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Subject: Economics

  • Himachal wants GI status for five products

    The Himachal Pradesh government is trying to obtain GIs for five products from the state – Karsog Kulth, Thangi of Pangi, Chamba Metal Crafts, Chamba Chukh, and Rajmah of Bharmour.

    Read more about GIs at:

    GI(Geographical Indicator) Tags

    Which are the five HP products?

    • Karsog Kulth: Kulthi or Kulth (horse gram) is a legume grown as a kharif crop in Himachal Pradesh. Kulth grown in the Karsog area of Mandi district is believed to be particularly rich in amino acids.
    • Pangi ki Thangi: It is a type of hazelnut which grows in Pangi valley located in the northwestern edge of Himachal. It is known for its unique flavour and sweetness.
    • Chamba metal crafts: These include items such as metal idols and brass utensils which, historically, were made by skilled artisans in the courts of kings of Chamba. There are efforts to revive the trade, and a plate made from a brass-like alloy and having carvings of gods and goddesses is still popular.
    • Chamba Chukh: It’s a chutney made from green and red chillies grown in Chamba, and prepared in traditional and unique ways. The practice has largely declined in rural households of Chamba, but survives to some extent at the small-scale industrial level.
    • Bharmouri Rajmah: It’s more specifically called the Kugtalu Rajmah, since it grows in the area around Kugti Pass in the Bharmour region of Chamba district. It is rich in proteins and has a unique flavor.

    How many registered GIs does Himachal currently have?

    • They are eight in number.
    • It includes four handicrafts (Kullu Shawl, Chamba Rumal, Kinnauri Shawl and Kangra Paintings).
    • There are three agricultural products (Kangra Tea, Basmati and Himachali Kala Zeera) and one manufactured product (Himachali Chulli Oil).
    • Kullu Shawl and Kangra Tea were the first to be registered in 2005-06.
    • Basmati has been registered jointly from seven states of North India, including Himachal Pradesh.
    • Chulli (apricot) oil and kala jeera (cumin), mainly associated with Kinnaur and known for their medicinal properties, were the last to be registered in 2018-19.

    How does a GI tag help?

    • A GI tag provides a better market for these products and prevents misuse of the name.
    • A GI registration is given to an area, not a trader, but once a product gets the registration, traders dealing in the product can apply for selling it with the GI logo.
    • Authorised traders are each assigned a unique GI number. For example, Kullu shawl has 135 authorised traders. A shawl made in Ludhiana cannot be sold as a Kullu shawl.
    • If any unauthorised trader, even from Kullu, tries to sell a shawl under the name of Kullu shawl, he or she can be prosecuted under The Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999.
    • GIs are also expected to boost or revive the items whose production has declined, as is being aimed in the case of Chamba Chukh and metal crafts.

    Back2Basics: Geographical Indication (GI)

    • The World Intellectual Property Organisation defines a GI as “a sign used on products that have a specific geographical origin and possess qualities or a reputation that are due to that origin”.
    • GIs are typically used for agricultural products, foodstuffs, handicrafts, industrial products, wines and spirit drinks.
    • Internationally, GIs are covered as an element of intellectual property rights under the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property.
    • They are also covered under the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement.
    • Presently, there are 370 registered GIs in India.

  • RBI keeps repo rate unchanged

    The MPC decided on Friday to leave the Repo rate unchanged at 4%. However, the RBI faces a dilemma over the excess liquidity in the economy while tackling inflation.

    Limits of monetary  policy

    • Even though our economy slumped into a recession in the first half of 2020-21, there seems little further RBI can do with monetary policy to spur growth.
    • Its monetary decision to leave its main policy rate unchanged at 4%, the rate at which it lends money to banks, thus seems appropriate.
    • This is because retail inflation has hovered above its 6% upper tolerance limit for much of this year.
    • It is the first time its 2016-adopted price-stability framework looks poised for failure.
    • Meanwhile, it has announced wider coverage of an earlier scheme by which banks buy bonds issued by firms in specific stressed sectors–a way to ease credit.

