure to antimicrobials.
    5. The vicious cycle this creates: A patient develops prolonged fever and takes an antibiotic before seeking care. The blood culture drawn afterwards returns negative, and the clinician responds to unresolved suspicion by escalating or changing the antibiotic.

    What does empirical treatment cost beyond the individual patient?

    1. Every course adds selection pressure: India already faces increasing resistance in Salmonella typhi, and each unnecessary antibiotic course creates additional selection pressure on the organism.
    2. Every missed case blanks the record: A patient treated without microbiological confirmation never enters the resistance data, so the surveillance that should guide prescribing is undermined by the prescribing itself.
    3. Breadth compounds the damage: The response to diagnostic uncertainty is a broader spectrum agent, which acts on organisms far beyond the one suspected.

    Why is a vaccine preventable disease being fought with antibiotics?

    1. The capability is not the constraint: The scientific and manufacturing capability exists and the vaccine exists. What remains inadequate is the scale and the rigour of its use.
    2. India is the case WHO describes: India is one of the countries where the combination of disease burden and resistance makes the case for typhoid vaccination compelling.
    3. Vaccination does not displace the basics: It cannot be treated as a substitute for clean water, sanitation, food safety or better diagnostics. It has to be one component of an integrated typhoid control strategy.

    What would an integrated typhoid control strategy require?

    1. Surveillance triggered by the case rise: Reports of increasing typhoid should themselves trigger strengthened surveillance. Hospitals and laboratories should systematically document suspected and culture confirmed cases, antimicrobial susceptibility patterns and prior antibiotic exposure.
    2. Diagnostic stewardship inside antimicrobial stewardship: Blood cultures should ideally be obtained before antibiotics are started, with adequate blood volume and appropriate laboratory practices.
    3. A test that works at the point of care: India needs investment in a better point of care or rapid diagnostic test for typhoid.
    4. A settled place for the vaccine: The position of the typhoid conjugate vaccine in the public health strategy needs to be revisited rather than left to individual prescribing decisions.

    Challenges to scaling the typhoid conjugate vaccine

    1. It sits outside the routine immunisation schedule: The vaccine is not part of the Universal Immunisation Programme, so uptake depends on the private market and on paying households. Eg. Coverage is concentrated in urban private paediatric practice rather than in the dense settlements where typhoid transmission is highest. Fix. Introduce it in a phased manner in high burden urban districts first, with the introduction decision anchored to culture confirmed case data.
    2. The vaccine does not cover the whole disease: Enteric fever is also caused by Salmonella paratyphi A, against which the conjugate vaccine gives no protection. Eg. A vaccinated patient presenting with prolonged fever still requires the same diagnostic workup. Fix. Fund development of a bivalent conjugate covering both organisms alongside scale up of the existing product.
    3. Introduction cannot be measured without a denominator: Without culture confirmed case counts there is no baseline against which to judge whether the vaccine reduced disease. Eg. Resistance data in India is heavily skewed towards tertiary hospitals rather than the community. Fix. Make enteric fever notifiable with mandatory laboratory reporting so introduction and impact are both measurable.
    4. Catch-up campaigns are the expensive part: A single dose given from six months of age is cheap, and a mass campaign across older cohorts is not. Eg. The cold chain and session load of a campaign compete directly with routine immunisation days. Fix. Attach the catch-up to existing school health programmes rather than running a parallel delivery system.

    Conclusion

    Because a system that cannot count culture confirmed typhoid cannot decide where to introduce a vaccine or measure what it prevented, enteric fever must become a notifiable condition with mandatory laboratory reporting. The marker to watch is whether the typhoid conjugate vaccine enters the Universal Immunisation Programme, the only route to population scale coverage.

    What is Antimicrobial Resistance?

    1. About: Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) occurs when bacteria, viruses, fungi and parasites evolve and stop responding to medicines that once treated them. It is often termed the silent pandemic.
    2. The One Health scope: Human medicine, animal husbandry and the environment form one reservoir, since resistant organisms move between them through food, water and waste.

    Laws and Rules Governing Antimicrobial Resistance

    1. Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940: The parent statute regulating manufacture and sale of medicines in India.
    2. Schedule H1: Requires a prescription and a sale register for listed antibiotics and second line drugs.
    3. Ban on irrational fixed dose combinations: The government banned 156 irrational fixed dose combinations in 2024, several being antibiotic cocktails with no scientific basis.

    Government Initiatives for Antimicrobial Resistance

    1. National Action Plan on AMR 2.0 (2025 to 2029): Sets sectoral targets across human health, animal health and the environment.
    2. Red Line Campaign: Marks prescription-only antibiotic packs with a red vertical stripe for buyer identification.
    3. Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) AMR Surveillance Network: Collects susceptibility data from tertiary care hospitals.

    Key Facts about Antimicrobial Resistance

    1. Consumption pattern: 59 per cent of antibiotics consumed in India in 2022 were in the WHO Watch category, meant to be used sparingly.
    2. Animal use ranking: India is the fourth largest consumer of antibiotics for animals, with an 82 per cent rise projected by 2030.
    3. Newborn burden: More than 50,000 newborn deaths a year in India are attributed to resistant sepsis.

    Challenges in Antimicrobial Resistance

    1. Antibiotics still move over the counter: Retail enforcement of the prescription requirement is weak, so a course is bought like a painkiller. Eg. The pill popping habit widened after the COVID-19 pandemic, with antibiotics taken for viral illness. Fix. Make the Schedule H1 register a digital point of sale entry so it can be audited rather than inspected.
    2. Manufacturing effluent seeds resistance in rivers: Untreated effluent from drug production enters water bodies and selects for resistant organisms outside any clinic. Eg. The Musi river near Hyderabad shows antibiotic levels a thousand times above safe limits. Fix. Tie public procurement preference to plants certified for zero liquid discharge.
    3. Farm use is a growth strategy, not a treatment: Antibiotics are given routinely in poultry and aquaculture to accelerate weight gain, not to treat disease. Eg. Shrimp samples have shown up to 100 per cent ampicillin resistance. Fix. Subsidise animal vaccines and enforce farm to fork traceability so residue traces to a producer.
  • [31st August 2026] OpED: The mountains have sounded a warning, we ignore it at our peril.

    [31st August 2026] OpED: The mountains have sounded a warning, we ignore it at our peril.

    Question (2021, GS3): “Discuss about the vulnerability of India to earthquake-related hazards. Give examples including the salient features of major disasters caused by earthquakes in different parts of India during the last three decades
    Linkage: The GLOF avalanche was potentially triggered by a 4.4 magnitude earthquake, directly illustrating the complex, cascading nature of earthquake-related hazards in seismically active mountain systems.

    Mentor Comment

    Flash floods have swept down from the mountains on the Nepal Tibet border into Nepal’s Rasuwa district. A glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF) sent a massive avalanche of water and mud down the Lhende River about 20 km east of the Rasuwagadhi border crossing, sweeping away villages, settlements and a large number of people downstream. The avalanche may have been triggered by a 4.4 magnitude earthquake recorded in the area minutes earlier. At least six hydropower projects downstream were destroyed, costing Nepal 405 MW of capacity, which is 12 per cent of its national total. The tension is that the Himalaya has produced this exact sequence repeatedly, and hydropower schemes and hill tourism have expanded on the same valleys after each event. A second front has opened across the border, where China is building the Medog dam at the great bend of the Brahmaputra and hydrological information sharing with India has never been regular.

    What is a glacial lake outburst flood?

    1. How the lake forms: A mountain river upstream is blocked by a portion of a glacier breaking away or by an avalanche. The blockage impounds a lake behind it.
    2. How the lake bursts: The loose banks of that lake give way under water pressure, and a huge volume of water and debris then hurtles downstream through narrow valleys.

