The Chief Justice of India (CJI) N V Ramana (who hails from AP) recused himself from hearing Andhra Pradesh’s plea after it said “no” to the Supreme Court’s suggestion to go for mediation over a dispute with Telangana over the Krishna River dispute.
Q. Can you list down some basic principles of judicial conduct?
Independence, Impartiality, Integrity, Propriety, Competence and diligence and Equality are some of them as listed under the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct.
What is the Recusal of Judges?
Recusal is the removal of oneself as a judge or policymaker in a particular matter, especially because of a conflict of interest.
Recusal usually takes place when a judge has a conflict of interest or has a prior association with the parties in the case.
For example, if the case pertains to a company in which the judge holds stakes, the apprehension would seem reasonable.
Similarly, if the judge has, in the past, appeared for one of the parties involved in a case, the call for recusal may seem right.
A recusal inevitably leads to delay. The case goes back to the Chief Justice, who has to constitute a fresh Bench.
Rules on Recusals
There are no written rules on the recusal of judges from hearing cases listed before them in constitutional courts.
It is left to the discretion of a judge.
The reasons for recusal are not disclosed in an order of the court. Some judges orally convey to the lawyers involved in the case their reasons for recusal, many do not. Some explain the reasons in their order.
The decision rests on the conscience of the judge. At times, parties involved raise apprehensions about a possible conflict of interest.
Issues with recusal
Recusal is also regarded as the abdication of duty. Maintaining institutional civilities is distinct from the fiercely independent role of the judge as an adjudicator.
In his separate opinion in the NJAC judgment in 2015, Justice Kurian Joseph highlighted the need for judges to give reasons for recusal as a measure to build transparency.
It is the constitutional duty, as reflected in one’s oath, to be transparent and accountable, and hence, a judge is required to indicate reasons for his recusal from a particular case.
Virtually, 50% of funds allotted for ongoing MPLADS projects have lapsed.
What is the MPLAD scheme?
The Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) is a program first launched during the Narasimha Rao Government in 1993.
It was aimed towards providing funds for developmental works recommended by individual MPs.
Funds available
The MPs then were entitled to recommend works to the tune of Rs 1 crore annually between 1994-95 and 1997-98, after which the annual entitlement was enhanced to Rs 2 crore.
The UPA government in 2011-12 raised the annual entitlement to Rs 5 crore per MP.
Implementation
To implement their plans in an area, MPs have to recommend them to the District Authority of the respective Nodal District.
The District Authorities then identify Implementing Agencies that execute the projects.
The respective District Authority is supposed to oversee the implementation and has to submit monthly reports, audit reports, and work completion reports to the Nodal District Authority.
The MPLADS funds can be merged with other schemes such as MGNREGA and Khelo India.
Guidelines for MPLADS implementation
The document ‘Guidelines on MPLADS’ was published by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation in June 2016 in this regard.
It stated the objective of the scheme to enable MPs to recommend works of developmental nature with emphasis on the creation of durable community assets based on the locally felt needs in their Constituencies.
Right from the inception of the Scheme, durable assets of national priorities viz. drinking water, primary education, public health, sanitation, and roads, etc. should be created.
It recommended MPs to works costing at least 15 percent of their entitlement for the year for areas inhabited by Scheduled Caste population and 7.5 percent for areas inhabited by ST population.
It lays down a number of development works including construction of railway halt stations, providing financial assistance to recognized bodies, cooperative societies, installing CCTV cameras etc.
Answer this PYQ in the comment box:
Q. With reference to the funds under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS), which of the following statements are correct? (CSP 2020)
MPLADS funds must be used to create durable assets like physical infrastructure for health, education, etc.
A specified portion of each MP’s fund must benefit SC/ST populations.
MPLADS funds are sanctioned on a yearly basis and the unused funds cannot be carried forward to the next year.
The district authority must inspect at least 10% of all works under implementation every year.
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
(a) 1 and 2 only
(b) 3 and 4 only
(c) 1, 2 and 3 only
(d) 1, 2 and 4 only
[wpdiscuz-feedback id=”371dggp5nz” question=”Spark the debate!” opened=”1″]“Post your answers here”[/wpdiscuz-feedback]
Northeast India (officially North Eastern Region, NER) is the easternmost region of India representing both a geographic and political-administrative division of the country.
It comprises eight states – Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Sikkim.
The region has its own unique challenges and opportunities.
