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  • Differential impact of COVID and the lockdown

    Though pandemic has been called as the great leveller, closer look at the impact of Covid on the marginalised section indicate otherwise. This article examines the impact of pandemic with respect to responsible factors.

    The marginalised at risk

    • Preliminary data and early indirect evidence from several parts of the world indicate that the incidence of the disease is not class-neutral.
    • Poorer and economically vulnerable populations are more likely to contract the virus as well as to die from it.
    • Economic consequences of the current pandemic are likely to be most concentrated among the low wage earners.
    • Disaggregated data on COVID-19 incidence and mortality are not available for India.
    • Thus, we cannot comment on whether certain caste groups are more vulnerable to the virus than others.

    Cast factor: Let’s look into CMIE survey

    • India’s lockdown was among the most stringent.
    • The first month of the severe lockdown, April 2020, witnessed a sharp rise in unemployment.
    • Let’s examine shifts in employment and unemployment rates using data from the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE)’s Consumer Pyramids Household Survey (CPHS) database.
    • That the proportion of employed upper castes dropped from 39% to 32% between December 2019 and April 2020, a fall of seven percentage points.
    • The corresponding fall for Scheduled Castes (SCs) was from 44% to 24%, i.e. a fall of 20 percentage points.
    • Other Backward Classes and Scheduled Tribes (STs) the fall was from 42% to 34%, 40% to 26% and 48% to 33%.
    • Thus, the fall in employment for SCs and STs was far greater in magnitude than that for upper castes.

    Education factor

    • The global evidence suggests that job losses associated with COVID-19 are much more concentrated among individuals with low levels of education.
    • Those with more than 12 years of education, were much less likely to be unemployed in April 2020 than those with less than 12 years of education.
    •  Data from the India Human Development Survey for 2011-12 (IHDS-II) show that 51% of SC households have adult women who have zero years of education, i.e. are illiterate, and 27% have an illiterate adult male member.
    •  Thus, in the face of current school closures, parents of SC children would be much less equipped to assist their children with any form of home learning.

    Access to technology and other factors

    • The proportion of households with access to the Internet is 20% and 10% for UC and SC households, respectively.
    •  Only 49% of SCs have bank savings, as compared to 62% of Upper Caste households.
    • Differential access to information technology, as well as disparities in the ability to invest in technology, will be critical in shaping access to online education.

    Consider the question “Examine the impact of Covid on the vulnerable section of society. Suggest the measures to mitigate the impact.”

    Conclusion

    Early impacts of the pandemic-induced lockdown indicate that the resultant economic distress is exacerbating pre-existing structures of disadvantage based on social identity, and investments in education and health.

  • Increasing age of marriage will be exercise of carceral power by state

    The article examines the issue of the age of marriage of girls and its relation with their education level and economic status.

    Trends in early marriage

    • The National Family Health Survey (NFHS-4) data 2015-16 points to certain trends in early marriages:
    • That rural women are likely to marry earlier than their urban counterparts.
    • The higher up a woman is on the wealth quintile, the later she marries.
    • Most importantly, it establishes a direct causal link between education levels and delayed age of marriage.
    • Women with 12 years or more of schooling are most likely to marry later.
    • Only 8 per cent rural girls who drop out in the age group 6 to 17 years cite marriage as the reason.

    Impact on STs and SCs

    • According to the wealth quintile data, the poorest households are concentrated in rural India.
    • The lowest quintile, which is most likely to marry off their girls early out of socio-economic necessities, have 45 per cent of the Scheduled Tribe (ST) and 25.9 per cent Scheduled castes.
    • The NFHS-4 data on women aged 15-49 by number of years of schooling completed shows that 42 per cent ST women and 33 per cent SC women have received no schooling.

