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  • Personal freedom and the panel on Intercaste/Interfaith Marriages

    Interfaith

    Context

    • Following a report in this newspaper, the Maharashtra government has decided to limit the mandate of the recently constituted Intercaste/Interfaith Marriage-Family Coordination Committee (state level) to gathering information on interfaith marriages.

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    Intercaste/Interfaith Marriage-Family Coordination Committee

    • Work under Women and child development: The renamed Interfaith Marriage-Family Coordination Committee will be under the state Women and Child Development Ministry.
    • Will Track frauds: The committee besides providing support and rehabilitation, when necessary, ostensibly track fraud committed in the name of love jihad.
    • Development come after walker case: The development came after the Shraddha Walkar case came to light in November. Walkar, 26, was murdered by her live-in partner Aaftab Poonawalla in May, 2022
    • Other states with anti-conversion legislation: With states such as Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand already having brought in anti-conversion legislation.

    What is love jihad?

    • “Love jihad” is a term often used by activists to allege a ploy by Muslim men to lure Hindu women into religious conversion through marriage.

    Interfaith

    How the initiative will work?

    • Will collect and keep details of interfaith marriages and ensure communication: This initiative will provide a platform for the women in intercaste/interfaith marriages and their families to access counselling, and communicate or resolve issues.
    • Committee will hold regular meetings: The committee has been assigned to hold meetings with district officials, and review work on seven parameters, including, gathering information about interfaith or inter-caste marriages from stamp duty and registrar offices, and collect information on such registered or unregistered marriages, among others.

    Interfaith

    What are the concerns raised?

    • Control over the lives of individual citizens: Such vigilance remains yet another indication of the State’s disproportionately burgeoning and utterly unacceptable interest in, and demand for, control over the lives of individual citizens.
    • Denial of women’s own choice: It is not just violative of one’s rights of freedom and equality, it also reeks of misogyny in its steadfast denial of a woman’s choice of partner as her own free will and not an act of coercion.
    • Committee can be armed: There is the IPC for all genuine complaints so the committee could be weaponised.
    • It will limit the freedoms of men and women: In every aspect, monitoring of a citizen’s life for her own supposed benefit is a cautionary tale, a limitation of the freedoms of men and women, designed to deter them from leading fuller, freer lives.

    Interfaith

    Basics: Right to Marriage

    • Comes under Right to life: The right to marry is a part of the right to life under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution.
    • As an integral part of Right to Life: Various courts across the country have also interpreted the right to marry as an integral part of the right to life under Article 21.
    • Stated under Human rights Charter: The right to marriage is also stated under Human Rights Charter within the meaning of the right to start a family.
    • Universal right: The right to marry is a universal right and it is available to everyone irrespective of their gender.
    • Forced marriage is illegal: A forced marriage is illegal in different personal laws on marriage in India, with the right to marry recognized under the Hindu laws as well as Muslim laws.

    How is religious freedom protected under the Constitution?

    • Article 25(1) of the Constitution guarantees the “freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion”.
    • It is a right that guarantees a negative liberty which means that the state shall ensure that there is no interference or obstacle to exercise this freedom.
    • However, like all fundamental rights, the state can restrict the right for grounds of public order, decency, morality, health and other state interests.

    Conclusion

    • The marriage between politics and communalism is not a new phenomenon but to try to inhibit that idea of openness and possibility by casting communal aspersions on personal choice might be a travesty. There needs an innovative and inclusive approach to address the issues arise out of interfaith marriages.

    Mains question

    Q. Recently the Maharashtra government has set up a panel named “Intercaste/Interfaith marriage-family coordination committee (state level)” to gather information about couples in such marriages. Discuss the utility and concerns of such initiative?

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  • Private Member’s Bill for women’s reservation

    Bill

    Context

    • As strong advocates of more representation of women in politics, looking at the number of women elected in the Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh assemblies has been saddening. With just 14.9 per cent women elected to our Lok Sabha, India ranks 144 out of 193 countries in the representation of women in parliament according to Inter-Parliamentary Union’s latest report. Among our immediate neighbours, India falls behind Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Nepal.