An overview:
Persistence of regional peace
The region is populated by a number of different communities, with diverse cultures, languages and customs.
It is also marked by difficult terrain, backward areas, and limited connectivity. This area was known for the active presence of a number of militant groups.
The NER is connected to mainland India only through a narrow stretch of land (about 22 km wide) in West Bengal called the ‘Siliguri Corridor’, sometimes known as the “Chicken’s Neck”.
Except for this narrow Siliguri Corridor, the entire northeastern part of the country is bound by international borders.
Institutional Support
The Department of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER) was established in the year 2001.
It became a full-fledged Ministry of the Government of India in 2004.
The Ministry of DoNER functions as the nodal Department of the Central Government to deal with matters related to the socio-economic development of the eight states of Northeast India.
It handles the Non-Lapsable Control Pool of Resources (NLCPR) Scheme, which has been followed by the North East Special Infrastructure Development Scheme (NESIDS).
The North Eastern Council (NEC) is a statutory regional planning body for North East India constituted under the North Eastern Council Act 1971.
All the Governors and the Chief Ministers of the eight states in the North East are members of the NEC.
The Union Home Minister is the Chairman, and the DoNER Minister acts as the Vice-Chairman.
A case study of Mizoram
Introduction
Mizoram literally translates as “Land of the Mizo people”.
‘Mizo’ is an umbrella term for a number of tribes and clans, such as Lusei (formerly Lushai), Lai Mara, Hmar, Paite, etc.
The area that was known to the British as the Lushai Hills formally became a part of British India in 1895.
After India attained independence, Lushai Hills (later changed to Mizo District) became a District under Assam. In 1972, it became a Union Territory as Mizoram.
And after two decades of insurgency, Mizoram became a full-fledged state within the Union of India in 1987.
International Borders
Mizoram shares a 318 km – long hard border with Bangladesh on its western side, which is guarded by the Border Security Force (BSF).
Fencing is done along the Indo-Bangladesh border.
Along the eastern side of the State, the 404 km border with Myanmar is being manned by the Assam Rifles, a paramilitary force.
Due to the cultural and ethnic affinity of residents at the border, under normal times, India agrees to a Free Movement Regime (FMR) with Myanmar, allowing residents within 16 km on either side of the border to travel freely without visa restrictions for 72 hours.
Being sandwiched on either side by Myanmar and Bangladesh, Mizoram has the strategic advantage of acting as a ‘land-bridge’ between the two countries.
It has a real potential to become India’s ‘Gateway to South East Asia’ under our Act East Policy.
Culture & Religion
Before the British, the tribes were primarily animistic. There was no written script.
There were a few tribal dances, such as Cheraw (bamboo dance), Sarlamkai Chheihlam, Khuallam, etc.
They observed three festivals called Pawl Kut, Chapchar Kut and Mim Kut.
The British annexation was followed by the arrival of Christian missionaries, who invented a script and an alphabet for the Mizo language.
All the ethnic Mizo population have converted to Christianity, making up around 87% of the total population of the State.
Around 8% of the population of Mizoram are Buddhists, primarily from the Chakma tribe along the Indo-Bangladesh border.
Mizo Insurgency (1966-1986)
In 1959, the Mizo Hills, which was then a District under the State of Assam, was hit by a famine called ‘Mautam’ locally.
This was a phenomenon of bamboo flowering after every 48 years or so, followed by plagues of insects and rats, leading to agricultural famine.
Mizo National Famine Front was formed, spearheaded by Laldenga.
In 1961, the Mizo National Famine Front became a political party called the Mizo National Front (MNF), with Laldenga as its President.
On 28 February 1966, the MNF launched an armed uprising against the Union of India, followed by a declaration of independence on 1 March 1966.
After being swiftly suppressed by the Indian armed forces, the MNF retreated and continued its operations from East Pakistan and Burma (Myanmar), with training and support from China.
Resolving the insurgency, Mizoram became the 23rd State of the Union of India on 20 February 1987.
Minorities and Backward Areas
Under the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India, there are three Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in Mizoram called the Lai ADC, Mara ADC and Chakma ADC.
Lai, Mara and Chakma are the names of the tribes found in the majority in each corresponding ADC.
The Governor of Mizoram is entrusted with special roles and responsibilities in these areas by the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India, which includes certain discretionary powers.
Agriculture
Mizoram is primarily an agrarian State with a large section of the population especially in the rural parts, engaged in agriculture and allied activities.