    What did the flood take out beyond the power projects?

    1. The path of the surge: The floods spread south from Rasuwa into the Dhading, Gorkha and Nuwakot districts of Nepal, and the impact carries across the border into India. Chinese media reported similar loss of life and property on the Tibetan side, in Gyirong county.
    2. Indian pilgrims caught in it: Over 160 Indian pilgrims are reported missing. The hotels and guest houses they were staying in were washed away in the flood.
    3. A trade and pilgrimage artery closed: Rasuwagadhi is the most important border crossing between Nepal and Tibet for trade and for tourism, including pilgrim tours to Kailash Mansarovar. Cross border trade and traffic are likely to remain suspended for the foreseeable future.
    4. The recovery horizon: Rebuilding the lost generating capacity may take several years, and it is a loss Nepal can ill afford.
    5. India’s immediate response: India sent urgent medical and food supplies to Nepal. It also despatched specialised rescue teams.

    How large is the hazard the Himalaya now carries?

    1. Glacier area: There are 48,000 sq km of glaciers spread over the Himalaya, and another 18,000 sq km sit in the Karakoram.
    2. Mapped lakes: Researchers have mapped over 5,000 glacial lakes in the Himalaya. About 500 of them are classified as hazardous or significantly hazardous.
    3. Recorded events: There have been at least 388 recorded GLOF instances in the Himalaya Karakoram mountains, and their frequency has been increasing in recent years.
    4. What these glaciers support: Himalayan glaciers are the source of the rivers that sustain the entire Indo-Gangetic plain, which is populated by over 500 million people.

    Why has the record of past disasters not changed construction in the valleys?

    1. Dharali, August 2025: A GLOF event at Dharali in Uttarakhand, on the route to Gangotri, caused large scale loss of life and property.
    2. Kedarnath, 2013: The Kedarnath flash flood was caused by a combination of torrential rains and a GLOF at Chorabari lake to the north. The surge of flood waters and debris washed away towns and settlements along the highway to Gangotri.
    3. The rules that followed it: There was talk of assessing and strictly observing the human carrying capacity of these remote pilgrimage places. No construction within 500 metres of the river banks was to be permitted thereafter.
    4. What actually happened: Hotels and guest houses have mushroomed once again on the river banks. No lessons have been learnt from the earlier event.
    5. The load on the shrine towns: During the pilgrimage season Kedarnath may see a daily turnover of 15,000 to 20,000 pilgrims.
    6. Construction at extreme altitude: Prefabricated guest houses, restaurants and dhabas operate even at 18,000 feet, with gas cylinders transported back and forth for heating and cooking. There are no proper arrangements for waste management.
    7. The direction policy is moving in: The Uttarakhand government is reportedly considering opening Badrinath and Kedarnath for pilgrimage the whole year round.

    What has hydropower already lost to these events?

    1. Teesta-III, October 2023: A GLOF from South Lhonak lake in Sikkim completely washed away the 1200 MW Teesta-III hydropower dam and power station.
    2. Rishiganga, 2021: A sudden flash flood triggered by a glacial collapse in Chamoli in Uttarakhand wiped out the Rishiganga hydropower project. It also blocked the associated Chamoli tunnel.
    3. The seismic overlay: Hydropower development continues apace in the Himalaya, which is a known active seismic zone, so the outburst risk and the earthquake risk compound each other.
    4. The response to the evidence: Major hydropower projects continue to be pursued across the mountain zone, creating mounting risks to life and property, and those risks are being cynically ignored.

    Why is the Medog dam a transboundary risk for India?

    1. Scale of the project: China has begun constructing the gigantic Medog dam at the great bend of the Brahmaputra river just across the border. It is slated to deliver 300 billion kWh of power annually.
    2. How large that is: The largest hydro project in existence anywhere in the world, the Gezhouba on the Yangzi River, is rated at 15.6 billion kWh of power annually.
    3. The fault line under it: Chinese scientists have warned that the project sits very close to the Paizhen Fault, a major fracture in the Earth’s crust, which makes it vulnerable to seismic events. A major earthquake in the project vicinity could send a massive discharge of flood waters and debris into India’s Northeast.
    4. The information gap: The sharing of information and early warning between India and China has never been regular. It has been subject to the state of their political relations.
    5. The wider river geography: Several rivers rise on the Tibetan plateau and flow through Nepal and India. Flash floods on some of these cross border rivers have already caused large scale damage on the Indian side.

    Challenges to GLOF risk management in the Himalaya

    1. Warning systems are built for the wrong signal: A system designed to track the gradual movement of glacial water cannot register a sudden wall of debris. Eg. The Bhote Koshi warning system did not detect the surge that hit Rasuwa. Fix. Pair water level gauges with seismic and acoustic sensors that read mass movement rather than a change in river stage.
    2. A hazard rating triggers no building restriction: Classifying a lake as hazardous carries no automatic consequence for what may be built below it. Eg. A 2021 study by scientists from IIT Roorkee, IISc Bengaluru and the universities of Dayton, Graz, Zurich and Geneva flagged instability around South Lhonak lake, and the lake burst two years later killing at least 50 people. Fix. Attach a mandatory downstream no build corridor to every lake a national risk index rates as high.
    3. Clearance is granted one project at a time: A chain of dams on the same river is appraised as separate schemes, so the cumulative surge risk down the valley is never assessed. Eg. The Alaknanda and Bhagirathi basins in Uttarakhand carry dozens of projects on hydrologically connected rivers. Fix. Require a basin level cumulative impact assessment before any new project is cleared in an outburst exposed valley.
    4. Monitoring authority is split across agencies: Glacier survey, weather forecasting and dam safety sit with different bodies, so no single office can order action on a lake that is filling. Eg. The National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) has itself proposed an integrated glacier monitoring authority coordinating the Geological Survey of India, the India Meteorological Department (IMD) and the Indian Space Research Organisation. Fix. Create that authority and give it the power to direct downstream evacuation.
    5. Nothing tests a dam that is already built: Outburst assessments became mandatory for new dams only after the Sikkim event, and existing designs are under review rather than under obligation. Eg. The requirement followed the loss of a 1200 MW station rather than preceding it. Fix. Set a dated deadline for retrofitting or de-rating existing Himalayan dams that fail a surge simulation.

    Conclusion

    Because the lake, the fault and the dam sit in one country and the flood arrives in another, the operative change is the status of hydrological and glacier data, which must move on a fixed schedule under a standing arrangement rather than as a political gesture. The marker to watch is whether the Medog construction timetable is matched by a year round data sharing commitment to India, the only warning the Northeast would get.

    Disaster Risk Reduction in India

    1. What it covers: Disaster risk reduction cuts exposure and vulnerability through prevention, mitigation and preparedness, rather than through relief paid after an event.
    2. Who runs it: The Ministry of Home Affairs coordinates disaster management through its Disaster Management Division. Response is primarily a State government responsibility.
    3. The four fund pillars: The National Disaster Response Fund (NDRF) and State Disaster Response Fund (SDRF) finance relief. The National and State Disaster Mitigation Funds (NDMF and SDMF) finance risk reduction projects alone.
    4. Scale of the commitment: The Fifteenth Finance Commission allocated Rs 2.28 lakh crore for 2021 to 2026 across preparedness, mitigation, response and reconstruction.

    Laws and Rules Governing Disaster Risk Reduction

    1. Disaster Management Act, 2005: Establishes structures and processes at the national, State, district and local levels.
    2. Authorities created: The NDMA chaired by the Prime Minister, State Disaster Management Authorities chaired by the Chief Minister, and District Disaster Management Authorities headed by the District Collector.
    3. Disaster Management (Amendment) Act, 2025: Modernises the 2005 framework for urban risk, climate extremes and data driven response.
    4. Urban Disaster Management Authorities: States may set up city specific authorities in State capitals and municipal corporation cities.
    5. Statutory databases: National and State disaster databases covering risk assessments, mitigation plans and real time data are now mandated.
    6. Plan ownership shifts: The NDMA and State authorities now prepare the disaster plans, earlier a task of the National and State Executive Committees.

