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Subject: Fundamental Rights,DPSP

1. History + Evolution
2. Features
3. Amendments
4. Basic Structure

  • Right to Protest

    The Supreme Court has found the indefinite “occupation” of a public road by the Shaheen Bagh protestors unacceptable.

    Right to Protest

    • The right to protest is the manifestation of the right to freedom of assembly, the right to freedom of association, and the right to freedom of speech.
    • The Constitution of India provides the right of freedom, given in Article 19 with the view of guaranteeing individual rights that were considered vital by the framers of the constitution.
    • The Right to protest peacefully is enshrined in Article 19(1) (a) guarantees the freedom of speech and expression; Article 19(1) (b) assures citizens the right to assemble peaceably and without arms.
    • Article 19(2) imposes reasonable restrictions on the right to assemble peaceably and without arms.

    What did the Court say?

    • The court said the protest, considered an iconic dissent mounted by mothers, children and senior citizens of Shaheen Bagh against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, became inconvenient to commuters.
    • The judgment upheld the right to peaceful protest against the law but made it unequivocally clear that public ways and public spaces cannot be occupied, and that too indefinitely.
    • Democracy and dissent go hand in hand, but then the demonstrations expressing dissent have to be in designated places alone.
    • The present case was not even one of the protests taking place in an undesignated area but was a blockage of a public way which caused grave inconvenience to commuters.

    Reasonable restrictions do exist in practice

    • Fundamental rights do not live in isolation. The right of the protester has to be balanced with the right of the commuter. They have to co-exist in mutual respect.
    • The court held it was entirely the responsibility of the administration to prevent encroachments in public spaces.

  • What India can learn from Kenya about women’s representation

    Asymmetric representation in India and Kenya has given rise to complex debate in both countries. The article analyses the similarities and difference.

    Issue of women’s representation in Parliament

    • Many political promises have been made in seven decades of the working of the Indian Constitution regarding 33 per cent reservation in Parliament.
    • But the two bills, introduced in 1996 and 2010, have been allowed to lapse.

    What are the hurdles?

    • Every political party endorses the idea but the battle within political classes has been over “quota within a quota”.
    • Some have argued that ways should be found to ensure that this reservation should contain 33 per cent reservation within for SC and ST women.
    • Some have championed a systemic practice of reservation at the stage of distributing party tickets.
    • Some continue to fight for underprivileged and rural women.
    • Some maintain that a constitutional convention mandating increased representation for women by parties will be more appropriate than a constitutional amendment.

    Comparison with Kenya

    • While both fall short in equitable representation, Kenya has secured about 22 per cent women in the present National Assembly.
    • India peaked to its highest number in the 2019 elections with 62 women (around 14.58 per cent),out of a total of 542 Lok Sabha seats.
    • In the Kenyan Senate women number only 21 (or 31 per cent) of the 67-member House are female; in the Indian Rajya Sabha women comprise 25 out of 243 elected members.
    •  In both societies, women’s representation has always been “pyramidical”, most women remain below the constitutional radar at the bottom, even when a few scale national heights.
    • Asymmetric representation in both societies has generated a long and complex debate concerning women’s representation.

    Difference in constitutional histories and judicial actions

    • India has nothing like the two-thirds rule in Kenya’s new constitution.
    • Kenya’s Constitution requires that not more than two-thirds of the members of elective or appointive bodies shall be of the same gender.
    • But the 2010 constitutional norm of a “two-thirds gender rule”, buttressed by the requirement that the electoral system shall comply with this rule has been breached.
    • The judicial orders (from 2012) giving various timeframes to enact legislation to implement gender parity have found Parliament unresponsive.
    •  The stage was thus set for the exercise of constitutional power and function by the chief justice to advise the president to dissolve Parliament.
    • This was a great victory for the Kenyan women.

    Conclusion

    Indian sisterhood can yearn wistfully, but valiantly, for another Vishakha moment in the demosprudential leadership of the nation by the apex court.

  • Legal challenges the Farm Acts could face

    Farm Acts passed by the Parliament could face the legal hurdle in the court when challenged on its constitutional basis. This article explains the issue.