    Poor credit demand

    • Supply-side measures have their limits of efficacy, with aggregate demand observed to be in a bad way and investments restrained by uncertainty.
    • Therefore, RBI’s focus had to shift to the inflationary effects of excess liquidity detected in the economy.
    • Oddly, this doesn’t seem to have happened.
    • With over ₹6 trillion still being parked daily by banks with RBI at its reverse repo window, a reflection of poor credit demand.

    Dilemma RBI faces in maintaining low interest rate

    • Plus, India has seen a large sum of dollars coming into India.
    • To keep the rupee’s global value stable and Indian exports competitive, RBI has been buying those dollars, thus raising our foreign exchange reserves and pumping more liquidity into the domestic arena.
    • Sterilizing the inflationary effect of this usually requires bonds to be sold, which increases their market supply and pressures yields up-a dilution of its stance on easy money.
    • This poses a dilemma that RBI may soon have to grapple with.
    • RBI’s core task as a central bank, of watching both the external and internal stability of the currency under its charge, may get more complex than ever if capital inflows stay high, global investors see an opportunity in ‘carry trade’ profits, and price trends don’t go by its expectations.

    Conclusion

    If India’s broad policy frame is being pushed by our covid crisis towards a major reset, with the Centre’s fisc granted a freer run and its debt burden to be partially inflated away over the years, then that would call for another debate.

  • The many layers to agricultural discontent

    Farmers protest against the Farm laws is based on the multiple reasons. The article analyses these concerns of the protesting farmers.

    Three farm laws and response to it

    • Three Farm Bills were passed by the Central government in September 2020.
    • In the process, the regulatory role the state played hitherto with regard to these issues was watered down to a great extent.
    • Apart from complex challenges that rural India confronts today, there is a substantial body of studies that demonstrates how the vagaries of the market and the role of the middlemen reinforce agrarian distress in India.
    • However, organised farmers’ bodies are not in sync with the reasoning of the government.

    Role of the states

    • There is a debate around the constitutional provisions with regard to the respective domains of the State and the Union with regard to agricultural marketing,
    • However, issues affecting the farming community have a far greater bearing on the States relative to the Centre.
    • Ideally, given its immediacy, the States are the apt agencies to respond to a host of concerns faced by the farming community, which includes agricultural marketing.
    • While enacting the Farm Bills, the Centre extended little consideration to the sensitivity of the States.

    Role of APMC

    • In Punjab and Haryana, tweaking the APMC system and its resultant bearing on Minimum Support Price (MSP) is seen by the farmers as a threat to an assured sale of their produce at a price.
    • MSP system provides a cushion, wherein the farmer can anticipate the cost of opting for these crops and tap the necessary supports through channels he has been familiar with.
    • Farmers are apprehensive of the vagaries of a competitive market where he would eventually be beholden to the large players including monopolies.
    • There is widespread apprehension that the measures proposed by the Farm Acts in addition to the existing agrarian distress, are only going to make the lot of the farmer even more precarious.
    • All across the country, the farming community is prone to sympathise with the demand to scrap the new laws, as they have little to offer to them in a positive sense.

    Conclusion

    Those with large holdings and produce for the market — are spearheading the present stand-off against the Farm Bills, as it affects them very deeply. But farming distress is shared in common by the different strata within the farming community, even though it has a differential impact on them.

  • Perils of profits based economic recovery

    The economies across the world are showing recovery driven by profits. However, one cannot neglect the implication of such recovery for the long term growth given the pressure such recovery has been exerting on the labour markets. The article deals with this issue.

    3 Ways to look at GDP

    • The first is what they tell us about the past.
    • Here, the news has generally been better-than-expected.
    • The US and India saw a much stronger recovery last quarter than previously envisioned.
    • The second is sectoral, production side-agriculture, manufacturing, services- and the functional, expenditure side consumption, investment, net exports.
    • But there’s a third way — the income side.
    • Value addition must ultimately accrue to the different factors of production.
    • On the income side, therefore, GDP is simply the sum of profits, wages and indirect taxes.