    Issues

    • Marriages in India are governed by various personal laws which set varying minimum ages for girls as also the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (PCMA), 2006, where it is 18 years for girls and 21 for boys.
    • This is compounded by The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012, that increased the age of consent, from 16 years to 18 years.
    • Several studies have shown how this has criminalised self-arranged adolescent marriages as parents often misuse it to punish couples marrying without their approval, especially in cases of inter-caste marriages.

    Way forward

    • The National Human Rights Commission showed how higher education levels lead to a lower likelihood of women being married early and recommended that the Right to Education Act, 2009, be amended to make it applicable up to the age of 18 years.
    • Noting the law’s patriarchal underpinnings, the 18th Law Commission report (2008) asked for uniformity in the age of marriage at 18 years for both men and women and lowering the age of consent to 16 years. Government could act on such a recommendation.

    Consider the question “What are the advantages of increasing the minimum age of marriage for girls. Also, examine the issues with the move.

    Conclusion

    The median age at first marriage for both men and women in India has registered a significant decadal improvement with more people now marrying later than ever before. Any attempt to leapfrog through quick-fix and ill-conceived punitive measures will only considerably reverse these gains.

  • Naga peace process

    The article analyses the issue of Naga peace process and the problem of identifying the stakeholders in the process.

    Naga Polity and aspirations

    • The  Nagas family comprises over 25 tribes.
    • Each of these is a proud owner and inheritor of a distinct culture, language, tradition and geography, supporting a distinct world view.
    • However, many Nagas aspire to Naga unity, and they view those tribal loyalties as residues of a premodern past and an obstacle to Naga solidarity.
    • Naga nationalism is connected with the idea Naga homeland  that includes contiguous areas in a number of Northeastern states, and even parts of Myanmar.

    “Unique history” formulation

    • The source of the phrase can be traced back to a joint communiqué that NSCN-IM General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and former Home Secretary K Padmanabhaiah signed in Amsterdam on July 11, 2002.
    • Meaning of the phrase “unique history” is not self-explanatory.
    • Despite the lack of clarity, it is adopted by officials and political leaders intended to accept two things-
    • (a) the characterisations long favoured by security bureaucrats of the Naga political struggle as a separatist insurgency or a terrorist movement that makes false claims to Naga unity, are inaccurate and
    • (b) rejecting those labels [ such as separatist insurgency or terrorist movement] is a necessary condition for negotiations based on mutual respect.
    • Those are significant achievements that should not be allowed to wither away.

    Negotiating with NSCN-IM and issues with it

    • NSCN-IM had declared the Shillong Accord of 1975 a sellout, and a betrayal of the Naga cause.
    • But it emerged as a serious political force precisely because it stood for Naga unity.
    • However, it is argued that NSCN-IM’s appeal is limited to the Tangkhul tribes of Manipur only.

    Consider the question “The issues of identifying the stakeholders in the Naga peace process is at the root of the solution to the peace problem. Also, examine the other factors which make the resolution elusive. Suggest the measures to resolve the issue.”

    Conclusion

    That a more nuanced negotiating strategy is now emerging is a positive development. But the fundamental question about who all the stakeholders in the Naga conflict are, still needs a satisfactory answer, one that is based on an in-depth mapping of the conflict. Only then can we expect peaceful dialogue and patient negotiations to end the conflict and bring about a durable peace.

  • [Burning Issue] Defence Production and Export Promotion Policy, 2020

    The realities of International relations has ensured that the importance of hard power never diminishes. From China to USA, military power has time and again seen research, innovations and reforms. It is true if India wants to see itself as a hard power then innovation is the keyword. More precisely, indigenous production!  

    In order to provide impetus to self-reliance in defence manufacturing, multiple announcements were made under ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat Package’. The next step is a draft Defence Production and Export Promotion Policy 2020 (DPEPP 2020) formulated by the Ministry of Defence (MoD).

    With this edition of Burning Issues, let us look more closely into this policy, some challenges and solutions.