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    Background: Recent elections and women’s participation

    • Gujrat: Gujarat elected just 8 per cent of women legislators in its 182-member assembly.
    • Himachal Pradesh: Himachal Pradesh, where every second voter is a female, has elected 67 men and only one woman.
    • National Average: The national average of women in all state assemblies remains around 8 per cent. The figure is grim
    • Representation of women in local governments increased: After the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments, the representation of women in local governments increased from a mere 3-4 per cent to nearly 50 per cent now.

    Bill

    History of Women’s Reservation Bill

    • First introduced in 1996 but lapsed with the dissolution of Lok Sabha: The Women’s Reservation Bill was first introduced in 1996 by the Deve Gowda government. After the Bill failed to get approval in Lok Sabha, it was referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee chaired by Geeta Mukherjee, which presented its report in December 1996. However, the Bill lapsed with the dissolution of the Lok Sabha and had to be reintroduced.
    • Bill reintroduced in 1998 but failed and lapsed: PM Vajpayee’s NDA government reintroduced the Bill in the 12th Lok Sabha in 1998. Yet again, it failed to get support and lapsed. In 1999, the NDA government reintroduced it in the 13th Lok Sabha.
    • One-third reservations for women: Subsequently, the Bill was introduced twice in Parliament in 2003. In 2004, the government included it in the Common Minimum Programme that said that the government will take the lead to introduce legislation for one-third reservations for women in Vidhan Sabhas and in the Lok Sabha.
    • The bill introduced and passed in Rajya Sabha: In 2008, the government tabled the Bill in the Rajya Sabha so that it does not lapse again. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Law and Justice recommended the passage of the Bill in December 2009. It was cleared by the Union Cabinet in February 2010. On March 9, 2010, the Bill was passed in the Rajya Sabha with 186-1 votes after immense debate. History was created.
    • Lapsed again in 2014: The Bill, then, reached the Lok Sabha where it never saw the light of day. When the House was dissolved in 2014, it lapsed. Now we are back to square one.
    • Renewed push: In the current Winter Session of Parliament, there is a renewed push from most Opposition parties to pass the Women’s Reservation Bill.

    Bill

    The case study: Political parties and Women representation

    • Political parties that reserved seats for women for election candidature: So far only two regional political parties in India, Odisha’s Biju Janata Dal (BJD) and West Bengal’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) have reserved seats for women for election candidatures.
    • Candidature and results of 2019 general elections: TMC and BJD fielded 40 per cent and 33 per cent women candidates respectively. Interestingly, 65 per cent of the TMC’s women candidates won in comparison to 44 per cent of their men, whereas 86 per cent of the BJD’s women candidates won in comparison to 43 per cent of their men.

    Private Member’s Bill for women’s reservation in all legislative bodies

    • Acknowledging the inequality and barriers: Women have historically suffered due to systemic inequality and barriers. Without a gender quota, women’s representation will continue to remain marginal causing a massive deficit in our democracy.
    • Reserved seats for women: Understanding this reality, there is a need to introduce a Private Member’s Bill demanding women’s reservation in all legislative bodies Lower and Upper Houses, and also reserved seats within that for women who come from historically marginalised communities.
    • Ensuring greater representation: It is a single step that will, if passed, immediately ensure at least 33 per cent representation of women.

    What is Private Member’s Bill?

    • Piloted by member other than minister: A private member’s Bill is different from a government Bill and is piloted by Member of Parliament (MP) who is not a minister. A Member of Parliament who is not a minister is a private member.
    • To draw governments attention: Individual MPs may introduce private member’s Bill to draw the government’s attention to what they might see as issues requiring legislative intervention.

    bill

    Way ahead

    • The case for women’s reservation emanates from their lack of representation in legislative bodies. We cannot rely on incremental changes.
    • We cannot let another generation fight for what is fundamental to participating in a democracy the right to be heard and make decisions.
    • Women’s reservation will jump-start the democratic process. It will allow a significant majority to have a say in how their lives must be governed.
    • Over the years, though, women’s vote share has increased significantly, but the number of women in positions of power has not.