    Profit-driven growth and impact on employment

    • The economic recovery in many parts of the world is driven disproportionately by capital than labour.
    • In India, the net profits of listed companies grew 25 per cent (in real terms) last quarter. This despite revenues shrinking.
    • Revenue shrank because firms aggressively cut costs, including employee compensation.
    • This implies that if listed company profits are growing 25 per cent, and yet GDP contracted 7.5 per cent, it reveals (by construction) significant pressure on profits of unlisted SMEs, wages and employment.
    • Labour market pressures are evident in India too.
    • Household demand for MGNREGA remains very elevated, suggesting significant labour market slack.
    • The employment rate in some labour market surveys still reveal about 14 million fewer employed compared to February, and nominal wage growth across a universe of 4,000 listed firms has slowed from about 10 per cent to 3 per cent over the last six quarters.

    Why this matters

    • It may be rational for any one firm to boost profits by cutting employee compensation.
    • But if every firm pursued that strategy, that simply reduces future aggregate demand and profitability for all firms.
    • This is quintessential fallacy of composition that Keynes enumerated.
    • Weak demand, in turn, disincentivises re-hiring, reinforcing the risks of settling into a sub-optimal equilibrium.

    Need to remain vigilant about labour market

    • Remaining vigilant about labour markets is particularly important for India.
    • Private consumption was increasingly financed by households running down savings and taking on debt pre-COVID-19.
    • Consequently, if job-market pressures induce households into perceiving this shock as a quasi-permanent hit on incomes, households will be incentivised to save, not spend in the future.

    Way forward for fiscal consolidation

    • While economic momentum is expected to slow as pent-up demand wears off, the level of output will progressively reach pre-COVID levels as the economy normalises.
    • The question is what will drive growth after that?
    • India’s fiscal response has been restrained thus far, with the Centre’s total spending similar to last year and state capex under pressure.
    • It’s therefore important for the Centre to step up spending in the remaining months.
    • More importantly, public investment, and a large infrastructure push, must be the leitmotif of the next budget.
    • This will be crucial to boost demand, create jobs, crowd-in private investment and improve the economy’s external competitiveness.
    • If higher infrastructure spending is financed by higher asset sales, the headline fiscal deficit (which matters for bond markets and interest rates) can be slowly reduced, even as the underlying fiscal impulse (which matters for growth and jobs) remains positive.
    • This is the only way to undertake fiscal consolidation without incurring a fiscal drag.
    • Monetary policy has led the charge in 2020. But with inflation continuing to remain sticky and elevated, the RBI has fewer degrees of freedom going forward.

    Conclusion

    The stronger-than-expected GDP print is very encouraging. But this is the start of a long journey back. Much, therefore, remains to be done. The excitement around the vaccine shouldn’t obscure this fundamental premise.

  • In farmers’ protests, the core is procurement

     

    Context

    • Farmers’ protests have erupted once again in north India, their main worry is about a possible withdrawal of the Minimum Support Price (MSP) and a dismantling of the public procurement of grains.

    Why farmers in Punjab and Haryana are protesting

    • Farmers in Punjab and Haryana are heavily dependent on public procurement and assured price through MSP.
    • Nearly 88% of the paddy production and 70% of the wheat production in Punjab and Haryana (in 2017-18 and 2018-19) has been absorbed through public procurement [Food Grains Bulletin and Agricultural Statistics at a Glance, Government of India].
    • In contrast, in the other major paddy States such as Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Odisha and Uttar Pradesh, only 44% of the rice production is procured by public agencies.
    •  In the major wheat States of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, only 23% of the production is procured by public agencies.