    History bears testimony to the fact that all nations with a strong military-industrial complex had a strong military force, resulting in a strong and vibrant foreign policy to stand comfortably amongst the comity of nations.

    Why the fuss about Indigenization?

    1) Reducing import dependence

    • India was the world’s second-largest arms importer from 2014-18, ceding the long-held tag as the largest importer to Saudi Arabia, which accounted for 12% of the total imports during the period, says 2019 SIPRI report.
    • Pakistan stood at the 11th position, accounting for 2.7% of all global imports.
    • Such higher import dependency leads to increase in the fiscal deficit.

    2) Security Imperative

    • Indigenization in defence is critical to national security also. It keeps intact the technological expertise and encourages spin-off technologies and innovation that often stem from it.
    • Indigenization is needed in order to avert the threats associated with the frequent ceasefire violations like that of the Uri, Pathankot and Pulwama attacks.
    • India is surrounded by porous borders and hostile neighbours need to be self-sufficient and self-reliant in defence production.

    3) Economic boost

    • Indigenization in defence can help create a large industry which also includes small manufacturers.
    • Example: USA has a strong defence industry with cmpanies like Lockheed martin contributing to economic growth as well.

    4) Employment generation

    • Defence manufacturing will lead to the generation of satellites industries that in turn will pave the way for a generation of employment opportunities.
    • As per government estimates, a reduction in 20-25% in defence-related imports could directly create an additional 100,000 to 120,000 highly skilled jobs in India.

    It was the military industrial set-up of Germany that enabled it to launch its offensive practically against the entire western world both in World War I and World War II.

    Defence Production and Export Promotion Policy, 2020

    The DPEPP 2020 is envisaged as overarching guiding document of MoD to provide a focused, structured and significant thrust to defence production capabilities of the country for self-reliance and exports.

    The policy has laid out the following goals and objectives:

    1. To achieve a turnover of Rs 1,75,000 Crores (US$ 25Bn) including export of Rs 35,000 Crore (US$ 5 Billion) in Aerospace and Defence goods and services by 2025.
    2. To develop a dynamic, robust and competitive Defence industry, including Aerospace and Naval Shipbuilding industry to cater to the needs of Armed forces with quality products.
    3. To reduce dependence on imports and take forward “Make in India” initiatives through domestic design and development.
    4. To promote the export of defence products and become part of the global defence value chains.
    5. To create an environment that encourages R&D rewards innovation creates Indian IP ownership and promotes a robust and self-reliant defence industry.

    The Policy brings out multiple strategies under the following focus areas:

    1. Procurement Reforms
    2. Indigenization & Support to MSMEs/Startups
    3. Optimize Resource Allocation
    4. Investment Promotion, FDI & Ease of Doing Business
    5. Innovation and R&D
    6. DPSUs and OFB
    7. Quality Assurance & Testing Infrastructure
    8. Export Promotion

    Outlined strategies:

    1) Procurement Reforms

    • A Project Management Unit (PMU) will be set up for the development and production of technologies involved, life cycle costs and maintenance requirements of platforms, equipment and weapon systems.
    • It also aims to move away from licensed production to design, develop and produce indigenously.
    • It also aims to own the design rights and IP of the systems projected in the Long Term Integrated Perspective Plan (LTIPP) and a Technology Assessment Cell (TAC) would be created.
    • The TAC would also assess the industrial capability for design, development and production, including re-engineering for production of major systems such as armoured vehicles, submarines, fighter aircraft, helicopters and radars with the major industries in the country.

    2) Indigenization And Support to MSMEs/Startups

    • The indigenization policy aims to create an industry ecosystem to indigenise the imported components (including alloys and special materials) and sub-assemblies for defence equipment and platforms manufactured in India. 5,000 such items are proposed to be indigenised by 2025.
    • More than 50 startups are currently developing new ‘fit-for-military-use’ technologies/products.