    Conclusion

    • Victor Hugo famously said, “No force on earth can stop an idea whose time has come”. Women’s reservation in legislatures is one idea which has been discussed, debated, and agreed upon by most political parties. It is now time to take it to fruition. With its massive women population, India has a huge reservoir of potential which, if unleashed, will take the country much ahead.

    Main Question

    Q. Women reservation bill has introduced and lapsed no of times. In this context discuss why it is necessary to have reserved seats for women in all legislative bodies?

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  • Consistency comes from Discipline | If discipline is your #1 struggle, let us help plan a strategy for you | Get CD special Prelims Package for FREE – Fill Samanvaya form for IAS 2023

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  • [Sansad TV] Perspective: Inter-State Border Disputes in India

    Context

    • Union Home Minister held a meeting with the Chief Ministers of Maharashtra and Karnataka on the border dispute between the two States.
    • Both sides agreed that neither State will press their claims further till the judgement of the Supreme Court on this matter and discuss this issue in detail.

    Inter-state Border Disputes in India: A Backgrounder

    • As of now, no interstate border dispute has been resolved in independent India.
    • Karnataka and Maharashtra are not the only two States involved in the border dispute.  
    • There are boundary disputes arising out of the demarcation of boundaries and claims and counter-claims over territories between-
    states

    [1] Karnataka-Maharashtra

    • The Belgaum district is arguably part of one of the biggest inter-state border disputes in India.
    • The district has a large Marathi and Kannada-speaking populations and has been at the centre of a dispute for a long time.
    • The area came under Karnataka in 1956 when states were reorganized and till then it was under the Bombay presidency.

    [2] Assam-Mizoram

    • The border dispute between Assam and Mizoram is a legacy of two British-era notifications of 1875 and 1933, when Mizoram was called Lushai Hills, a district in Assam.
    • The 1875 notification differentiated Lushai Hills from the plains of Cachar and the other demarcated boundary between Lushai Hills and Manipur.
    • While Mizoram became a state only in 1987 following years of insurgency, it still insists on the boundary decided in 1875.
    • Assam, on the other hand, wants the boundary demarcated in 1986 (based on the 1933 notification).
    • Mizoram says the 1986 agreement is not acceptable as the Mizo civil society was not consulted at that time.

    [3] Haryana-Himachal Pradesh

    • The Parwanoo region has had the spotlight over the border dispute between the two states.
    • It is next to the Panchkula district of Haryana and the state has claimed parts of the land in Himachal Pradesh as its own.

    [4] Himachal Pradesh-Ladakh

    • Himachal and Ladakh lay claim to Sarchu, an area on the route between Leh and Manali.
    • It is considered a major point where travellers stop when travelling between the two cities.
    • Sarchu is in between Himachal’s Lahul and Spiti district and Leh district in Ladakh.

    [5] Arunachal Pradesh-Assam

    • Arunachal’s grievance is that the re-organisation of North Eastern states unilaterally transferred several forested tracts in the plains that had traditionally belonged to hill tribal chiefs and communities to Assam.
    • After Arunachal Pradesh achieved statehood in 1987, a tripartite committee was appointed which recommended that certain territories be transferred from Assam to Arunachal.
    • Assam contested this and the matter is before the Supreme Court.

    [6] Meghalaya-Assam

    • The problem between Assam and Meghalaya started when the latter challenged the Assam Reorganisation Act of 1971, which gave Blocks I and II of the Mikir Hills or present-day Karbi Anglong district to Assam.
    • Meghalaya contends that both these blocks formed part of the erstwhile United Khasi and Jaintia Hills district when it was notified in 1835.
    • Meghalaya bases its case on survey maps of 1872 and 1929 and certain notifications of 1878 and 1951, while Assam wants to go by the rejected recommendations of the Churachand Committee.