    Government needs to continue procurement

    • If farmers of Punjab and Haryana need the procurement system, the government needs it even more.
    • This is because of its obligations under the PDS and the National Food Security Act (NFSA).
    • Support under the NFSA is a legal and rights-based entitlement.
    • There are nearly 80 crore NFSA beneficiaries and an additional eight crore migrants who need to be supported under the PDS.
    • In the last three years, nearly 40% of the total paddy production in the country and 32% of wheat production has been procured by public agencies to supply the PDS.
    • Thus, the government has little option but to continue its procurement from these States in the foreseeable future.

    Way forward

    • Therefore, it is imperative that the government reaches out to the farmer groups and assures them of the indispensability of MSP-procurement system.
    • The government needs to start this initiative immediately to allay their legitimate concerns.
    • Two of the major limitations in the laws that need to be addressed immediately:
    • 1) The absence of a regulatory mechanism to ensure fair play by private players vis-à-vis farmers.
    • 2) The lack of transparency in trade area transactions.

    Conclusion

    The severe trust deficit that resulted from the way the Farm Bills have been rushed through needs to be addressed by adopting a conciliatory approach towards farmers and the States.

  • Trade-offs for growth revival: Why India’s policymakers need a new roadmap

    The article weighs in the policy options with the Indian policymakers to revive the India economy. This leads to the trilemma of managing the exchange rate, controlling the inflation and maintaining the capital account open all at the same time.

    A brief overview of 1991 economic reforms

    • The crisis in 1991 was centred on the balance-of-payments.
    • Allowing the Indian rupee to fall from an artificially high level  was a key part of the solution.
    • Since the reforms, the Indian rupee has steadily depreciated, roughly according to a market-determined equilibrium.
    • Extraordinarily high tariff barriers were reduced, allowing for welfare gains from greater international trade.
    • Reforms of the domestic economy that increased market orientation was, in some sense, opportunistically combined with these externally-oriented measures.

    What should be India’s foreign economic policy

    • In terms of connections to the rest of the world, however, it is less clear what the right policy mix should be.
    • We can think of three types of international flows: labour, goods and services, and capital.

    1) Internation flow of Indian labour

    • India has benefited from being able to send workers with a variety of skills to different types of economies: construction workers and nurses in the Persian Gulf, software engineers in the US, and so on.
    • Direct benefits came from large remittances back to India.
    • The pandemic and US immigration policy, have had some major impacts on this international connectivity, but new vaccines and a change in the US president are likely to reverse these shocks.
    • In any case, there is not much that Indian policymakers can do or need to do on this front.

    2) Trade in Goods and Service

    • India has been able to grow its exports, both in a variety of agricultural and manufactured commodities and in services, from software services to tourism.
    • It has been reasonably competitive in a range of goods and services.
    • It was only in the last few years, even before the pandemic, have Indian exports struggled to register growth.
    • Whereas the export powerhouses of East Asia consistently ran surpluses on the current account of the balance of payments, India has mostly run deficits, albeit manageable ones.

    3) Capital Flow: Area where policymakers have option

    • Current account deficits have to be covered somehow, though various forms of foreign capital.
    • Whereas economic theory and economic policymakers mostly agree on the benefits of international trade in goods and services there is less of a consensus on the benefits of international capital flows.
    • Capital flows can raise fears of instability if they are reversed, or make exports less competitive if they push up the value of the rupee. 
    • The country is a relatively attractive destination for foreign capital, both FDI and portfolio investment.
    • But, these flows can make Indian exports less competitive if the rupee appreciates too much, requiring domestic demand to do more of the work of absorbing increased output.

    Lesson from Japan

    • Right now, India is trying to build its manufacturing capacity by raising tariffs, in an old-style push for import substitution.
    • It is also providing direct incentives, such as the new scheme rewarding increases in production.
    • Arguably, this did work in Japan in the 1960s, but it is not clear if India is well-off enough to sustain that domestic strategy.
    • In addition, the lack of competitive discipline exporting can hinder the achievement of acceptable quality levels.