    3) Optimize Resource Allocation

    • The share of domestic procurement in overall Defence procurement is about 60%.
    • To enhance procurement from domestic industry, the procurement needs to be doubled from the current Rs. 70,000 crore to Rs. 1,40,000 crore by 2025.

    4) Investment Promotion and Ease of Doing Business

    • India is already a large aerospace market with rising passenger traffic and increasing military expenditure, as a result of which the demand for aircraft (fixed and rotary wings) is rising.
    • The opportunities in the aerospace industry have been identified in the following segments – aircraft build work, aircraft Maintenance, Repair and Overhaul (MRO), helicopters, engine manufacturing and MRO work, line replaceable units, Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) and upgrades and retrofits.
    • The improvement in market size, demographic dividend and availability of diverse skill sets are evident from India’s ranking in the World Bank’s ‘Ease of Doing Business’ (EoDB) report.
    • The investments in the defence sector need to regularly sustain the steady supply of orders.

    5) Innovation and R&D

    • Innovations for Defence Excellence (iDEX) has been operationalised to provide necessary incubation and infrastructure support to the startups in the defence area.
    • iDEX would be further scaled up to engage with 300 more startups and develop 60 new technologies/products during the next five years.
    • Mission Raksha Gyan Shakti was launched to promote a greater culture of innovation and technology development and file a higher number of patents in Defence Public Sector Undertakings (DPSUs), Ordnance Factory Board (OFB). It would be scaled up for promoting the creation of Intellectual Property in the sector and its commercial utilization.

    6) FDI limit increased to 74% by automatic route

    • The liberalisation of FDI in defence manufacturing, raising the limit under the automatic route to 74%, has opened the door to more joint ventures of foreign and Indian companies for defence manufacturing in India.
    • It would also sustain domestic industrial activity in the research, design and manufacture of systems and sub-systems.

    Challenges in indigenous manufacturing

    India has its own set of inherent issues when it comes to indigenous manufacturing:

    1) Excess reliance on Public Sector

    • India has four companies (Indian ordnance factories, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL)) among the top 100 biggest arms producers of the world.
    • All four of these companies are public sector enterprises and account for the bulk of the domestic armament demand.
    • Governments usually have tended to privilege Defence Public Sector Units (DPSUs) over the private sector, despite ‘Make in India’.

    2) Policy delays

    • In the past few years, the government has approved over 200 defence acquisition proposals with the transfer of technology provision, valued around Rs 4 trillion, but most are still in relatively early stages of processing.

    3) Lack of Critical Technologies

    • Poor design capability in critical technologies, inadequate investment in R&D and the inability to manufacture major subsystems and components hamper the indigenous manufacturing.
    • The relationship between the R&D establishment, production agencies (public or private) and the end-user are extremely weak.

    4) Low advantage due to long gestation

    • The creation of a manufacturing base is capital and technology-intensive and has a long gestation period. For a factory to reach optimum levels of capacity utilization, it could take anywhere five to 10 to even 15 years to commence production.
    • By that time newer technologies make products outdated and unable to match with what the enemy may have acquired.

    5) ‘Unease’ in doing business

    • An issue related to stringent labour laws, compliance burden and lack of skills, affects the development of indigenous manufacturing in defence.
    • Overlapping jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Industrial Promotion impair India’s capability of defence manufacturing. Due to this, India hasn’t been able to attract decent FDI in defence.

    6) Lack of quality

    • The higher indigenization in few cases is largely attributed to the low-end technology.
    • Historically, India has been availing of technology through licence agreements from Russia and a smattering of Western countries.
    • For modern production, none of the entities has granted India the ToT owning to quality standards.
    • For example, Dassault had reportedly expressed its lack of confidence in the manufacturing quality of the HAL when the defence deal was being negotiated.

    7) FDI Policy

    • The original equipment manufacturers for setting up a business in India in partnership with public/private players want to have a major say in the management of manufacturing.
    • The earlier FDI limit of 49% was not enough to enthuse global manufacturing houses to set up bases in India.
    • Countries such as China and South Korea on the other hand, have become major manufacturing hubs in aeronautics and shipbuilding technology by being very liberal in their FDI policy.