    Background

    • Recently, Parliament passed three acts related to agriculture. These Acts are-
    • 1) The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020.
    • 2) The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020.
    • 3) The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020.
    • This has led to the question: Does the Union government have the authority to legislate on what are rightfully the affairs of States?

    Why agriculture is considered as States’ prerogative

    • Agriculture is a State subject in the Constitution, listed as Entry 14 in the State List (List II).
    • Entry 26 in the State List refers to “trade and commerce within the State”.
    • Entry 27 in the State List refers to “production, supply and distribution of goods”.
    • Entry 28 refers to “markets and fairs”.
    • For these reasons, intra-State marketing in agriculture was always considered a legislative prerogative of States.

    What was the legal basis used by the Parliament to pass the Farm Acts

    • The central government invoked Entry 33 in the Concurrent List (List III).
    • Entry 26 and 27 in List II are listed as “subject to the provisions of Entry 33 of List III”.

    Entry 33 in List III: Trade and commerce in, and the production, supply and distribution of, — (a) the products of any industry where the control of such industry by the Union is declared by Parliament by law to be expedient in the public interest, and imported goods of the same kind as such products; (b) foodstuffs, including edible oilseeds and oils; (c) cattle fodder, including oilcakes and other concentrates; (d) raw cotton, whether ginned or unginned, and cotton seed; and (e) raw jute.

    Historical background of  “Entry 33” of Concurrent List

    • Entry 33, in its present form, was inserted in List III through the Constitution (Third Amendment) Act, 1954 after heated constitutional debates.
    • The contention of the dissent was the following:
    • As per Article 369 in the original version of the Constitution, the responsibility of agricultural trade and commerce within a State was temporarily entrusted to the Union government for a period of five years beginning from 1950.
    • The 1954 Amendment attempted to change this into a permanent feature in the Constitution.
    • According to dissident “if matters enumerated in Article 369 in were placed in List III, State autonomy would be rendered illusory and State powers and rights would be progressively pulverised…”.
    • While another dissident argued that “passage of the Bill would transform the Indian Constitution into a “unitary Constitution” instead of a “federal Constitution” and reduce “all the States’ powers into municipal powers”.
    • Notwithstanding the strong dissenting voices, the Bill was passed.

    Let’s look into the related Supreme Court Judgments

    • In many of its judgments after 1954, the Supreme Court of India has upheld the legislative powers of States in intra-State agricultural marketing.
    • Most notable was the ruling of the five-judge Constitution Bench in I.T.C. Limited vs. Agricultural Produce Market Committee (APMC) and Others, 2002.
    • The Tobacco Board Act, 1975 had brought the development of the tobacco industry under the Centre.
    • However, Bihar’s APMC Act continued to list tobacco as an agricultural produce.
    • In this case, the question was if the APMC in Monghyr could charge a levy on ITC for the purchase of unprocessed tobacco leaves from growers.
    • An earlier judgment had held that the State APMC Act will be repugnant to the Central Act, and hence was ultra vires.
    • But the Constitution Bench upheld the validity of the State APMC Act, and ruled that market fees can be charged from ITC under the State APMC Act.

    Consider the question “Examine the validity of legal basis used by the Parliament to pass the Farm Acts. Why it could face the legal challenge?”

    Conclusion

    It was unwise on the part of the Centre to use Entry 33 in List III to push the Farm Bills. Such adventurism weakens the spirit of federal cooperation that India needs in this hour of crisis. Second, agriculture is exclusively a State subject.

    Back2Basics: Read more about 3 Agricultural Acts passed by the Parliament here-

    [Burning Issue] Agricultural Reform Bills, 2020

     

  • Narco Test and the Issue of Consent

    Involuntary administration of narco or lie detector tests is an “intrusion” into a person’s “mental privacy,” a Supreme Court judgment of 2010 has held.

    Try this question:

    Q.What are the ethical issues associated with the Lie-detection tests?

    Various Lie detector tests

    (1) Polygraph Test

    • A polygraph test is based on the assumption that physiological responses that are triggered when a person is lying are different from what they would be otherwise.
    • Instruments like cardio-cuffs or sensitive electrodes are attached to the person, and variables such as blood pressure, pulse, respiration, change in sweat gland activity, blood flow, etc., are measured as questions are put to them.
    • A numerical value is assigned to each response to conclude whether the person is telling the truth, is deceiving, or is uncertain.