    Way forward

    • Capital controls to some extent can help mitigate the risk in this situation.
    • The Reserve Bank of India do more to keep the rupee at competitive levels, by accumulating foreign exchange reserves.

    Consider the question “In terms of links with the rest of the global economy, it is less clear what the right policy mix should be. Do you agree with the view that focus on simultaneously managing the exchange rate and domestic inflation while maintaining an open capital account would help in the revival of India’s economic growth

    Conclusion

    Lurking under the surface of these issues is the trilemma of being unable to simultaneously manage the exchange rate and domestic inflation while maintaining an open capital account, although foreign exchange reserves provide a way of softening the trade-offs. These are not new challenges, but they will need to be a focus for India’s policymakers as they seek renewed economic growth.

    Source:-

    https://www.financialexpress.com/opinion/trade-offs-for-growth-revival-why-indias-policymakers-need-a-new-roadmap/2142900/

  • Lottery, gambling, betting taxable under GST Act

    The Supreme Court has held that lottery, gambling and betting are taxable under the Goods and Services Tax (GST) Act.

    Try this question from CSP 2018:

    Q.Consider the following items:

    1. Cereal grains hulled
    2. Chicken eggs cooked
    3. Fish processed and canned
    4. Newspapers containing advertising material

    Which of the above items is/are exempt under GST (Goods and Services Tax)?

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 1, 2 and 4 only

    (d) 1, 2, 3 and 4

    What did the court say?

    • A three-judge Bench led by Justice Ashok Bhushan said the levy of GST on lotteries does not amount to “hostile discrimination”.
    • The court held that lottery, betting and gambling are “actionable claims” and come within the definition of ‘goods’ under Section 2(52) of the Central Goods and Services Tax Act, 2017.
    • Lottery, betting and gambling are well known concepts and have been in practice in this country since before Independence and were regulated and taxed by different legislations.

    Parliament to decide

    • The court said that the Parliament had an absolute power to go for an “inclusive definition” of the term ‘goods’ to include actionable claims like lottery, gambling and betting.
    • The court accepted the government’s stand that the Parliament has the competence to levy GST on lotteries under Article 246A (inserted after GST Act) of the Constitution.
    • The power to make laws as conferred by Article 246A fully empowers the Parliament to make laws with respect to GST and expansive definition of goods given in Section 2(52).

    Must read:

    Goods and Services Tax

  • Premature membership of RCEP would not serve Indian interests

    The article analyses government’s decision to stay out of RCEP and factors responsible for it.

    What India chose not to join RCEP

    • By joining RCEP, India would have further risked a flood of cheap Chinese imports in sectors like electronics.
    • India had tried and failed to win substantial concessions in areas like work visas for its information technology-enabled services.
    • Two of India’s proposals—an RCEP business travel card and an RCEP service supplier card—failed to find favour with a majority of the bloc’s members.

    Arguments in favour of India joining the RCEP

    •  First argument made is RCEP would have provided an excellent opportunity for Indian firms to get integrated with regional value chains.
    • However, merely joining a trade bloc does not automatically result in integration with global value chains.
    • The complex nature of global production networks requires a lot of economic and trade policy reforms on the domestic front.
    • Second important argument made is that India would lose an opportunity to access RCEP’s common market.
    • But this argument too doesn’t hold much water if Indian producers are not competitive.
    • Competitiveness is driven by factors both within and beyond the control of domestic industry.
    • So it would be an over-simplification to assume that Indian industry does not have the capability or appetite to be competitive.
    • Often, global competitiveness inside factory gates gets diluted by costs borne outside those gates.