    8) Lower R&D Allocation

    • Besides the FDI policy, inadequate investment in R&D and lip service to technology funding by making token allocations is an adequate commentary on our lack of seriousness in the area of Research and Development.
    • The allocation to DRDO remains sticky – around 6% of defence expenditure through successive parliamentary committees have recommended a minimum allocation of ten per cent.
    • Private sector giants such as the Tata, L&T and Mahindra and Mahindra invest less than one per cent of their turnover in R&D unlike in countries such as France where corporate organisations invest more than ten per cent

    9) Lack of skills

    • The second challenge is around talent available for the industry. The current sources of supply of talent are largely from the defence PSUs and user services.
    • Neither are they adequate in quantity nor in terms of skills and quality when evaluated from a perspective of the magnitude of demand arising from the need to build a robust homegrown industry.
    • There is a lack of engineering and research capability in our institutions. It again leads us back to the need for a stronger industry-academia interface.

    Along with the policy, what else can be done?

    1) Proper implementation of the policy framework

    • A long-term integrated perspective plan of the requirements of the armed forces should give the industry a clear picture of future requirements.
    • The real deal here is implementation and in future promoting forward-looking strategic partnerships between Indian and foreign companies, with a view to achieving indigenization over a period of time for even sophisticated platforms.

    2) Boosting MSMEs

    • There is visible incentivisation of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME) in many spheres.
    • Their energetic response to the government’s initiatives is seen in their setting up of a Defence Innovators and Industry Association.
    • This bodes well for the future since MSMEs, which are the Tier-II and -III suppliers, are the crucibles of innovation and the true determinants of indigenization.

    3) PSUs overhaul

    • The Defence Research Development Organisation (DRDO), Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) need to revamp their organisational structure.
    • They must unload their bureaucratic burden, cut the red tape and take a leap towards becoming result-oriented, professional organisations.

    4) Mandatory Transfer of Technology for Subsystems

    • It is imperative that when India imports any weapon systems, there should be a plan for the ammunition and spares to be eventually manufactured in India so that we are not driven to seek urgent replenishments from abroad during crises.
    • The same goes for repair, maintenance and overhaul facilities for the upgrading of the weapons platforms.

    5) 100% indigenization should be the aim

    • There is also thinking within the establishment that ‘Make in India’ means every system is completely built in India.
    • Even a fighter plane like Rafale or Gripen has equipment and systems, which are made outside the country of its origin.
    • India cannot attempt to make them, but that effort should be separated from the main policy which should be looked at from a practical point of view.
    • As and when things materialise, the indigenous sub-system should be added.

    A note for private players

    • The private companies will have to acknowledge that they cannot get everything on a platter. They should not limit Make in India to just assembling or manufacturing through tie-ups with foreign players.
    • The private sector will have to invest money in research and stay put for the long haul. As for the government, it must handhold these companies and give them the required support.

     

    Conclusion

    The government has rightly clarified that self-reliance would not be taken to overzealous extremes. The thrust for indigenous research and development will coexist with the import of cutting-edge military technologies to obviate near-term defence vulnerabilities.

    There is still a huge amount of work left.

    With the new DPP in place, one hopes that it empowers the procurement process to become election-proof — national security cannot be held hostage to ineffective functioning of personnel who constitute the MoD and the political system.

     

    References:

    https://www.makeinindiadefence.gov.in/admin/webroot/writereaddata/upload/recentactivity/Draft_DPEPP_03.08.2020.pdf

    https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/grasping-the-defence-self-reliance-nettle/article31635965.ece?homepage=true

    https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/Defence-preparedness-the-way-forward/article14244118.ece

    http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/make-in-india-challenges-before-defence-manufacturing/

    https://www.theweek.in/theweek/current/2019/05/25/how-make-in-india-in-defence-sector-is-still-an-unfulfilled-dream.html

    https://www.financialexpress.com/defence/recent-reforms-in-the-indian-defence-sector/1977971/

  • Explained: Pakistan-Saudi Rift

    The rift between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia over Jammu and Kashmir is out in the open after a delegation led by Pak Army Chief was denied a meeting with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS).