    Government Initiatives for Disaster Risk Reduction

    1. National GLOF Risk Mitigation Project: A Rs 150 crore project covering Arunachal Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim and Uttarakhand.
    2. Central Water Commission lake monitoring: The Commission monitors 902 glacial lakes and has a Risk Indexing Framework to prioritise high risk ones.
    3. Common Alerting Protocol based Integrated Alert System: A Rs 354.83 crore project delivering geo-targeted warnings through SMS, television, radio, sirens and satellites.
    4. Mission Mausam (2024 to 2026): Strengthens weather forecasting and multi-hazard early warning, including for outburst related risks.

    Key Facts about Disaster Risk Reduction

    1. Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (2015 to 2030): The global blueprint adopted at Sendai in Japan, carrying four priorities and seven global targets.
    2. The United Nations custodian: The United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction anchors the agenda and runs the Sendai Framework Monitor.

    Challenges in Disaster Risk Reduction

    1. Mitigation stays funded far below response: The roughly 80:20 tilt in the fund architecture privileges relief spending over prevention. Eg. Under the mitigation fund in 2025-26 the High Level Committee approved Rs 507.37 crore for panchayat led community risk reduction, a fraction of what response draws. Fix. Set a floor share of the disaster corpus spendable only on early warning, retrofitting and nature based solutions.
    2. India’s deadliest hazards are not notified disasters: Heatwaves and lightning sit outside the notified list, so States cannot draw relief for deaths from them. Eg. The Centre has not accepted the Sixteenth Finance Commission recommendation to notify them. Fix. Notify both with an IMD linked declaration trigger and a stated compensation protocol.
    3. The urban authority created in 2025 barely exists: City specific authorities are a State mandate, and only one State has set one up. Eg. Karnataka constituted an urban authority for the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike. Fix. Fund the rollout centrally and fix a clear interface with the municipal corporation.
    4. The local tier remains under-empowered: Panchayats and urban local bodies are the first responders yet hold neither trained staff nor untied funds. Eg. The Aapda Mitra volunteer scheme trains community responders but reaches a small share of vulnerable districts. Fix. Route a fixed share of the mitigation fund to the local body with a training and equipment condition.
  • India’s fish exports reached Rs 73,890 crore in 2025-26

    India’s fish exports reached Rs 73,890 crore in 2025-26

    Why in the News

    India’s fish exports reached Rs 73,890 crore in 2025-26, an increase of about Rs 11,000 crore over the previous year. The United States imposed a tariff of more than 58 per cent on Indian goods in 2025, and shipments to that market fell by around 19 to 20 per cent. Growth of more than 20 per cent in the European Union and in countries with which India has signed free trade agreements covered the shortfall. The Union Minister for Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying set out this record alongside the production and infrastructure results claimed for the Blue Revolution, the Pradhan Mantri Matsya Sampada Yojana and the Fisheries and Aquaculture Infrastructure Development Fund. The tension is that the exports absorbing the tariff are marine products, and the production growth being cited is led by inland fisheries, which contribute only about 2 per cent of export earnings.

    How has fish production moved since 2013-14?

    1. Output has more than doubled: Total fish production rose from 95.79 lakh tonnes in 2013-14 to 197.75 lakh tonnes in 2024-25, a growth of 115 per cent.
    2. Inland fisheries led it: Inland production grew by 147 per cent over the same period.
    3. What paid for it: More than Rs 39,000 crore was invested through the Blue Revolution launched in 2015, the Pradhan Mantri Matsya Sampada Yojana and the Fisheries and Aquaculture Infrastructure Development Fund.
    4. The livelihood base: Three crore people work directly as fishers or fish farmers, and about six crore livelihoods depend on the wider value chain.
    5. An administrative separation: The fisheries department was carved out of the agriculture ministry in 2019 and given a ministry of its own.

    What does Bihar’s shift show about inland fisheries?

    1. A dependence reversed: Around 90 to 95 per cent of the fish sold in Bihar earlier came from Andhra Pradesh, and that share is now about 5 per cent.
    2. The production jump: Bihar’s output has grown eleven times since 2005 to approximately 10.89 lakh tonnes.
    3. From buyer to seller: Bihar now sends freshwater fish to Nepal, West Bengal and Jharkhand.

    How were export markets rebuilt after the tariff?

    1. The base being defended: Fish exports had risen from Rs 30,213 crore in 2013-14 to Rs 62,408 crore in 2024-25 before the tariff was imposed.
    2. Exporters were redirected: The ministry pushed exporters toward new destinations in coordination with the Marine Products Export Development Authority (MPEDA), the statutory body under the commerce ministry that promotes marine product exports.
    3. The outreach: Round table conferences were held with ambassadors and high commissioners of 49 countries.
    4. Where the fish now goes: The new markets are the United Kingdom, Japan, China, Thailand and several European Union countries.
    5. What is actually shipped: Inland and freshwater fish make up only about 2 per cent of exports, so the earnings growth is in marine products.

    What did India change to meet importing countries’ requirements?

    1. Antibiotics were banned: European countries and the United Kingdom refuse fish produced using harmful antibiotics, and India prohibited their use in response.
    2. Origin travels with the fish: A traceability framework requires the origin of the fish to be established through a QR code.
    3. A domestic quality problem runs alongside: Farmed mangur is being confiscated in Bihar over its effect on native species and on local livelihoods, and injections used to accelerate its growth carry a health risk.

    Why is deep sea fishing being opened around Lakshadweep and the Andamans?

    1. The loss being addressed: Almost one lakh tonnes of tuna were believed to die naturally in those waters for want of fishing infrastructure.
    2. The gap in effort: Indian vessels were not fishing in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), the belt extending 200 nautical miles from the baseline within which a coastal state holds rights over living and non living resources, or on the high seas beyond it.
    3. What has been put in place: Fishing infrastructure for the islands was announced in the 2024 Budget, guidelines for the Exclusive Economic Zone and the high seas were formulated, and investor meetings were held in both island groups.
    4. The security condition: Only vessels carrying the national flag will be permitted to fish on the high seas, on the ground that the sea is a national security concern.
    5. The target species: Tuna is the intended catch, among the most expensive fish in the world and in high global demand.

    How are fishing communities being protected against climate risk?

    1. Transponders on vessels: Fishing vessels are being fitted with transponders connected to satellites.
    2. Contact and early warning: A fisher at sea for 15 to 20 days can stay in touch with family through an Android phone linked to the transponder, and alerts warn of approaching storms and direct vessels away from danger.
    3. A fuel saving by product: The same system indicates where fish are likely to be found, which cuts searching time and fuel use.
    4. The stated limit of the mandate: Rising sea temperatures and changing rainfall are treated as sitting with the environment ministry rather than with the fisheries ministry.

    Why does India’s livestock scale not convert into exports?

    1. The scale: India ranks first in the world in milk production and second in egg production.
    2. The barrier: Foot and mouth disease and brucellosis in the animal population restrict how much India can export.
    3. The response: Vaccination campaigns aimed at eradicating foot and mouth disease have brought outbreaks down from 132 in 2019 to 40.
    4. A domestic standards question: Four States have banned analogue paneer, an artificial product that is not made from milk and that carries a health risk.

    How is the stray cattle problem being addressed at source?