An overwhelming majority of the farmers still practice the ecologically unsustainable shifting cultivation, also called ‘Jhumming’ or ‘slash and burn’ farming.
Various programmes have been undertaken in pursuance of the aim of Doubling Farmer’s Income by 2022, including the introduction of high yielding varieties of crops, intervention by Krishi Vigyan Kendras (KVKs), integrated farming system, horti-based farming, etc.
Socio-Economic Development Policy (SEDP)
The Socio-Economic Development Policy (SEDP) is the flagship policy of the current Ministry in Mizoram.
The SEDP is envisaged to bring about sustainable development with both short-term and long-term implications.
The Policy has been divided into various components, including political, administrative, economic and social development.
Strengths: A vibrant community
Mizoram is the best State in India in terms of forest cover.
It has the third-highest literacy rate in the country at 91.58%, behind only Kerala and Lakshadweep (2011 Census).
A potential oil and natural gas reserve has been found in southern Mizoram, close to Arakan in Myanmar.
There is the presence of a classless society in Mizoram, with a strong sense of community. People are generally good at heart, and am law-abiding citizens.
To illustrate the discipline of the residents, the capital city of Aizawl has often been called a ‘honk-free city’, with drivers avoiding unnecessary honking of vehicles.
Major challenge: Connectivity
Being a landlocked State, connectivity in all its dimensions remains a challenge for Mizoram. The State of Mizoram has only one airport, named Lengpui Airport.
It has only one railhead at Bairabi, situated along the border with Assam.
Mizoram has two National Highways (NH) – one connecting to Assam, and one NH running into Tripura.
The NH connecting to Assam is the lifeline of the State.
Conclusion
For a long time, the North East was a neglected and forgotten part of the country.
However, upon the initiative of the present government has now been frequently visiting the region at regular intervals.
It has the potential to become the growth engine of our country.
In the midst of these expectations and optimism, all the stakeholders have to play their part.
The Lok Sabha has passed the Bill to formalize the Commission for Air Quality Management For National Capital Region and Adjoining Areas.
Highlights of the AQC Bill
The AQC would be a ‘permanent’ body to address pollution in the National Capital Region Delhi and address sources of pollution in Delhi, Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh.
The all-powerful body assumed several powers to coordinate action among States, levy fines — ranging up to ₹1 crore or five years of prison — to address air pollution.
Key features
Over-riding powers: While the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) and its state branches have the powers to implement provisions of the Environment Protection Act for air, water and land pollution.
In case of dispute or a clash of jurisdictions, the AQC’s writ would prevail specific to matters concerning air pollution.
Chair: The body has a full-time chairperson and a range of members consisting of both representatives from several Ministries as well as independent experts and will have the final say on evolving policy and issuing directions.
Curb on stubble burning: the Commission may impose and collect environment compensation causing pollution by stubble burning.
No penalties to farmers: The Centre, facing flak earlier this year from farmers protesting the farm laws, had committed to removing a clause in the Air Commission Bill that would penalize farmers for burning stubble, an important contributor to noxious air quality.
The much-awaited sea trials of India’s maiden indigenous aircraft carrier (IAC-1), built by the public sector Cochin Shipyard Ltd (CSL) have begun.
Indigenous Aircraft Carrier 1
IAC is the first aircraft carrier designed and built in India.
It has been designed by the Indian Navy’s Directorate of Naval Design (DND), and is being built at Cochin Shipyard Limited (CSL), a public sector shipyard under the Ministry of Shipping.
The IAC-1, the biggest warship made indigenously, has an overall length of 263 m and a breadth of 63 m.
It is capable of carrying 30 assorted aircraft including combat jets and helicopters.
Propelled by four gas turbines, it can attain a top speed of 30 knots (about 55 kmph).
The vessel will have a complement of 1,500 personnel.
Significance of IAC 1
An aircraft carrier is one of the most potent marine assets for a nation, which enhances a Navy’s capability to travel far from its home shores to carry out air domination operations.
Many experts consider having an aircraft carrier as essential to be considered a ‘blue water’ navy — one that has the capacity to project a nation’s strength and power across the high seas.
An aircraft carrier generally leads as the capital ship of a carrier strike/battle group.
As the carrier is a valuable and sometimes vulnerable target, it is usually escorted in the group by destroyers, missile cruisers, frigates, submarines, and supply ships.
Why does it matter that this is a Made-in-India warship?