    Try this question:

    Q. Discuss the new geopolitical realignment in the Arab world and India’s role in it.

    Take a look after how the ties emerged and deteriorated:

    Saudi-Pakistan ties: A Recap

    • The relationship between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan was most prominent during the 1971 war between India and Pakistan.
    • Saudi Arabia is also reported to have transferred arms and equipment including the loan of some 75 aircraft to Pakistan.
    • After the war, Saudi Arabia consistently supported the call for the return of Pakistan’s prisoners of war and for dropping the Dacca (Dhaka) Trial against 195 of them.
    • After the war, Saudi Arabia gave loans to Pakistan enabling it to buy arms worth about $1 million by 1977, including F-16s and Harpoon missiles from the US.
    • Saudi oil and dollars have kept Pakistan’s economy on its feet after sanctions following the nuclear tests.
    • Over the last two decades, Saudi Arabia has provided oil on deferred payments to Pakistan whenever it ran into economic difficulty.
    • Saudi funding of madrasas has also led to their mushrooming, later giving rise to religious extremism.
    • In 1990, Pakistan sent its ground forces to defend Saudi Arabia against Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait.

    Alignment over Kashmir

    • The alignment over Kashmir at the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) crystallized since 1990 when the insurgency in J&K began.
    • While the OIC has issued statements over the last three decades, it became a ritual of little significance to India.
    • Last year, after India revoked Article 370 in Kashmir, Pakistan lobbied with the OIC for its condemnation of India’s move.
    • To Pakistan’s surprise, Saudi Arabia and the UAE issued statements that were nuanced rather than harshly critical of New Delhi.
    • Over the last year, Pakistan has tried to rouse the sentiments among the Islamic countries, but only a handful of them — Turkey and Malaysia — publicly criticised India.

    The Saudi perspective

    • Saudi Arabia’s change in position has been a gradual process under Crown Prince MBS.
    • As it seeks to diversify from its heavily oil-dependent economy, it sees India as a valuable partner in the region.
    • New Delhi, for its part, has wooed the Arab world over the last six years.
    • From Saudi Arabia to the UAE, it worked the diplomatic levers through high-level visits and dangled opportunities for investment and business
    • MBS, who is looking to invest in India, has taken a realistic view, along with UAE’s crown prince Mohammed bin Zayed.

    Energy connection to India

    • Saudi Arabia is India’s fourth-largest trade partner (after China, US and Japan) and a major source of energy: India imports around 18% of its crude oil requirement from the Kingdom.
    • Saudi Arabia is also a major source of LPG for India.
    • And, with India stopping oil imports from Iran due to the threat of US sanctions, Saudi Arabia is key in this respect as well.

    Saudi-Pakistan tension

    The tension between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan has been brewing for some time.

    • In 2015, Pakistan’s Parliament decided not to support the Saudi military effort to restore an internationally recognised government in Yemen.
    • Later, Pakistan’s then army chief General Raheel Sharif led the Saudi-led Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism, comprising 41 Muslim countries.
    • In February 2019, after the Pulwama terror attack, it was Saudi Arabia and the UAE that pulled their weight to get Wing Commander Abhinandan released, apart from the US.
    • The Saudi Crown Prince visited Pakistan and India at that time and made it clear that he valued economic opportunities. He did not wade into the Kashmir issue in India or the terrorism issue in Pakistan.

    Frustration over Kashmir

    A year after Article 370 was revoked, Qureshi belled the cat.