    1. It is a State subject: Management of stray animals sits with State governments rather than with the Centre.
    2. Sex sorted semen changes the calf ratio: Artificial insemination using sex sorted semen produces around 90 per cent female calves.
    3. Why the abandoned animals are male: Most animals left on roads are male, since tractors have replaced oxen in farm work.
    4. The incentive being created: More female calves mean more milk and more income, giving an owner a reason to rear the animal rather than abandon it.

    What is the Centre’s role in panchayat finance?

    1. The constitutional position: Under the 73rd Constitutional Amendment the panchayat is a distinct tier of government, and the laws governing its functioning are State laws.
    2. On the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996: The Act completes three decades this year and its implementation is delayed in several States. The stated central position is that States hold the power to legislate here, so the Centre does not intervene.
    3. What the Centre transfers: The Centre releases the grants recommended by the Finance Commission to States in a 90:10 ratio determined by population and geographical conditions.
    4. The release condition: States must pass the money on to panchayats within 10 days, failing which the second instalment is withheld.
    5. Performance linked grants: The Sixteenth Finance Commission has recommended that 20 per cent of the grant be performance based, which forces panchayats to develop their own revenue sources.
    6. Capacity building: Training of elected representatives, including women representatives, is run with trainers drawn from institutions such as the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad.
    7. Bihar’s reservation record: Bihar reserved 50 per cent of seats for women in Panchayati Raj institutions in 2006 and in local bodies in 2007, and women were 53 per cent of those elected in the last panchayat election.

    Conclusion

    Export earnings held up because destinations were switched and because the antibiotic residue and traceability conditions those destinations impose were met, which makes market access rather than catch volume the operative constraint. What to watch is whether the investor meetings in Lakshadweep and the Andamans convert into national flag vessels actually working the Exclusive Economic Zone for tuna, since that is where the next increment in marine output has to come from. The second marker is the foot and mouth disease outbreak count, which decides whether the world’s largest milk producer can enter livestock export markets at all.

    Back2Basics

    1. Administering department: Implemented by the Department of Fisheries under the Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying.
    2. Launch and outlay: Launched in 2020 with an investment of Rs 20,050 crore, the largest ever committed to the fisheries sector in India.
    3. Objectives: Raise fish production and productivity, modernise the value chain from harvest to market, and double the incomes of fishers and fish farmers.
    4. Targeted beneficiaries: Fishers, fish farmers, fish workers and vendors, fisheries cooperatives and fish farmer producer organisations.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2015, GS3, 12 marks] Livestock rearing has a big potential for providing non-farm employment and income in rural areas. Discuss suggesting suitable measures to promote this sector in India.”

  • Atmanirbharta in fuel must strengthen, not undermine, India’s food security

    Atmanirbharta in fuel must strengthen, not undermine, India’s food security

    Why in the News

    The all India modal retail price of sugar has climbed from around Rs 45 a kg to about Rs 65 a kg within a month, an increase of nearly 44 per cent. The Union government has attributed the rise to hoarding by traders and millers and has threatened strict action. The rise follows a tightening of supply on three counts at once, arriving just before the festive season when sugar demand typically rises. The tension is that the same government fixes cane prices, sugar sales, imports, exports and the allocation of feedstock to ethanol, so a price spike inside a fully administered chain is a policy outcome rather than a market one.

    What is the Ethanol Blended Petrol Programme?

    1. What it requires: Oil marketing companies blend a mandated share of ethanol into the petrol they sell, which substitutes domestically produced fuel for imported crude.
    2. What it runs on: Ethanol is produced from sugarcane juice, syrup and molasses, and from surplus foodgrain such as rice and maize.
    3. How fast it scaled: Blending stood at 1.53 per cent in 2013-14, reached around 5 per cent by 2019-20 and 20 per cent in 2025-26, and feedstock supply did not keep pace with that trajectory.

    Why did sugar prices spike?

    1. The opening cushion had halved: Stocks at the start of the current sugar year, which runs October to September, were 5 million tonnes against 8 million tonnes a year earlier, leaving little room to absorb a fresh shock.
    2. Production came in below estimate: The 2025-26 output estimate was cut from about 34.3 million tonnes to 30.6 million tonnes on damage from red rot, a fungal disease that rots the cane stalk and destroys sucrose, and from top borer. About 27.35 million tonnes had been produced by June, so 3.25 million tonnes would have to arrive between July and September against a six season average of only 0.38 million tonnes for those months, pointing to a further cut to between 28 and 29 million tonnes.
    3. Ethanol removed supply at the worst moment: The ethanol programme diverted about 2.75 million tonnes of sugar at a time when supplies were already tight. That diversion is what turns energy policy into a competitor of the food market.

    Why can the market not correct the shortage on its own?

    1. Price signals are not allowed to act: In a more open economy a production shortfall corrects itself as higher prices pull in imports and trim consumption.
    2. Every step is administered: Sugarcane pricing, sugar sales, imports, exports and ethanol feedstock allocation are all decided by the government, so a correction has to be ordered rather than triggered.
    3. The calendar closes the escape route: Fresh cane will not reach mills in significant quantity until mid October, so the market must run on existing stocks through the festive demand peak.

    What correction does the assessment call for?

    1. Imports opened too narrowly: One million tonnes of duty free raw sugar has been allowed, against an assessed requirement of at least 3 to 4 million tonnes of refined sugar reaching the open market before and during the festive season. The 100 per cent import duty on refined sugar should be cut to zero or to 5 per cent.
    2. Shift the ethanol feedstock temporarily: Sugar based ethanol should be reduced sharply, with rice from Food Corporation of India (FCI) stocks held far above buffer norms taking its place. FCI should charge ethanol plants at least the procurement price of rice, if not its full economic cost.
    3. Import ethanol or lower the mandate: Ethanol can be imported directly when domestic feedstock is pushing up food prices, or the blending share can be brought down from 20 per cent to about 15 per cent.

    Does switching feedstock end the food versus fuel trade off?

    1. Maize is the least thirsty option: Maize does not consume as much water as rice or sugarcane, and it is already being used as a primary ethanol feedstock.
    2. Yield is the binding constraint: Maize productivity in India hovers around 3.5 tonnes per hectare against about 11 tonnes per hectare in the United States, so the surplus that fuel demand needs does not exist.
    3. The pressure moves to protein: Diverting more maize without a matching rise in output raises maize prices, and that passes into poultry meat, eggs and milk, where maize is the main feed.
    4. The trade off relocates rather than ends: Moving from sugar to rice or maize shifts the food versus fuel choice to a different crop, and closing it requires a large maize surplus, which raises the question of whether India will permit the genetically modified maize that drives United States yields.

    How should the ethanol programme be recalibrated?

    1. The basic number is missing: The net energy balance of each feedstock, meaning the energy returned against the energy spent producing it, has not been established, so allocation is being decided without it.
    2. Let the buyer choose the feedstock: Oil marketing companies could be given flexibility to source ethanol from the most economical feedstock, subject to safeguards for food security, farmers and the environment, in place of a rigid allocation from sugar, rice and maize.
    3. The state’s role narrows to the buffer: Government should hold strategic buffers and enforce food security safeguards rather than manage every feedstock allocation, and the programme itself needs a full evaluation of its design.

    Challenges to the Ethanol Blended Petrol Programme

    1. Capacity was financed against a fixed mandate: Distillery capacity was built on the assurance of a fixed blending share and long term offtake, so any temporary cut leaves loans outstanding against idle plants. Eg. The Ethanol Interest Subvention Scheme financed new and expanded distilleries through soft loans carrying a 6 per cent interest subvention. Fix. Convert the fixed target into a band with a stated floor, so capacity is financed against the floor rather than against a single number.
    2. The efficiency cost sits with the vehicle owner: Ethanol carries lower energy density than petrol, so mileage falls in engines not calibrated for the blend. Eg. Vehicles built before E20 compatibility became standard draw the same blend at the pump with no compensating price difference. Fix. Retain a lower blend grade at outlets serving older fleets, and publish blend specific mileage data at the pump.
    3. Two administered prices move at different speeds: The government fixes both the cane price and the ethanol procurement price, and only the cane price has been revised upward in successive seasons. Eg. Mills carrying distillation capacity report underutilisation as the margin on ethanol narrows. Fix. Index the ethanol procurement price to the cane price fixed under the same control order.
    4. The gains cluster geographically: Distillery capacity follows cane and grain surpluses, so the income the programme creates concentrates in a few States. Eg. Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra, the two largest cane producing States, hold the bulk of cane based distillation capacity. Fix. Weight new capacity approvals toward maize growing districts, where the water saving is also largest.