    What past data suggests

    • India’s merchandise exports grew at an annual rate of more than 18% between 2000-01 and 2010-11, which was largely a pre-FTA period.
    • In this period, India activated only two FTAs—with Sri Lanka and Singapore.
    • India joined the FTAs in a big way from 2010 onwards.
    • It operationalized big trade agreements with the 10-nation Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Japan, Korea, and separately with Malaysia.
    • However, despite these deals, India could realize annual merchandise export growth of only 2.5% between 2010-11 and 2019-20.
    • This disappointing performance shows that FTAs are not conducive for exports.

    Conclusion

    While RCEP may theoretically offer India new opportunities for exports and integration with pan-Asian production networks, we have a lot of work to do internally before we are in a position to make the most of free-trade deals.

  • Closing the communication gap with the farmers

    The article suggests the policy options with the government to deal with the protest of the farmers against the recently enacted farm laws.

    Context

    • Farmers have protested against the recently enacted farm laws by converging on Delhi’s highways connected to neighbouring states.

    Why farmers are protesting

    • There is a gross communication failure on the part of the central government to explain to farmers what these laws are, and how they are intended to benefit them.
    • Neither do the laws say anything about it, nor is the MSP/APMC system going to disappear with these laws.
    • Nothing can be further from the truth.

    1) Should government  repeal the laws

    • Punjab farmer leaders, including two major political parties, demand repeal of these laws.
    • However, repealing would mean bringing back controls, licence raj and the resultant rent-seeking.
    • Milk, poultry, fishery, etc. don’t go through the mandi system and their growth rates are 3 to 5 times higher than that of wheat and rice.
    • Overall, almost 90 per cent of the agri-produce is sold to the private sector.

    2) Should the government make MSP legally binding

    • Another demand is making the MSP statutory and legally binding even on the private sector.
    • This is impractical as there are 23 commodities for which MSPs are announced, but in actual practice only wheat and rice enjoy MSPs in any meaningful manner, and that too only in 6-7 states.
    • Punjab is the biggest gainer as its 95-98 per cent of market arrivals of wheat and paddy are procured at MSP by state agencies on behalf of the Food Corporation of India (FCI).
    • The FCI is overloaded with grain stocks that are more than 2.5 times the buffer stock norms.
    • Such high stock indicates massive economic inefficiency in the grain management system.
    • If the government cannot cope up with excess production of just wheat and rice in any meaningful way, think of how it will handle 23 commodities under MSP.
    • In case of excess production the government will not have the wherewithal to buy all and stock them without any viable outlet.
    • It will massively distort markets, make Indian agriculture non-competitive and stocking of these will be financially unsustainable.
    • And then, why only 23 commodities, why not 40?
    • This type of state socialism is a sure path to financial disaster.

    3) Optio of the Price Stabilisation Scheme

    • The third policy option is to use the Price Stabilisation Scheme to give a lift to market prices by pro-actively buying a part of the surplus whenever market prices crash.
    • It can be done directly by NAFED-type agencies that are already active in the case of pulses and oilseeds.
    • Farmers can use Commodity Derivatives Exchanges where farmers can buy “put options” at MSP before they even sow their crops, and if the market prices at the time of harvest turn out to be below MSP, government can compensate them partly for lower market prices.

    4) Decentralise MSP: Let the states decide it

    • The fourth option is to totally decentralise the MSP, procurement, stocking, and public distribution system (PDS).
    • MSP and procurement exist basically to support farmers for supplying grains to the FCI to feed into the PDS.
    • So, the whole money on food subsidy can be allocated to states on the basis of their share in all-India poverty/proportion of vulnerable population, all-India wheat and rice production, all-India procurement of wheat and rice, etc.
    • A step further could include another Rs 1,00,000 crore of fertiliser subsidy and free up fertiliser prices from any controls.
    • Still further, even include another Rs 1,00,000, say, of MNREGA.
    • Let the Finance Commission work out a formula for distribution of this Rs 3,00,000 crore amongst states based on some tangible performance indicators.
    • And the Centre should get off from MSP, PDS, fertiliser subsidy, and MNREGA.