    [7] Assam-Nagaland

    • The longest-running border dispute in the North East is between Assam and Nagaland, which began soon after Nagaland became a state in 1963.
    • The Nagaland State Act of 1962 had defined the state’s borders according to a 1925 notification when Naga Hills and Tuensang Area (NHTA) were integrated into a new administrative unit.
    • Nagaland, however, does not accept the boundary delineation and has demanded that the new state should also have all Naga-dominated areas in North Cachar and Nagaon districts.
    • Since Nagaland did not accept its notified borders, tensions between Assam and Nagaland flared up soon after the latter was formed, resulting in the first border clashes in 1965.
    • This was followed by major clashes between the two states along the border in 1968, 1979, 1985, 2007, 2014 and 2021.

    Genesis of such disputes

    • Reorganization considerations: When India started carving out states in 1953, the States Reorganisation Commission said territorial readjustments between (states) should not assume the form of disputes between alien powers.
    • Lingual assertion: Several inter-state border disputes have their roots in the reorganisation of states in the 1950s … (which) was primarily based on language.
    • Colonial division: Many of these state demarcations were based on district boundaries created by the British. For example, partition of Bengal led to present day Assam issue.
    • Inequitable sharing of resources: These territorial contests are part of a larger set of differences over resources between states — over access to river waters.
    • Lack of constitutional mechanism: Article 262 is on the adjudication of disputes relating to waters of inter-state rivers or river valleys. There is no comparable provision on disputes on land.
    • Political opportunism: Frankly, no serious efforts have been made to resolve the disputes. Political parties have used this for vote bank politics.

    Why does NE have so many border disputes?

    • Ethnocentrism was ignored: States Reorganisation Commission went ahead and recommended the creation of just one state, Assam, which would administer what are now Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Tripura.
    • Difficult border demarcation due to terrain: The other complexity has been terrain — rivers, hills and forests straddle two states in many places and borders cannot be physically marked.
    • Primitive populations were ignored: Colonial maps had left out large tracts of the northeast outside Assam as “thick forests” or marked them “unexplored”. Indigenous communities were, for the most part, left alone.
    • Political motivations behind reorganization: Boundaries would be drawn for administrative convenience when the “need” arose. The 1956 demarcation did not resolve the discrepancies.
    • Historic discrepancies: Mizoram got its first recorded boundary in 1875 after a survey of 6,500 sq. miles of “new” territory, unmapped before, to separate it from Cachar and protect British tea plantations. When Mizoram was created, it was way smaller than the 1875 map by about 750 sq km.  
    • Apathy of centre: The Inter-State Council constituted to support Centre-state and inter-state coordination and collaboration hasn’t met for the last six years although it’s supposed to meet thrice a year.

    Resolving such conflict

    • Zonal councils: The States Reorganization Act, 1956, which established the new linguistic states, also set up an institutional mechanism to settle disputes. It had set five zonal councils, each comprising the chief and two other ministers of each of the constituent states, and a central minister as chairman.
    • Dialogue: Inter-state border disputes can be resolved by the states themselves or by the Centre through dialogue and political settlements.   
    • Central commissions: The Sundaram Commission recommended a border between Assam and Nagaland (but Nagaland rejected the report).
    • Judicial intervention: Disputes can also be settled by the Judiciary. For instance, the Belgaum issue is still pending in the Supreme Court.

    Issues with such disputes

    • Radicalism and Terrorism: Many terror activities in NE are triggered by the sense of alienation and demand for separate nations (as well as flags) to assert their individual identiy.
    • Secessionist tendencies and separatism: Inter-state disputes need to be settled quickly and impartially otherwise they become festering sores which create friction, prevent development, and give a perverse direction to separatism.
    • Blow to federalism: The ugly and violent clashes between the states are against to the spirit of mutual coexistence and thereby a blow to Ek Bharat, Shreshtha Bharat.
    • Domino effect: Domino effect or chain reaction at other disputed borders or in other inter-state disputes such as river water, migration of people etc. due to trust deficit between states.