    Conclusion

    Fuel self reliance and food security are traded against each other because the blending target was fixed as a number and the feedstock left to catch up. What to watch is whether the correction stops at emergency imports or reaches the design: a blending band replacing a fixed share, and feedstock chosen by the buyer against a stated food security safeguard. The maize yield gap decides whether the trade off can be closed at all rather than merely moved.

    The Sugar Industry in India

    1. Scale and geography: India is the second largest sugarcane producer, with output of 454.61 million tonnes in 2024-25, drawn mainly from Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra.
    2. The dependent population: About five crore cane farmers and their families depend on the crop, alongside mill and ancillary unit workers.
    3. Mills are multi product units: Beyond sugar, a mill earns from ethanol, bagasse co-generated power, and press mud biogas and bio-fertiliser.

    Laws and Rules Governing the Sugar and Ethanol Sector

    1. Essential Commodities Act, 1955: Sugar is a scheduled commodity under it, so the Centre can impose stock limits and regulate sale and distribution.
    2. Sugarcane (Control) Order, 1966: Issued under that Act, it is how the Centre fixes the Fair and Remunerative Price payable by mills to cane growers.
    3. National Policy on Biofuels, 2018: Sets ethanol blending targets and permits cane juice, syrup, molasses and surplus foodgrain as feedstock, its 2022 amendment advancing the 20 per cent target.
    4. Foreign Trade (Development and Regulation) Act, 1992: Sugar exports are regulated through notifications issued under it, which placed raw, white and refined sugar in the prohibited category.

    Government Initiatives for the Sugar Sector

    1. Sugar Development Fund: Provides concessional loans for mill modernisation, crushing capacity expansion, co-generation and cane development.
    2. Pradhan Mantri JI-VAN Yojana: Supports second generation ethanol from crop residue rather than food grade feedstock.

    Challenges in the Sugar Sector

    1. Cane price and sugar price move independently: The Fair and Remunerative Price rose from Rs 285 a quintal in 2020-21 to Rs 340 in 2024-25 and Rs 355 for 2025-26, and the minimum selling price of sugar has stayed at Rs 31 a kg since 2019. Eg. Cane arrears recur in Uttar Pradesh whenever mill realisation lags the obligatory cane price. Fix. Adopt the Rangarajan Committee’s revenue sharing formula, linking cane payment to realisation from sugar and by-products.
    2. Export policy doubles as an inflation tool: Raw, white and refined sugar sit in the prohibited export category to protect domestic stocks and ethanol feedstock, costing mills global market access. Eg. Exporters lose long term contracts each time the category is switched mid season. Fix. Announce an export quota at the start of each sugar season against a stated closing stock norm, letting mills contract ahead.
    3. The highest recovery belt is the most water stressed: Maharashtra, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu record higher sucrose recovery and face the sharpest groundwater depletion. Eg. El Nino years have cut cane availability in Maharashtra and Karnataka and closed crushing seasons early. Fix. Make drip irrigation and fertigation under the Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana a condition for cane area expansion, with early maturing drought resistant varieties.
    4. The northern belt crushes longer and recovers less: Uttar Pradesh and Bihar run longer crushing seasons on lower sucrose recovery, with fragmented landholdings raising cane aggregation costs. Eg. A single national recovery benchmark treats a Bihar mill and a Kolhapur mill as comparable. Fix. Set belt specific recovery, crushing and payment benchmarks rather than one national norm.

    “[2025] Consider the following statements:

    Statement I: Of the two major ethanol producers in the world, i.e., Brazil and the United States of America, the former produces more ethanol than the latter.

    Statement II: Unlike in the United States of America, where corn is the principal feedstock for ethanol production, sugarcane is the principal feedstock for ethanol production in Brazil.

    Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?

    (a) Both Statement I and Statement II are correct and Statement II explains Statement I

    (b) Both Statement I and Statement II are correct but Statement II does not explain Statement I

    (c) Statement I is correct but Statement II is not correct

    (d) Statement I is not correct but Statement II is correct

  • [31st August 2026] The Hindu OpED: Adopt policies for reuse of treated water

    [31st August 2026] The Hindu OpED: Adopt policies for reuse of treated water

    Question (2025, GS3): “Examine the factors responsible for depleting groundwater in India. What are the steps taken by the government to mitigate such depletion of groundwater?
    Linkage: The safe reuse of treated water is a critical step in mitigating groundwater depletion. By directing treated wastewater to agricultural fields (“farms”) and industrial units (“factories”), states can significantly reduce their dependence on fresh groundwater extraction.

    Mentor Comment

    Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand have notified treated wastewater reuse policies built for their own geography rather than on a single national template. Both were framed through an extensive consultative process, and both separate the needs of hill communities from those of densely populated plains. They follow the National Framework on Safe Reuse of Treated Water (SRTW), 2022, which made reuse a stated national priority and required States to frame reuse policies of their own. The tension is that sewage treatment capacity has already been built at scale under the Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (AMRUT), the central urban mission that funds water supply and sewerage, and a plant discharging into a drain rather than into a farm or a factory returns no water to the system.

    What is the National Framework on Safe Reuse of Treated Water, 2022?

    1. What it establishes: It sets the national position that reuse of treated water is a priority rather than a peripheral option, which is a policy signal as much as a guidance document.
    2. How it devolves: It requires States to develop their own reuse policies, on the reasoning that water solutions are local even where the ambition is national.

    What makes the two State policies a departure from template policymaking?

    1. Geography is written into the policy: Each policy accounts for the stark internal diversity of its State, treating hill settlements and dense plains as different reuse problems.
    2. Reuse is matched to purpose: Both embed fit for purpose reuse, so water is treated to the standard its end use needs rather than to a single quality for every user.
    3. Reuse is tied to other plans: Both integrate reuse with urban planning and with river rejuvenation, instead of running it as a standalone sanitation activity.
    4. Financing and monitoring are built in: Both carry community participation, blended finance and public private partnership pathways, and digital monitoring systems that make reuse accountable.

    Why does built treatment capacity not become reuse?

    1. A plant without an offtake is idle capacity: National missions have scaled treatment infrastructure, and pipes and plants alone do not close the loop when the output goes into a drain.
    2. Departments do not work together: Utilities, urban departments, irrigation agencies and industries operate in silos, and reuse succeeds only where they operate as one chain.
    3. There is no price signal: Reuse becomes economically rational only when pricing reflects what freshwater actually costs the system.
    4. End users have no assurance: Quality standards are what give a farmer or a factory confidence to take treated water as an input.
    5. National ambition has no local plan: City level roadmaps are what convert a national framework into action by a specific municipal body.

    What is the economic case for reuse?

    1. A supply that does not fail: Treated wastewater offers agriculture, industry, urban landscaping and ecological restoration a reliable and drought proof supply, which is increasingly rare.
    2. It reduces a costly dependence: Reuse cuts expenditure on sourcing fresh water and builds climate resilience into a city’s water balance.
    3. It removes a ceiling on growth: Industrial and urban expansion can proceed without straining existing freshwater supplies, and it supports low carbon urban development at scale.
    4. The case has not been made to the decision maker: Until this computable value is put clearly to State governments and planners, the policy remains an aspiration rather than a budget line.