Only five or six nations currently have the capability of manufacturing an aircraft carrier — India joins this elite club now.
According to the Navy, over 76 per cent of the material and equipment on board IAC-1 is indigenous.
India’s earlier aircraft carriers were either built by the British or the Russians.
The INS Vikramaditya, currently the Navy’s only aircraft carrier that was commissioned in 2013, started out as the Soviet-Russian Admiral Gorshkov.
The country’s two earlier carriers, INS Vikrant and INS Viraat, were originally the British-built HMS Hercules and HMS Hermes before being commissioned into the Navy in 1961 and 1987 respectively.
Why will this warship be named INS Vikrant?
INS Vikrant, a Majestic-class 19,500-tonne warship, was the name of India’s much-loved first aircraft carrier, a source of immense national pride over several decades of service before it was decommissioned in 1997.
India acquired the Vikrant from the United Kingdom in 1961, and the carrier played a stellar role in the 1971 war with Pakistan that led to the birth of Bangladesh.
Now that India has the capability, will it build more carriers?
Since 2015, the Navy has been seeking approval to build a third aircraft carrier for the country, which, if approved, will become India’s second Indigenous Aircraft Carrier (IAC-2).
This proposed carrier, to be named INS Vishal, is intended to be a giant 65,000-tonne vessel, much bigger than IAC-1 and the INS Vikramaditya.
The Navy has been trying to convince the government of the “operational necessity” of having a third carrier.
The Union Cabinet has approved the continuation of 1023 Fast Track Special Court (FTSCs) including 389 exclusive POCSO Courts for two more years.
Fast Track Special Courts
Fast Track Special Courts are dedicated courts expected to ensure swift dispensation of justice.
They have a better clearance rate as compared to the regular courts and hold speedy trials.
Besides providing quick justice to the hapless victims, it strengthens the deterrence framework for sexual offenders.
Central Share is to be funded from Nirbhaya Fund. The Scheme was launched on 02.10.2019.
To bring more stringent provisions and expeditious trial and disposal of such cases, the Central Government enacted “The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2018”.
It made provision of stringent punishment including the death penalty for perpetrators of rape.
This led to the establishment of the Fast Track Special Courts (FTSCs).
Note: Article 247 gives power to Parliament to establish certain additional courts for the better administration of laws made by it or of any existing laws with respect to a matter enumerated in the Union List.
Benefits offered by fast track courts
Further the commitment of the Nation to champion the cause of safety and security of women and girl child.
Reduce the number of pending cases of Rape & POCSO Act.
Provide speedy access to justice to the victims of sexual crimes and act as a deterrent for sexual offenders.
Fastracking of these cases will declog the judicial system of the burden of case pendency.
N4S: UPSC often frames questions on India’s bilateral relations through a current affairs lens and asks aspirants to connect them with broader themes like regional stability or strategic autonomy (as seen in 2020’s Indo-US vs Indo-Russia defence question or the 2024 Maldives question on maritime security). Aspirants usually falter in one key area—they either focus too much on generic facts or fail to weave in current, evolving trends like the energy-defence convergence or how diplomacy has become issue-specific. This article helps bridge that gap. It takes two concrete anchors—energy cooperation (like green hydrogen collaborations and clean tech tie-ups) and defence collaboration (like GE-HAL engine co-development, foundational pacts like LEMOA)—and explains how these are not isolated moves but part of a deeper strategic shift. It also brings a fresh structure by showing how India’s diplomacy has been “re-engineered”—no longer driven by ideology, but by sectors like health (Vaccine Maitri), technology (iCET for semiconductors), or digital diplomacy (exporting UPI). The real win for students is the “table of transformation” that compares India’s diplomacy then and now. This gives a ready-made, analytical framework to tackle any mains question—not just about the U.S., but about how India is positioning itself globally.
PYQ ANCHORING
GS2 : What is the significance of Indo-US defence deals over Indo-Russian defence deals? Discuss with reference to stability in the Indo-Pacific region. [2020]
GS 2: Discuss the geopolitical and geostrategic importance of Maldives for India with a focus on global trade and energy flows. Further also discuss how this relationship affects India’s maritime security and regional stability amidst international competition? [2024]
MICROTHEMES: Bilateral Relations
In a significant signal of strengthening strategic ties, U.S. Vice-President J.D. Vance recently affirmed that the United States is prepared to deepen its partnership with India, with a particular focus on energy cooperation and defense collaboration. This statement reflects not just shared geopolitical interests but also a recognition of India’s growing role as a key player in global stability and technology-driven development. As both nations navigate an increasingly complex Indo-Pacific and energy landscape, what could closer cooperation look like—and what opportunities and challenges lie ahead? And is the emerging energy-defense axis the foundation of a new India–U.S. era?