    • Pak accuses that Saudi Arabia has failed to deliver on the Kashmir and OIC had not played a leadership role in backing Pakistan against India.
    • This angered Saudi Arabia, which in November 2018 had announced a $6.2 billion loan package for Pakistan.
    • The package included $3 billion in loans and an oil credit facility amounting to $3.2 billion.
    • Riyadh demanded the return of the $3 billion loans and refused to sell oil to Islamabad on deferred payment. Pakistan immediately returned $1 billion, displaying the rift.
    • But, in the current economic situation, Pakistan is unable to pay the next tranche.
    • What has also angered Saudi Arabia is that Pakistan has been trying to pander to Turkey and Malaysia.

    The China factor

    • Pakistan and China have called themselves “all-weather allies” and “iron brothers” (during FMs meet).
    • Over the last year, Beijing has supported Pakistan on Kashmir, raising the issue at the UN Security Council thrice.
    • China has also emerged as Pakistan’s biggest benefactor through its funding of the CPEC.
    • Saudi Arabia too has invested in CPEC projects, to the tune of $10 billion, but Pakistan now looks towards Beijing for both diplomatic and economic support.

    Implications for India

    • Saudi’s silence on J&K as well as CAA-NRC has emboldened the Indian government.
    • At a time when India and China are locked in a border standoff, India has to be wary of Pakistan and China teaming up.
    • But with Saudi Arabia in its corner, for now, it may have leverage over Pakistan — Riyadh would not want a conflict and regional instability.
    • What is key to India’s calculus is that the Pakistan-China and the Pakistan-Saudi axes are not fused together at the moment: It is not a Saudi-Pakistan-China triangle.

  • Mulgaonkar principles in Contempt Cases

    In the criticism against the Supreme Court’s ruling that held advocate Prashant Bhushan guilty of contempt of court, his counsel has invoked the ‘Mulgaonkar Principles’, urging the court to show restraint.

    Try this MCQ:

    Q. The Mulgaonkar principles recently seen in news are related to:

    Diplomacy/ Economy/ Judiciary/ Environment

    The Mulgaonkar principles

    • S Mulgaonkar v Unknown (1978) is a case that led to a landmark ruling on the subject of contempt.
    • By a 2:1 majority, the court held Mulgaonkar not guilty of contempt although the same Bench had initiated the proceedings.
    • Justices P Kailasam and Krishna Iyer formed the majority going against then CJI M H Beg.
    • Justice Iyer’s counsel of caution in exercising the contempt jurisdiction came to be called the Mulgaonkar principles.

    What was the case about?

    • An article by A G Noorani in the newspaper about certain judicial decisions during the Emergency period, especially the Habeas Corpus case, had displeased then CJI Beg.
    • The Habeas Corpus case, often referred to as the “Supreme Court’s darkest hour” upheld the detention law, citing that even the right to life can be suspended during an emergency.
    • Justices A N Ray, Beg, Y V Chandrachud and P N Bhagwati formed the majority while Justice H R Khanna was the sole dissenter.

    What did the ruling say?

    • The first rule in the branch of power is a “wise economy of use by the Court of this branch of its jurisdiction”.
    • The Court will act with seriousness and severity where justice is jeopardized by a gross and/or unfounded attack on the judges, where the attack is calculated to obstruct or destroy the judicial process.
    • The court is willing to ignore, by a majestic liberalism, trifling and venial offenses-the dogs may bark, the caravan will pass.
    • The court will not be prompted to act as a result of an easy irritability.

     

  • Gorumara National Park

    A bison (Indian Gaur) was allegedly poached in Gorumara National Park.