    What decides whether a State actually adopts reuse?

    1. Money comes from convergence, not new allocations: The financial momentum for reuse targets is unlocked by identifying synergies with already funded schemes rather than by fresh budgetary provision.
    2. Public resistance is the deeper constraint: Misconceptions about the safety of treated water run deep, which is why the national framework and both State policies name treated water Apna Jal, our water.
    3. The shift required is psychological: No document can produce acceptance on its own, and the naming choice is an attempt to change how the resource is perceived before it is used.
    4. Delay compounds: States without a clear reuse plan for water security are not merely behind others, they are running out of time to catch up.

    Challenges to the National Framework on Safe Reuse of Treated Water, 2022

    1. The Framework carries no enforceable target: It directs States to frame reuse policies and fixes no volume any State must actually reuse, so a policy can be notified without a single litre changing hands. Eg. Maharashtra’s obligation to reuse 20 per cent of effluent comes from its own State water regulator rather than from any national instrument. Fix. Attach a reuse share to the consent to discharge issued under the Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974, so the obligation sits on the discharger.
    2. Supply is continuous and demand is seasonal: A treatment plant produces a steady flow around the clock and agricultural offtake follows the cropping calendar, and the storage that bridges the two is rarely built. Eg. Chennai contracted its tertiary treatment output to industrial users in the Manali belt precisely because industry draws a steady year round volume. Fix. Contract an anchor buyer before a plant is commissioned rather than after it is built.
    3. Reuse in food crops carries a health exposure: Irrigation with partially treated sewage moves pathogens and heavy metals into the food chain, and the risk falls on consumers who never chose the input. Eg. The Musi river corridor downstream of Hyderabad has long been irrigated with untreated and partially treated sewage. Fix. Enforce end use specific quality tiers, with the strictest limits for crops eaten raw.
    4. The certifier is also the enforcer: State Pollution Control Boards must certify effluent quality and simultaneously prosecute the dischargers they certify, and they are thinly staffed for either task. Eg. Central Pollution Control Board reviews have repeatedly found a large share of sewage treatment plants operating outside discharge norms. Fix. Separate reuse quality certification from the enforcement function, and staff the certification arm to the number of plants it must clear.

    Conclusion

    The variable that decides reuse is not how much treatment capacity exists but who has contracted to take the output. What to watch is whether the States that have notified policies convert a stated reuse target into signed offtake agreements with irrigation agencies and industry, since that is the point at which a policy becomes a volume of water. The measure worth tracking is the share of treated sewage actually reused, not the share treated.

    Reuse of Treated Water in India

    1. What the activity is: Sewage or industrial effluent is processed to a defined quality standard and then supplied for a use that does not require freshwater.
    2. How little is recovered: Around 28 per cent of India’s sewage is treated and barely 3 per cent of that is beneficially reused, per the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB).
    3. The resource ahead: Over 35,000 million cubic metres of treated wastewater is expected to be available by 2050.
    4. Why the resource matters: India holds around 18 per cent of the world’s population and about 4 per cent of its freshwater, and per capita availability had fallen to 1,486 cubic metres by 2021, below the 1,700 cubic metre stress threshold.

    Laws and Rules Governing Reuse of Treated Water

    1. Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974: Created the Central Pollution Control Board and the State Pollution Control Boards, and made the discharge of sewage or trade effluent into a water body subject to their consent.
    2. Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Amendment Act, 2024: Rationalised the penalty regime, replacing prosecution for a set of minor offences with monetary penalties decided by an adjudicating officer.
    3. Environment (Protection) Act, 1986: The source of the effluent discharge standards a treatment plant must meet before its output is discharged or supplied to a reuse customer.
    4. Entry 17 of the State List: Water supply, irrigation and drainage are State subjects, which is why a national framework can direct States to act but cannot itself operate a reuse policy.

    Government Initiatives for Reuse of Treated Water

    1. Namami Gange Programme: Funds sewage treatment across the Ganga basin, including colony level decentralised plants and the reuse of treated water for irrigation.
    2. National Water Mission: Targets a 20 per cent improvement in water use efficiency, with reuse counted as a demand side measure alongside conservation.
    3. Maharashtra Water Resources Regulatory Authority mandate: The State regulator requires 20 per cent effluent reuse, a model NITI Aayog has endorsed for wider adoption.
    4. Water Reuse Certificates: Developed by the World Bank hosted 2030 Water Resources Group, these are tradable permits on a cap and trade model, with higher quality treated water earning more credits.
  • Why regulators are tightening the cybersecurity net around India’s financial sector

    Why regulators are tightening the cybersecurity net around India’s financial sector

    Why in the News

    The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) has introduced an IT Resilience Index for Market Infrastructure Institutions, converting cyber preparedness into a periodically computed score rather than a one time compliance certificate. The same circular aligns the regulator’s cyber incident reporting portal for regulated entities with a standardised Format for Incident Reporting Exchange (FIRE), a common template that lets an incident be reported in stages as it unfolds. This follows the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) framework for banks and financial institutions issued last month, which mandates board level oversight, a dedicated information technology risk committee and a six hour window to report a cyber incident. Both regulators are responding to artificial intelligence lowering the cost of committing fraud at scale, including deepfake voices used to bypass Know Your Customer (KYC) verification. The tension is that resilience is now scored by the institution being scored, on a six monthly cycle, against threats that move in hours.

    What is the IT Resilience Index?

    1. What it covers: It quantifies the information technology readiness of Market Infrastructure Institutions, meaning the stock exchanges, clearing corporations and depositories through which trading and settlement actually happen.
    2. The nine parameters: Availability and security carry a weight of 20 per cent each, and integrity, governance, reliability and monitoring, modularity and flexibility, and business continuity carry 10 per cent each. Scalability and a residual “others” parameter carry 5 per cent each.
    3. The reporting cycle: Each institution computes the index half yearly and files it within 60 days of the end of each half year. The filing carries a comparative analysis of two consecutive half years on a rolling basis together with the corrective action taken.
    4. When it applies: The framework takes effect from early 2027 and carries an early warning system with continuous monitoring to flag risks before they mature.

    Why is cyber readiness being converted into a score?

    1. The stated risk: Disruption, degraded performance or compromise of these systems can hit critical market operations and damage trust in the securities market itself.
    2. A score reaches the board: Resilience expressed as a number can be measured and benchmarked, which moves it from the technology function into boardroom accountability.
    3. Direction matters more than a snapshot: A comparative filing across two consecutive half years shows whether an institution is improving or slipping, which a point in time audit cannot establish.

    How is incident reporting being standardised?

    1. One template across regulated entities: The reporting portal now follows the FIRE format, so incidents arrive in a comparable structure rather than in each entity’s own narrative.
    2. Reporting follows the incident life cycle: The format carries initial reporting, intermediate updates and a final closure, and it accepts that some information will not be available at the first report.
    3. Two regulators, two clocks: The banking regulator fixes a hard outer deadline for reporting by banks, and the market regulator fixes a staged format for its own regulated entities.

    How is artificial intelligence changing both the threat and the response?

    1. Fraud now scales cheaply: Synthetic voice is being used to defeat customer verification, and complex scams are being run against critical financial services institutions rather than only against individuals.
    2. Breaches have already landed: Cybersecurity threats infiltrated a number of banks during 2026.
    3. Guidelines are pending: The market regulator has said it will shortly issue guidelines for the responsible use of artificial intelligence and machine learning.
    4. The regulator is also a user: Artificial intelligence models already flag suspicious trading patterns, and a team has been constituted to build models covering corporate investigations, extending surveillance from trade data to filed quarterly results.

    Why is the response shifting into the account holder’s own hands?