The Emerging India–U.S. Energy-Defense Axis: A Strategic Convergence
As geopolitical uncertainties mount and global power dynamics shift, the India–U.S. relationship is entering a new phase marked by deepening ties in two high-stakes sectors: energy and defense. This evolving “energy-defense axis” is not merely transactional—it’s strategic, with long-term implications for regional security, technological collaboration, and the global energy transition.
1. Energy Cooperation: Securing Futures, Greening Growth
Oil and Gas Trade Expansion – The U.S. has become one of India’s top suppliers of crude oil and LNG, helping India diversify away from Middle East dependence.
Clean Energy Partnerships – Joint initiatives like the U.S.-India Strategic Clean Energy Partnership (SCEP) and India–U.S. Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 aim to promote cleaner fuels and technologies.
Green Hydrogen Collaboration – Both countries are cooperating on R&D and infrastructure for green hydrogen, a key future fuel for decarbonisation.
Solar and Battery Supply Chain Integration – The U.S. is helping India reduce dependence on Chinese solar imports by boosting domestic solar and battery ecosystems.
Carbon Capture and Climate Finance – Pilot projects and policy dialogues focus on carbon capture and climate-resilient infrastructure, especially in high-emission sectors like cement and steel.
Strategic Energy Dialogue Platforms – Institutional mechanisms like the India–U.S. Energy Dialogue ensure regular government-to-government coordination on energy policy, technology transfer, and financing.
2. Defense Cooperation: From Buyer–Seller to Strategic Partners
Major Defense Partner Status – India was granted “Major Defense Partner” status in 2016, unlocking access to advanced U.S. defense technology and systems.
Foundational Defense Agreements – India has signed LEMOA, COMCASA, BECA, and GSOMIA, which enable logistics sharing, encrypted communications, and geospatial intelligence exchange.
Bilateral and Multilateral Military Exercises – Regular joint exercises like Yudh Abhyas (Army), Malabar (Navy), and Cope India (Air Force) improve interoperability and combat coordination.
Defense Co-Development Initiatives – Projects like the GE-HAL jet engine deal and potential drone manufacturing partnerships indicate a shift from arms buyer to co-producer.
Technology Transfer & Industrial Tie-ups – U.S. companies are entering joint ventures with Indian firms to manufacture defense equipment locally under Make in India.
Indo-Pacific Security Convergence – Shared concerns over China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific have brought India and the U.S. closer in maritime surveillance and strategic planning.
Re-engineering of India’s Diplomacy over the years
Indian diplomacy no longer pivots on a single axis. In the age of climate risk, digital public goods, contested supply chains and a revisionist China, New Delhi has morphed from the champion of non-alignment into a hyper-pragmatic power that builds different coalitions for different problems. Whether it is shipping vaccines to 70-plus countries, co-developing jet engines with the United States or pitching India’s UPI stack in Africa, the Ministry of External Affairs now treats every sector—energy, technology, defence, health—as a separate theatre of influence. The table below captures this subject-wise evolution at a glance.
Pharmacy of the World, vaccine exports, traditional medicine hub
Supply of generic ARV drugs to Africa; WHO Global Centre for Traditional Medicine in Gujarat
Space & Cyber Diplomacy
Scientific launches, INSAT for telecom
Commercial launches, space situational norms, cyber norms advocacy
Contract launches for OneWeb; Artemis Accords sign-on; India-France space-security dialogue
India’s external relations are no longer a single narrative of East-West balancing; they are a portfolio of mini-strategies tailored to energy security, digital supremacy, climate leadership and strategic deterrence—each with its own partners, platforms and playbook.
Assessment of India’s policies
India’s diplomacy has grown bolder, broader, and more issue-driven in the 21st century. It has made significant strategic gains, but challenges persist in converting ambitions into sustained outcomes. Below is a structured analysis of both successes and challenges in this evolving journey.
Major Diplomatic Successes
Area
Successes
Global Leadership Recognition
Hosted a landmark G20 Summit in 2023, positioning India as a voice of the Global South and a key player in global governance.