    Way forward

    • Land survey-based boundary demarcation: The states must set up state committees to work with a survey of India and other neutral agencies for land surveys.
    • Involving indigenous communities: The local communities can also be engaged in this demarcation of borders.
    • Creating no-man’s land: The centre must remove the encroachments from both sides devise a “no lose” (non-zero sum) solution to territory dispute.
    • Strengthening of Inter-State Councils and Zonal Councils: Frequent meetings of thse Councils for convergence of interests between states and suggest institutional solutions to benefit both by dispute resolution.

    Conclusion

    • Mutual resolution: While states decide how best to settle their disputes, India needs a national, centrally enforced moratorium on actions.
    • Stopping provocations: The Election Commission must punish parties and politicians who engage in border provocations.
    • Political restrain: Political elites must not be allowed to inflame passions along disputed borders to satiate their electoral appetites and territorial ambitions.  
    • Preventing further escalations: The task of integrating the Princely States into the Union of India was far too messier. Following in Patel’s footsteps is easier said than done.

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  • What is Vacation Bench of Supreme Court?

    Chief Justice of India D. Y. Chandrachud said no Vacation Benches will be available in the apex court during the winter break.

    Vacation Bench

    • A Vacation Bench of the Supreme Court is a special bench constituted by the Chief Justice of India.
    • The court takes two long vacations each year, the summer and winter breaks, but is technically not fully closed during these periods.
    • Litigants can still approach the Supreme Court and, if the court decides that the plea is an “urgent matter”, the Vacation Bench hears the case on its merits.
    • While there is no specific definition as to what an “urgent matter” is.
    • During vacations the court generally admits writs related to habeas corpus, certiorari, prohibition and quo warranto matters for enforcement of any fundamental right.

    Do you know?

    The Supreme Court has 193 working days a year for its judicial functioning, while the High Courts function for approximately 210 days, and trial courts for 245 days. High Courts have the power to structure their calendars according to the service rules.

    Legal Provisions for Vacation Bench

    • Under Rule 6 of Order II of The Supreme Court rules, 2013 the CJI has nominates the Division Benches for the hearing of urgent miscellaneous matters and regular hearing matters during the summer vacation for period.
    • The rule reads that CJI may appoint one or more Judges to hear during summer vacation or winter holidays all matters of an urgent nature which under these rules may be heard by a Judge sitting singly.
    • And, whenever necessary, he may likewise appoint a Division Court for the hearing of urgent cases during the vacation which require to be heard by a Bench of Judges.

    Which else can appoint vacation bench?

    • The High Courts and trial courts too have Vacation Benches to hear urgent matters under their jurisdiction.

    Has vacation benches made any historic judgments?

    • Vacation Benches of the Supreme Court have also authored historical decisions.
    • One of the best known is when a Vacation Bench Judge in June 1975, refused PM Indira Gandhi’s plea to stay an Allahabad High Court decision setting aside her election – a decision which triggered the Emergency.
    • A Constitution Bench of the court had heard the triple talaq case during vacation days.

    Issues with court vacations

    • Huge pendency: Extended frequent vacations is not good optics, especially in the light of mounting pendency of cases and the snail’s pace of judicial proceedings.
    • Creating further delays: For an ordinary litigant, the vacation means further unavoidable delays in listing cases.

    Arguments in favour

    • Rejuvenation of judges: Lawyers have often argued that in a profession that demands intellectual rigour and long working hours — both from lawyers and judges — vacations are much needed for rejuvenation.
    • Long working hours: Judges typically work for over 10 hours on a daily basis. Apart from the day’s work in court from 10.30 am to 4 pm, they also spend a few hours preparing for the next day.
    • Preparing for judgments: A frequently-made argument is that judges utilise the vacation to write judgments.
    • Courts not in session: Another argument is that judges do not take leave of absence like other working professionals when the court is in session.
    • Socialization: Family tragedies, health are rare exceptions, but judges rarely take the day off for social engagements.
    • No impact on pendency: Data show that the Supreme Court roughly disposes of the same number of cases as are instituted before it in a calendar year.