    1. The killswitch idea: The banking regulator has flagged a mechanism allowing a user to freeze all financial transactions in their accounts during an ongoing fraud.
    2. The securities market is examining the same tool: The market regulator is evaluating a comparable mechanism as part of its artificial intelligence guidelines.
    3. Compensation was widened first: In June the banking regulator revised its fraud compensation mechanism, enlarging the set of victims who can claim and bringing newer digital scams into the definition of fraud.

    Challenges to the IT Resilience Index

    1. The score is self computed: An institution scores its own controls and files the result, so a weak control can be scored generously without an independent check. Eg. Lapses in access and system controls at a Market Infrastructure Institution surfaced in the co-location proceedings against the National Stock Exchange, not through its own reporting. Fix. Require third party assurance of the score before it is filed, in the same way financial statements are audited.
    2. A half yearly cadence cannot track a live intrusion: An index computed twice a year describes a posture, not an event that unfolds within a trading session. Eg. The National Stock Exchange outage of February 2021 halted cash and derivatives trading for close to four hours. Fix. Pair the half yearly score with a continuous telemetry feed to the regulator’s monitoring desk.
    3. The riskiest dependencies sit outside the perimeter: Cloud providers, data centres and software vendors are shared across institutions, and their failure is not captured by any single institution’s score. Eg. The CrowdStrike update failure of July 2024 disabled Windows systems at banks and airlines across several countries at once. Fix. Score vendor and cloud concentration explicitly, and require a tested failover to an alternative provider.
    4. Disclosure competes with reputation: An institution’s first instinct in a breach is containment, and a reporting clock runs against that instinct. Eg. The 2016 malware compromise of a payment switch led to about 32 lakh debit cards being recalled, and it surfaced weeks after the breach began. Fix. Make timeliness and completeness of incident reporting a scored parameter, so silence costs the institution its index.

    Conclusion

    Financial sector cyber regulation has moved from prescribing controls to scoring them, on the reasoning that a number travels to a board in a way an audit finding does not. The unresolved question is whether a score computed by the entity being scored will change behaviour or only documentation. Two markers settle it: the first comparative filings once the index takes effect, and the content of the artificial intelligence guidelines the market regulator has said are coming.

    “[2022, GS3, 10 marks] What are the different elements of cyber security? Keeping in view the challenges in cyber security, examine the extent to which India has successfully developed a comprehensive National Cyber Security Strategy.”

  • Lanka beckons, but for refugees in TN, too much time and distance lie in between

    Lanka beckons, but for refugees in TN, too much time and distance lie in between

    Why in the News

    Sri Lanka’s Cabinet has removed the longstanding legal obstacle to the voluntary return of refugees who fled the civil war without valid passports or through unauthorised departure points. Returnees whose Sri Lankan nationality is established may enter through an authorised port after clearance by the State Intelligence Service. Those cleared will not face prosecution under immigration law merely for having left the country without authorisation, and the decision applies to everyone who left before 19 May 2009, the day the civil war ended. The tension is that the barrier being removed was never the operative one: nearly 90,000 Sri Lankan refugees remain in India, and what holds them is land, livelihood and the fact that a large share of them were born here.

    Why did the legal bar matter in practice?

    1. Prosecution on arrival was real: As late as August 2025, four returnees were detained on arrival in Sri Lanka because they had originally left the country illegally.
    2. International endorsement: The United Nations welcomed the decision as an important step towards the “safe and dignified return” of Sri Lanka’s people.
    3. No package is attached: The Cabinet decision does not spell out any new resettlement package, so it removes a criminal exposure and adds no material support.
    4. Movement has already begun: 246 people belonging to 46 families returned between July 2025 and February 2026 without facing official pushback.

    What is the scale and profile of the refugee population in India?

    1. The total: Nearly 90,000 Sri Lankan refugees live in India.
    2. The camp population: More than 58,000 live in 103 camps spread across 29 districts of Tamil Nadu, including one special camp within the Tiruchi Central Prison complex.
    3. Outside the camps: Another 30,000 live outside the camp system.
    4. Duration and birthplace: Nearly 73 percent of those in camps have been in India for more than 30 years, and 44 to 46 percent were born in India.

    What does the return data show?

    1. The early years: Annual returns ran at 1,673 in 2011, 1,264 in 2012, 711 in 2013, 396 in 2014 and 452 in 2015.
    2. A brief recovery: They rose to 852 in 2016 and 1,520 in 2017, then fell to 1,283 in 2018 and 963 in 2019.
    3. The collapse: Returns dropped to 196 in 2020, 96 in 2021, 208 in 2022, 326 in 2023, 203 in 2024 and 92 in 2025.
    4. No response to the decision: About 400 refugees returned over the past two years, 36 are currently on the waiting list from applications filed over nine months, and no surge in applications has been reported since the Cabinet decision.

    Why is return still not attractive?

    1. The obstacle is economic: The reluctance to return turns on Sri Lanka’s economic crisis and uncertainty over livelihoods rather than on immigration law.
    2. Most have nothing to return to: Only around 15 to 20 percent of the refugees own land in Sri Lanka.
    3. The return grant has shrunk: The repatriation grant fell from Rs 11,250 per person to Rs 8,000 because of the United Nations funding crunch.

    What conditions do refugees face in India?

    1. Registration never ends: Refugees remain registered with the police and subject to periodic renewals, sometimes weekly, more than three decades after arrival.
    2. Movement is timed: Camp residents may leave the premises at 6 a.m. and are generally required to return by 6 p.m., with curbs on travel outside Tamil Nadu.
    3. Housing was provided: The State government gave refugee families houses of 320 square feet.
    4. No documents means no economy: Without a ration card or a voter identity card, a camp resident cannot take a loan or register a vehicle, so earnings do not convert into assets.

    Return or a durable solution in India?

    1. The first generation weighs both: Those who arrived as children measure land, shelter, employment and their children’s education against a settled but restricted life in India.
    2. The second generation splits: Some born in India who have never visited Sri Lanka want to leave for want of work, since a government job is closed to them and private wages are low.
    3. What most are asking for: A large share hope India will offer a durable status here, including citizenship or dual citizenship, rather than requiring return.
    4. India has no framework to offer it: India has no refugee specific statute, so residence is administered under the Foreigners Act, 1946 through executive policy that can be varied without legislation.

    What remains unsettled on the Sri Lankan side?

    1. The military has not withdrawn: A visible military presence remains in the north, where the Tamil population is concentrated.
    2. Complaints continue: Tamil groups report surveillance, unresolved land disputes and restrictions around political activity.
    3. The political demands are unmet: Tamil parties are demanding greater devolution, land release and a new Constitution addressing long standing Tamil aspirations.

    Challenges to the voluntary repatriation of Sri Lankan refugees

    1. Voluntariness cannot be verified without monitoring: A return that is legally voluntary becomes coerced in practice where conditions in the host country deteriorate. Eg. Rohingya returns from Bangladesh have repeatedly stalled over exactly this verification problem. Fix. Allow a neutral agency to interview departing families at the point of exit and to monitor them for a fixed period after arrival.
    2. Land restitution is the binding constraint: Returnees find their plots occupied by the military, by the state or by other occupants, so a grant buys no place to live. Eg. Land in the Valikamam North high security zone near Jaffna was released to owners only in stages after 2015, decades after acquisition. Fix. Publish a title verification and release timetable for each returning family before departure rather than after arrival.
    3. Documentation gaps block proof of nationality: Those who left as infants or were born in camps often hold no Sri Lankan birth record, so establishing nationality becomes the first hurdle. Eg. Children born in Tamil Nadu camps are registered with Indian civil authorities, which does not by itself establish Sri Lankan nationality. Fix. Run consular documentation camps inside the settlements, so nationality is settled before an application is filed.
    4. Support depends on a shrinking international budget: Repatriation assistance is tied to international agency funding rather than to a bilateral commitment, so it contracts whenever donor budgets contract. Eg. Humanitarian funding cuts in 2025 forced agencies to reduce per capita assistance across South Asian operations. Fix. Convert repatriation support into a bilateral package with a fixed per family entitlement agreed between the two governments.
    5. Qualifications earned in India do not transfer: Schooling and degrees obtained in Tamil Nadu are not automatically recognised in Sri Lanka, which strands the generation most able to work. Eg. A graduate degree earned in India needs equivalence certification before it can be used for employment or further study in Sri Lanka. Fix. Agree a mutual recognition arrangement for school and university qualifications as part of the return framework.