Strategic Partnerships
Signed foundational defence agreements with the U.S., deepened defence ties with France, and balanced ties with Russia amid shifting power equations.
Technology Diplomacy
Pioneered digital public infrastructure diplomacy (e.g. UPI, Aadhaar), earning praise from nations across Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America.
Energy & Climate
Championed the International Solar Alliance and Mission LiFE, securing credibility as a green energy partner while balancing fossil fuel needs.
Health Diplomacy
Executed Vaccine Maitri, supplying over 250 million COVID-19 vaccine doses to 100+ countries—soft power at its peak.
Diaspora & Soft Power
Transformed the diaspora into a diplomatic asset through emotional connect, political lobbying, and economic investment channels.
Key Diplomatic Challenges
Area
Challenges
Strategic Balancing
Managing contradictions between deepening ties with the U.S. and continuing defence cooperation with Russia, especially post-Ukraine war.
Neighbourhood First Policy
Stressed ties with Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka at various points due to internal politics, Chinese influence, and delivery gaps.
Trade Negotiation Capacity
India walked out of RCEP, and several FTA negotiations (e.g., with EU) have faced delays or limited ambition.
Institutional Capacity
India’s diplomatic machinery (limited number of IFS officers, under-resourced embassies) often struggles to match global ambitions.
China Challenge
Despite growing global influence, India faces an aggressive China on its borders and in strategic regions like the Indian Ocean and South Asia.
Climate & Energy Dilemma
Balancing between green transition commitments and domestic energy security remains tricky, especially with rising power demand.
India has successfully redefined its diplomacy from being merely reactive and moralistic to becoming assertive, agenda-setting, and diversified. But to become a true global power, India will need to:
Build institutional depth in foreign policy,
Manage great power tensions deftly,
Deliver on-the-ground impact in its neighbourhood,
And maintain credibility as a reliable, rule-based partner in an increasingly turbulent world.
Way Forward for India’s Evolving Diplomacy
Strengthen Institutional Capacity: Expand the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) cadre, improve training in tech, trade, and crisis diplomacy, and empower missions abroad with better resources and coordination.
Bridge Strategy with Delivery in the Neighbourhood: Ensure faster implementation of infrastructure, energy, and connectivity projects in South Asia to counter Chinese influence and restore trust in India’s leadership.
Diversify Strategic Autonomy Playbook: While deepening ties with the U.S., India must maintain a pragmatic balance with Russia, Middle Eastern powers, ASEAN, and Africa to preserve diplomatic flexibility.
Leverage Diaspora as Economic Connectors: Move beyond cultural events—use diaspora networks to channel investments, startup capital, and tech partnerships into Indian innovation ecosystems.
Lead on Global South Issues: Champion fair climate finance, equitable digital infrastructure, and food-energy security for the Global South to build long-term strategic goodwill.
Invest in Issue-Specific Diplomacy Cells: Set up dedicated units within MEA and other ministries for climate, cyber, maritime, and space diplomacy to respond rapidly to emerging global issues.
BACK2BASICS: IMPORTANCE OF INDIA’S ENERGY DIPLOMACY
As the world’s third-largest energy consumer and a rapidly growing economy, India’s energy needs are massive and urgent. From securing oil in the Gulf to leading the green energy transition, India’s energy diplomacy has evolved into a strategic pillar of its foreign policy. It now cuts across geopolitics, climate goals, and technological cooperation, reflecting the country’s twin priorities: energy security and energy transition.
Key Pillars of India’s Energy Diplomacy
1. Oil and Gas Diplomacy
Objective: Ensure uninterrupted supply of crude oil and LNG to power India’s economy.
Engagements:
Long-term contracts with Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia, UAE, Iraq.
Strategic investments in Russian and African oil blocks.
With the U.S.: India–U.S. Strategic Energy Partnership (SEP) focuses on oil, gas, clean energy, and innovation.
With Russia: Cooperation on nuclear energy, oil & gas investments (e.g., Sakhalin-I).
With IEA: India is an Associate Member, giving access to global energy data and best practices.
3. Nuclear Energy Cooperation
Civil nuclear deals with the U.S., France, and Russia post-2008 Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) waiver.
Kudankulam (Russia) and Jaitapur (France) nuclear power projects.
India now promotes nuclear energy as a clean base-load source for energy transition.
4. Renewable Energy and Climate Diplomacy
India is a major global player in solar and wind energy:
International Solar Alliance (ISA) founded by India to unite tropical countries around solar.