    Try this PYQ:

    Which one of the following National Parks lies completely in the temperate alpine zone?(CSP 2019)

    (a) Manas National Park

    (b) Namdapha National Park

    (c) Neora Valley National Park

    (d) Valley of Flowers National Park

    Gorumara NP

    • It is located in the Eastern Himalayas’ submontane Terai belt.
    • This region has rolling forests and riverine grasslands, and is known as the Dooars in West Bengal.
    • The park is located on the flood plains of the Murti River and Raidak River. The major river of the park is the Jaldhaka river, a tributary of the Brahmaputra river system.
    • In this regard, Gorumara is a significant watershed area between the Ganges and Brahmaputra river systems.
    • The park is rich in large herbivores including Indian rhinoceros, gaur, Asian elephant, sloth bear, chital, and sambar deer. Small herbivores include barking deer, hog deer and wild boar.

    About Gaur

    • The Gaur called the Indian bison, is native to South and Southeast Asia and has been listed as Vulnerable on the IUCN Red List since 1986.
    • It is the largest species among the wild cattle.
    • The domesticated form of the gaur is called gayal (Bos frontalis) or mithun.

  • In news: Srisailam Dam

    The major fire accident at the Srisailam hydroelectric power station has resulted in heavy loss of lives.

    Try this PYQ:

    What is common to the places known as Aliyar, Isapur and Kangsabati? (CSP 2019)

    (a) Recently discovered uranium deposits

    (b) Tropical rain forests

    (c) Underground cave systems

    (d) Water reservoirs

    About Srisailam Dam

    • The Srisailam Dam is constructed across the Krishna River in Kurnool district, AP near Srisailam temple town.
    • It is the 2nd largest capacity working hydroelectric station in the country.
    • The dam was constructed in a deep gorge in the Nallamala Hills in between Kurnool and Mahabubnagar districts, 300 m (980 ft) above sea level.
    • It has a reservoir of 616 square kilometres.

  • 21st August 2020 | Prelims Daily with Previous Year Questions

    [WpProQuiz 506]

    [WpProQuiz_toplist 505]

  • From village to IAS – A journey of hope | Dr. Pankaj, AIR 56, UPSC 2019 | UNHERD: Civilsdaily’s Topper series | Video inside (INTERVIEW LIVE)

    From village to IAS – A journey of hope | Dr. Pankaj, AIR 56, UPSC 2019 | UNHERD: Civilsdaily’s Topper series | Video inside (INTERVIEW LIVE)

    Dear students, this one is special.

    As a part of Unherd topper talk series we are pleased to introduce you all to Dr. Pankaj. He has secured AIR 56 in UPSC 2019 exams.

    Shweta ma’am in conversation with utterly hopeful Dr. Pankaj discussed what approach and mindset is required for an aspirant. Coming from a village in Haryana to an IAS now, Dr. Pankaj is an inspiration. His honesty, conviction, and humility is contagious.

    Watch the video to know more. (Click on set a reminder. The session will go live at 7 pm.)

    Click to fill the form: Samanvaya for IAS 2021

    About Dr. Pankaj:

    Dr. Pankaj hails from Haryana and is an MBBS from PGI Rohtak. This was his third attempt, he is already in IPS and is currently posted in Imphal. A Morgan Freeman fan he loves meditation, running, and playing volleyball as well.

    Dr. Pankaj feels deeply for the issues faced by society and administration. He is going to be a great administrator.

    We are proud of Dr. Pankaj and wish him all the very best for his future.

    Unherd Topper Talk series is a Civilsdaily’s initiative. We want to highlight what makes these toppers, their approach, and strategy different from the herd. And you will also be getting a sneak peek into the moments of their lives that are unheard of.

    Click to fill the form: Samanvaya for IAS 2021

    Want to see your name in the final list but facing issues like figuring out a successful strategy, or have no guidance, or lack discipline.

    Aspirants, be it at any stage of preparation have a number of questions like: How to start? When to start writing answers? How and from where to cover current affairs? When to start mains? and a lot more of them.

    Well, Don’t keep these questions with you. We are here for you. Let’s talk and discuss.

    Click to fill the form: Samanvaya for IAS 2021 (We’ll call you)

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