    Reforming the vacation clause

    • In 2000, the Justice Malimath Committee, set up to recommend reforms in the criminal justice system, suggested that the period of vacation should be reduced by 21 days.
    • It suggested that the Supreme Court work for 206 days, and High Courts for 231 days every year.
    • In its 230th report, the Law Commission of India headed by Justice A R Lakshmanan in 2009 called for reform in this system.
    • Considering the staggering arrears, vacations in the higher judiciary must be curtailed by at least 10 to 15 days and the court working hours should be extended by at least half an hour, it said.
    • In 2014, when the Supreme Court notified its new Rules, it said that the period of summer vacation shall not exceed seven weeks from the earlier 10-week period.

     

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  • Missile destroyer INS Mormugao commissioned into Indian Navy

    mormugaon

    Indian Naval Ship (INS) Mormugao (Pennant 67), a P15B stealth-guided missile destroyer was commissioned into the Indian Navy.

    INS Mormugao 

    • This was the second ship to be inducted as a part of the four ‘Visakhapatnam’ class destroyers.
    • It is indigenously designed by the Navy’s in-house organisation Warship Design Bureau and constructed by Mazagaon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) in the country’s financial capital Mumbai.
    • The ship was named after a key port in the Indian state of Goa, it was inducted on the eve of Goa Liberation Day.
    • The ship was first launched in September 2016 and began sea trials last year on December 19 which coincided with the day that Goa was liberated from Portuguese rule six decades earlier with December 18 marking the launch of Operation Vijay by the Indian Armed Forces in 1961.
    • Singh also paid tributed former defence minister, the late Manohar Parrikar who had launched INS Mormugao in 2016.

    Features of INS Mormugao

    • The ship measures 163 metres by 17 metres and has the ability to fight in nuclear, biological, as well as chemical (NBC) warfare due to its total atmospheric control system (TACS).
    • Additionally, with a displacement of 7,400 tonnes, the INS Mormugao is loaded with state-of-the-art weapons.
    • It will be operated by a crew of at least 350 which would include 50 officers and 250 sailors.
    • Over 75 per cent of the ship’s content was manufactured and developed in India, either directly or designed and developed by Indian Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) or through strategic tie-ups.
    • It is capable of achieving speeds of 30 knots (55 km/hour) as it is propelled by four powerful gas turbines in a ‘combined gas and gas’ (COGAG) configuration.

    Combat weaponry

    • INS Mormugao includes weapons like BrahMos surface-to-surface missiles and Barak-8 surface-to-air missiles.
    • It is also fitted with a modern surveillance radar which helps provide target data to the ship’s weapon system.
    • Additionally, the ship’s weaponry also includes indigenously-developed rocket launchers, torpedo launchers and ASW helicopters like Sea King or HAL Dhruv.

    Historic significance of Mormugao Port

    • Even as a port, Mormugao has contributed significantly to the growth of India’s maritime trade.
    • Even today, it is one of the oldest and largest ports in the country and will retain this special place due to the services it provides be it Mormugao fort or Mormugao port.
    • It is landmark since the 17th century Maratha campaign against the Portuguese under Chhatrapati Sambhaji (Ch. Shivaji Maharaj’s son).

    Back2Basics: Project PB15

    • P15B destroyers is a class of four ships built by the country’s MDSL with INS Visakhapatnam (Pennant D66), commissioned last year in November as the year.
    • These ships are set to be more advanced than the Kolkata class under the project named 15A which comprised INS Kolkata, INS Kochi, and INS Chennai.
    • The contract for the ships was signed back in 2011 and under Project 15B they were to be named after four major Indian cities like Visakhapatnam, Mormugao, Imphal, and Surat.
    • A group of ships with similar tonnage, usage, capabilities, and weaponry are referred to as a ship’s ‘class’.
    • P15B destroyers incorporate new design concepts for improved survivability, seakeeping and manoeuvrability.