Global leader in pushing green hydrogen, offshore wind, and battery storage.
Partnering with Germany, Denmark, Japan, and UAE for clean tech.
5. Green Hydrogen & Future Tech Diplomacy
India’s National Green Hydrogen Mission has international tie-ups with EU, Australia, and Japan.
Aim: Become a hub for low-cost, exportable green hydrogen by 2030.
6. Multilateral Energy Engagements
Active in IEA, OPEC+ dialogues, G20 energy track, and BRICS energy platforms.
Pushes for “just energy transitions” in the Global South, linking development with clean growth.
Challenges
Over-dependence on fossil fuel imports (85% of oil is imported).
Vulnerability to geopolitical shocks (e.g., Russia-Ukraine war, West Asia tensions).
Technology gap in clean energy manufacturing (e.g., solar modules, batteries).
Financing issues in scaling renewable infrastructure and transmission.
Successes
Diversification of suppliers and fuel types.
Global leadership in solar diplomacy and green transition.
Smart use of energy diplomacy in strengthening bilateral ties (e.g., with UAE, U.S., Saudi Arabia).
Progress in building strategic petroleum reserves.
Conclusion:
India’s energy diplomacy today is no longer just about importing oil—it is about shaping global energy trends. From influencing climate finance conversations to pioneering solar coalitions, India is positioning itself not just as a consumer—but a leader of energy transition for the developing world.
SMASH MAINS MOCK DROP
India’s evolving partnership with the United States, driven by energy and defence convergence, marks a shift from ideological diplomacy to sectoral strategic alignment. Critically analyse this transformation in the context of India’s broader foreign policy objectives.
Increasing pace of vaccination and normalising of monetary policy hold key to economic rebound.
K-shaped recovery and its impact
Growth indicators so far suggest resilience in the short term — a shallow dent in May’s economic activity followed by a recovery in June, back to April’s levels.
K-shaped recovery: The external, investment and industrial sectors have been relatively resilient, with consumption and services bearing the brunt.
Notwithstanding signs of some fatigue in ultra-high frequency indicators in July, damage from the second wave seems largely limited to April-June 2021.
However, K-shaped recovery means light cracks on the top conceal much larger structural faultlines below.
Rising poverty: The Pew Research Centre estimates that the pandemic has led to India’s poor rising by 75 million while the middle and upper-middle class has shrunk by 39 million.
MSMEs and informal workforce worst hit: A recent survey by the ILO finds that the worst-hit — MSMEs and their informal workforce — have struggled to access the government’s pandemic support programmes.
These more structural scars may become blurred in the GDP data in coming quarters but will almost certainly affect the medium-term growth story.
Way forward in the near term
1) Policy
Achieving two objectives: When inflation is under control, then flush liquidity and ultra-accommodative monetary policy will help achieve two objectives—
1) Ensuring easy financial conditions.
2) Help control borrowing costs of the government’s expansive borrowing programme.
Inflation risk: The above strategy is not costless, it effectively uses the central bank’s credibility in controlling inflation as “collateral”.
So when inflation flares up and remains sticky, this arithmetic becomes increasingly complicated.
The RBI’s consistent message recently has been to view the current inflation surge as a “temporary hump”.
Much as the current monetary policy stance maintains that the economy is ill-equipped to handle policy normalisation, it is a matter of when rather than if.
As growth strengthens and the RBI’s inflation-targeting credibility comes under greater scrutiny, a policy pivot would become increasingly likely.
2) Vaccination
The “ultimate unlocking” of the economy remains contingent on a critical mass getting vaccinated, which on materialising should trigger a revival in consumer and business sentiment.
The uptick in the pace of vaccination over the last few days and higher seroprevalence reported in some states are welcome news.
Conclusion
Even with widespread vaccinations, future pandemic waves may well be unavoidable. Fiscal, monetary and administrative policies cannot remain in a suspended emergency.
Back2Basics: K-shaped recovery
A K-shaped recovery occurs when, following a recession, different parts of the economy recover at different rates, times, or magnitudes.
This is in contrast to an even, uniform recovery across sectors, industries, or groups of people.
A K-shaped recovery leads to changes in the structure of the economy or the broader society as economic outcomes and relations are fundamentally changed before and after the recession.
This type of recovery is called K-shaped because the path of different parts of the economy when charted together may diverge, resembling the two arms of the Roman letter “K.”