    Conclusion

    This would be true decentralisation, and can be accomplished provided enough ground work is done well in advance. But will this be acceptable to farmer leaders/opposing states/activists? Only time will tell.

  • Need to address farmers’ apprehensions

    Farmers are protesting the farm laws which brought changes in the agri-produce marketing and the contract farming. Farmers are also demanding the legal backing of MSP. The article analyses the issues and suggests the measures to address them.

    Analysing merits and feasibility of demands of protesting farmers

    1) The Farmer Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act

    • The Act creates a new “trade area” outside the APMC market yards/sub-yards.
    • Any buyer with a Permanent Account Number (PAN) can buy directly from farmer sellers outside APMC market.
    • The state government can’t impose any taxes on such a transaction.
    • Therefore, it is expected that this would lower buying costs for buyers and that would automatically mean higher prices for farmers.

    Concerns with the law

    • Buyers buying at lower cost does not necessarily mean they would pass on the cost saved on procurement to selling farmers.
    • The claim is also made that now farmers would have a choice of channels.
    • However, the majority of the farm produce across India with the exception of states like Punjab and Haryana does not go through APMCs.
    • Anybody with a PAN card allowed to buy agricultural produce could mean a free-for-all situation, which is not desirable.

    2) The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act

    What necessitated law on contract farming?

    • Contract farming has shown that marginal and small farmers are generally excluded.
    • The problems they face include the following-
    • Highly one-sided i.e. pro-contracting agency contracts.
    • Delayed payments.
    • Undue rejections and outright cheating.
    • Poor enforcement of contract farming regulation by the state governments.

    Concerns with the law

    • The Act defined FPOs (farmer producer organisations) as farmers, which restricts them to the supply side.
    • But there is hardly any FPO in farm production.
    • Further, the contract farming Act does not provide for remedies when companies cancel contracts or there is delay in taking delivery of produce.
    • The Act says that sponsor would also pay, besides the minimum guaranteed price, a premium or bonus which will be linked to APMC or e-trading price.
    • This goes against the very concept of contract farming.
    • The contract price should be left to the contracting parties to decide.
    • Further, if the understanding is that mandis are not discovering prices well, then why peg the contract price to such mandi price?

    Lessons from 2003 APMC Act

    • The government must go back to the 2003 Model APMC Act, which also had model contract agreement with mandatory and optional provisions in a contract.
    • In the 2003 Model APMC Act, the APMC was supposed to resolve the disputes.
    • Further under 2003 APMC Act when a licence is given to a trader or commission agent, there is a counterparty risk assurance.

    Apprehensions about MSP

    • The Shanta Kumar Committee report and the CACP reports had suggested reducing procurement and an end to open-ended procurement from states like Punjab to cut down costs of FCI.
    • It is feared that FCI itself may start procuring directly from the new trade area to cut down buying costs like market fees and arhtiya commission.
    • It is more about the changes in the “social contract” between the state’s farmers and the Union government.
    • The demand for legal backing to MSP also arises from the fact that the government has been announcing MSP for 23 crops, but procurement is limited to a few crops.
    • Also, CACP in one of its reports in 2017-18 (kharif) suggested that “to instil confidence among farmers for procurement of their produce, a legislation conferring on farmers ‘the right to sell at MSP’ may be brought out.”
    • Punjab’s amendments to farm Acts — making MSP mandatory for wheat and paddy are ill-advised as this law will discourage private buyers from buying.
    • It is difficult to enforce such a law. Private agricultural markets cannot be run through such diktats.
    •  By creating stringent rules (fine or imprisonment), the government may create a situation where farmers would not be able to sell at all.
    • Maharashtra attempted this legality in 2018 in its APMC Act but had to reverse it after protests by traders.

    Consider the question “What are the factors that necessitated the robust contract farming Act? What are the issues related to the Act? Suggest the measures to address these issues.”

    Conclusion

    Apprehension among the farmers related to the farm laws needs to be addressed and the concern in the laws need to be addressed.