     

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  • Why banyan, peepal trees live longer?

    banyan

    Researchers at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (IISER) Bhopal have found out the carried out whole genome sequencing of banyan and peepal from leaf tissue samples.

    Science behind long life: Multiple Signs of Adaptive-evolution (MSA)

    • Scientists identified 25,016 coding gene sequences in banyan and 23,929 in peepal.
    • Both trees faced a population bottleneck around 0.8 million years ago and evolved genes with multiple signs of adaptive evolution (MSA).
    • In banyan, the MSA genes are mainly involved in root growth, pollen tube and seed development, leaf formation, cell wall synthesis, metabolism and other developmental processes.

    How MSA prolongs the life?

    • Disease resistance and other stress tolerance gene families showed expansion as well as high expression, contributing to the plants’ long lifespan.
    • The MSA genes of peepal are associated with root cell elongation, cell proliferation, seed and pollen tube growth, lateral organ development, controlling flowering time, metabolism and intracellular transport.
    • The team zeroed in on 17 MSA genes in banyan and 19 MSA genes in peepal that are mainly related to well-developed morphology, and tolerance against drought, oxidative stress and pathogens.
    • Genes involved in growth-regulating auxin signalling and plant senescence-regulating pathways also showed evolutionary signatures.
    • Also, 88% and 89% of the MSA genes in banyan and peepal trees, respectively, are associated with tolerance against biotic and abiotic stress responses.
    • This, in turn, helps these plants to survive when faced with environmental challenges.

     

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  • How can mRNA vaccines help fight cancer?

    mrna

    The results of a trial of an experimental cancer vaccine built on the mRNA (messenger ribonucleic acid) platform, made by Moderna and MSD (Merck&Co.), have shown promising results.

    What is mRNA?

    mrna

    • Messenger RNA (mRNA) is a single-stranded RNA (Ribo Nucleic Acid) molecule that is complementary to one of the DNA strands of a gene.
    • The mRNA is an RNA version of the gene that leaves the cell nucleus and moves to the cytoplasm where proteins are made.
    • During protein synthesis, an organelle called a ribosome moves along the mRNA, reads its base sequence, and uses the genetic code to translate each three-base triplet, or codon, into its corresponding amino acid.

    What are mRNA vaccines?

    • mRNA vaccines work by introducing a piece of mRNA that corresponds to a viral protein, usually a small piece of a protein found on the virus’s outer membrane.
    • Individuals who get an mRNA vaccine are not exposed to the virus, nor can they become infected with the virus by the vaccine.
    • As part of a normal immune response, the immune system recognizes that the protein is foreign and produces specialized proteins called antibodies.
    • Antibodies help protect the body against infection by recognizing individual viruses or other pathogens, attaching to them, and marking the pathogens for destruction.
    • Once produced, antibodies remain in the body, even after the body has rid itself of the pathogen, so that the immune system can quickly respond if exposed again.

    How does the vaccine work?

    • The personalized cancer vaccine uses the same messenger-RNA technology that was used to produce the COVID vaccine.
    • It allows the body’s immune system to seek and destroy cancerous cells, in this case melanoma, but with the hope that it could lead to new ways to fight other types of cancers too.

    Why is it a significant feat?

    • The cancer vaccine showed a 44% reduction in the risk of dying of cancer or having the cancer progress.
    • As a personalized cancer vaccine, it is tailor-made for every patient.
    • As a consequence, it is expected to be very expensive to make.
    • But oncologists across the world have welcomed this as an exciting new opportunity in cancer care.

     

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  • Disparities in Climate Change Financial Responsibility

    Financial

    Context

    • Extreme weather events are becoming more prevalent with each passing year and countries are increasingly taking cognizance of this. Yet, there remains a rift between developing and developed countries, largely on account of asymmetries between the incidence of and the financial responsibility assumed for climate change.