    Conclusion

    What to watch is whether the Sri Lankan government attaches a resettlement package covering land and housing to its decision, since removing a prosecution risk changes nothing that a returning family actually lives on. The second question sits on India, and it is whether renewable police registration eventually gives way to a durable status for the generation that has known no other country.

    Back2Basics

    1. What it does: Adopted in 1951, it defines who qualifies as a refugee and sets out the rights of refugees and the obligations of the states hosting them.
    2. Core protection: Article 33 states the principle of non refoulement, which bars returning a refugee to a territory where their life or freedom would be threatened.
    3. The Protocol: The 1967 Protocol removed the original limitation to events occurring in Europe before 1951, making the Convention universal in scope.
    4. India’s position: India is not a party to the Convention or its Protocol, though it has served repeated terms on the executive committee of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

    [2022, GS2, 10 marks] India is an age-old friend of Sri Lanka.’ Discuss India’s role in the recent crisis in Sri Lanka the light of the preceding statement.

  • India, Uzbekistan elevate strategic relationship

    India, Uzbekistan elevate strategic relationship

    Why in the News

    India and Uzbekistan have elevated their ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and set a target of 5 billion dollars in annual trade by 2030.

    What is a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership?

    1. The top tier: It is the highest category in India’s graded system of bilateral partnerships, above a strategic partnership, and it signals cooperation across security, economic and technology domains rather than in a single sector.
    2. What it actually commits: The designation carries no treaty obligation, and it works by creating standing institutional machinery and periodic political level review.

    What was actually signed?

    1. Eleven agreements: The instruments cover mining, culture, education, tourism and ayurveda among other areas.
    2. A payments link: A commercial pact between National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) International Payments Limited (NIPL), the international arm of the operator of India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI), and Uzbekistan’s National Interbank Processing Centre JSC will let Indian UPI applications scan Uzbekistan’s national QR code, the UZQR, for merchant payments.
    3. Buddhist heritage: A Letter of Intent covers restoration and conservation of the Fayaz Tepa and Kara Tepa Buddhist sites in southern Uzbekistan, ancient monasteries marking the spread of Buddhism along the Silk Road.
    4. An environmental grant: India announced a grant of 1 million dollars for afforestation in the Aral Sea region.
    5. Education instruments: 100 Lal Bahadur Shastri scholarships for Hindi language study and an Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) Sanskrit Chair at the Tashkent State University of Oriental Studies were announced.

    Why does the resource agenda dominate the package?

    1. Uranium supply: The two sides agreed to establish a framework for the long term supply of uranium from Uzbekistan to India, with the agreement stated to be close to signature.
    2. Why the fuel matters: India’s domestic uranium is limited in quantity and grade, so fuel for its pressurised heavy water reactors depends on imported supply arrangements.
    3. Critical minerals: Both agreed to expand cooperation through joint projects in geological exploration, mining, mineral processing and the development of integrated value chains.
    4. What joint exploration changes: An equity route into a deposit is different from a purchase contract, since it converts a buyer into a part owner of the supply.

    What economic base does the trade target rest on?

    1. Current volume: Bilateral trade stood close to 1 billion dollars in 2025-26.
    2. The gap to be closed: The 5 billion dollar goal by 2030 requires roughly a fivefold increase in under five years.
    3. India’s standing: India is among the top 10 trading partners of Uzbekistan.
    4. Sectors named for expansion: Trade and investment, infrastructure, innovation, agriculture, pharmaceuticals, health, information technology, digital public infrastructure and education.

    How is the partnership being institutionalised?

    1. The joint commission is upgraded: The existing joint commission moves from the level of secretaries to ministerial level.
    2. A new council: A Coordination Council at the level of Foreign Ministers will provide direction across all aspects of the cooperation.
    3. The regional format: Both reaffirmed engagement within the Central Asia-India format at the level of Heads of State.
    4. A stated order preference: Both stressed the need for a free, open and rules based international order, built on their existing multilateral cooperation.

    What is the security content of the elevation?

    1. Defence industries, not procurement: Both sides will promote direct linkages, co-production and co-development between their defence industries rather than a buyer and seller relationship.
    2. Named threats: Terrorism, extremism and separatism were identified as serious challenges to the entire region, with zero tolerance stated as the shared position.

    Challenges to India’s partnership with Uzbekistan

    1. No usable overland route: India has no land access to Central Asia, since the direct corridor runs through Pakistan, which does not permit transit trade towards Afghanistan and beyond. Eg. Indian cargo to the region moves through Iran’s Chabahar port and then by road, lengthening both transit time and cost. Fix. Complete the Chabahar to Zahedan rail link and operationalise the International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC) with an Uzbek transit agreement attached.
    2. Chinese economic primacy in the region: China is Uzbekistan’s largest trading partner and infrastructure financier, so an Indian trade target competes for market share already held. Eg. The China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway under construction gives Chinese goods a shorter route into the region. Fix. Concentrate on segments where India holds a cost advantage, pharmaceuticals, information technology services and digital public infrastructure, rather than on generalised volume.
    3. A supply framework is not a delivery route: Uranium supply still needs a transport corridor and safeguards arrangements acceptable to the supplier before a contract means anything. Eg. Consignments from Central Asia reach India by sea after long overland movement, which raises both cost and handling risk. Fix. Tie the supply agreement to a designated transit corridor and a fixed price formula rather than negotiating logistics consignment by consignment.
    4. Settlement frictions cap small trade: The Uzbek som is thinly traded and correspondent banking links between the two countries are limited, so settlement costs weigh heavily on modest volumes. Eg. Indian exporters to Central Asia routinely settle through third country banks in the Gulf. Fix. Extend the rupee vostro account arrangement to Uzbek banks alongside the retail payments pact.
    5. Russian primacy narrows the defence agenda: Uzbekistan’s military procurement, training and doctrine remain oriented towards Russia, which limits the room for co-development with a third partner. Eg. Uzbekistan suspended its Collective Security Treaty Organization membership in 2012 and retained its bilateral defence relationship with Russia. Fix. Focus co-production on segments Russia does not supply, such as light armoured vehicles, small arms and unmanned systems.

    Conclusion

    What to watch is the signature of the uranium supply agreement and the first meeting of the new Coordination Council, since these are the two commitments that either produce a document or do not. The wider test is whether an announced trade target survives without a preferential trade instrument or a working transit route behind it.

    Back2Basics

    1. Doubly landlocked: It is one of only two doubly landlocked countries in the world, along with Liechtenstein, so its exports must cross at least two international borders to reach a seaport.
    2. Neighbours: It borders Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan and Turkmenistan.
    3. Resource base: It is among the world’s leading uranium producers and holds substantial gold, natural gas and copper reserves.
    4. The Aral Sea: The Aral Sea, shared with Kazakhstan, shrank drastically after Soviet era diversion of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers for cotton irrigation.

    “[2024, GS2, 10 marks] Critically analyse India’s evolving diplomatic, economic and strategic relations with the Central Asian Republics (CARs) highlighting their increasing significance in regional and global geopolitics.”

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