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    Background: Rift between developed and developing countries

    • Historical emission by developed countries: It is estimated that 92 per cent of excess historical emissions are attributable to developed countries.
    • Burden on developing countries: Yet the economic impact of climate change is disproportionately borne by vulnerable developing countries. The 58 vulnerable countries (or V20) account for 5 per cent of global emissions while the costs incurred are significant.
    • UNEP estimates that efforts on climate adaptation would require $160-340 billion by 2030. But, current financial flows are inadequate, with developing countries receiving only a third of what is required.
    • The dual costs of shifting away from fossil fuels and that of climate catastrophes are expected to further chip away at fiscal resilience as developing countries reel under the pressures of slowdown, inflation and excess sovereign debt.

    Financial

    COP27 decisions on accelerating finance

    • Recognized the need of transforming the financial system: In its draft decision, the UN highlighted that to meet the scale of funding will require a transformation of the financial systems, structures and processes. It will require engaging with all financial actors.
    • Recognized discontent of green climate fund: In the past there have been funding facilities such as the Green Climate Fund, which were meant to support adaptation and mitigation. But there is wide discontent with the pace and extent of access to such facilities.
    • Announcement of Loss and Damage (L&D) fund: The announcement of a Loss and Damage (L&D) fund stole the attention. However, reflections from past experiences are essential.

    Challenges on developing inclusive financial structure

    • Visible reluctance to contribute among big economies: The institutional architecture of multilateral funds has been demonstrably slow to deliver. Then there is the visible reluctance to contribute among the big economies. To restore its lost legitimacy, the US made several announcements at COP27 but its lack of support to the L&D fund and financing of the global shield meant to support vulnerable countries to address risks of climate change must be factored in.
    • Mismatch between financial expectations, regulations and society’s requirement: As the demands placed on economies dwarf public finances, it is intuitive to expect private capital to step up. For decades, developing countries have competed to attract private capital leading to frail legal and tax systems. Even as private capital shifts to the green sectors on account of regulatory action, it is reasonable to expect that its pace will be tempered by financial expectations.
    • National carbon tax is rarely discussed: Interestingly, experts are beginning to see climate actions connected with tax policy. This is evident from the revival of the repeatedly shelved Financial Transaction Tax in the EU. Every package announced involves a redistribution of incomes within and across countries. Therefore, a general overhaul of tax architecture is inevitable. Yet, a dedicated national carbon tax is rarely discussed.

    Financial

    Hypocrisy of developed countries and India’s call of Phase down

    • Policy makers discussed the inadequacies of the system: COP27 was a spectacle of distractions. Experts from around the world assembled in the comforts of their echo chambers, reciting the promise of the transition, as policy makers reiterated the inadequacies of the system.
    • Growing pressure on developing countries to abandon access to fossil fuel: There is also growing pressure on developing countries to abandon their access to fossil fuels, overlooking the view that a hastened transition can have adverse consequences for growth.
    • Systematically sidelined India’s Phase down Call: There have been repeated questions as to why India chooses to use the term “phase down” and its slow response. The hypocrisy of the developed countries was stark as countries chose to sideline India’s call to phase down all fossil fuels.

    Way ahead

    • While the release of the long-term low carbon development strategy is a fitting response from India, there needs to be better guidance on the pathway to net zero.
    • With India chairing the G-20 this year, the question of phasing down coal will be asked repeatedly.
    • There is already growing interest in signing a just energy transition partnership with India.

    Conclusion

    • The learnings from COP27 must inform the G-20 presidency. It is also important to remain conscious that dramatic shifts in policy are pursued domestically and not all change is pursued by consensus. The principle of common but differentiated responsibility should not be traded for the promise of finance.

    Mains question

    In the context of COP27, The principle of common but differentiated responsibility should not be traded for the promise of finance. Comment

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