    (2) Narcoanalysis

    • Narcoanalysis, by contrast, involves the injection of a drug, sodium pentothal, which induces a hypnotic or sedated state.
    • In such a state, the subject’s imagination is neutralized, and they are expected to divulge information that is true.
    • The drug, referred to as “truth serum” in this context, was used in larger doses as anaesthesia during surgery and is said to have been used during World War II for intelligence operations.

    Why these tests are so (in)famous?

    • Investigating agencies seek to employ these tests in the investigation, and are sometimes seen as being a “softer alternative” to torture or “third degree” to extract the truth from suspects.
    • These tests put into consideration the international norms on human rights, the right to a fair trial, and the right against self-incrimination under Article 20(3) of the Constitution.

    Legal status in India

    • In ‘Selvi & Ors vs State of Karnataka & Anr’ (2010), a Supreme Court Bench comprising CJI ruled that no lie detector tests should be administered “except on the basis of the consent of the accused”.
    • Those who volunteer must have access to a lawyer, and have the physical, emotional, and legal implications of the test explained to them by police and the lawyer, the Bench said.
    • It said that the ‘Guidelines for the Administration of Polygraph Test on an Accused’ published by the National Human Rights Commission in 2000, must be strictly followed.
    • The subject’s consent should be recorded before a judicial magistrate, the court said.

    What was the latest Judgement?

    • Involuntary administration of narco or lie detector tests is an “intrusion” into a person’s “mental privacy,” a Supreme Court judgment of 2010 has held.
    • The consequences of such tests on “individuals from weaker sections of society who are unaware of their fundamental rights and unable to afford legal advice” can be devastating.
    • It may involve future abuse, harassment and surveillance, even leakage of the video material to the Press for a “trial by media.”
    • Such tests are an affront to human dignity and liberty and have long-lasting effects.
    • “An individual’s decision to make a statement is the product of a private choice and there should be no scope for any other individual to interfere with such autonomy,” the apex court had held.

    Legal status of its outcome

    • The results of the tests cannot be considered to be “confessions”, because those in a drugged-induced state cannot exercise a choice in answering questions that are put to them.
    • However, any information or material subsequently discovered with the help of such a voluntarily-taken test can be admitted as evidence, the court said.
    • Thus, if an accused reveals the location of a murder weapon in the course of the test, and police later find the weapon at that location, the statement of the accused will not be evidence, but the weapon will be.

  • Should India have one national Language?

    The article discusses the issues with excessive attention given to Hindi and how the neglect of another language could lead to the loss of language and the way of life associated with it as well.

    Debate in Constituent Assembly and issues in the adoption of Hindi

    • The issue of adopting a national language could not be resolved when the Constituent Assembly began drafting India’s Constitution.
    • Members from the Hindi-speaking provinces who moved a number of pro-Hindi amendments and argued for adopting Hindi as the sole national language.
    • Widespread resistance to the imposition of Hindi led to the passage of the Official Languages Act of 1963, which provided for the continued use of English for all official purposes.
    • Hindi became the sole working language of the Union government by 1965 with the State governments free to function in the language of their choice.
    • The constitutional directive for the Union government to encourage the spread of Hindi was retained within Central government entities in non-Hindi-speaking States.

    Issues with the Eighth Schedule

    • According to the 2001 Census, India has 30 languages that are spoken by more than a million people each.
    • The Constitution lists 22 languages and protects them in the eighth schedule.
    • Many languages are kept out of this schedule even if they deserve to be included.
    • This includes Tulu which is spoken by over 1.8 million people and has inscriptions dating back to the 14th and 15th centuries.
    • While Hindi, a much younger Indo-Aryan language, has been gaining prominence since before independence.
    • When a refined language loses its status in literary and daily interactions, the way of life associated with it also vanishes.
    • The Census found that while Hindi is the fastest growing language, the number of speakers of other languages has dropped.

    Way forward

    • While discussing Hindi and its use, let us also focus on the merit of other Indian languages.
    • Instead of focusing on one national language, we should learn a language beyond the mother tongue and get to know a different way of life too.

    Conclusion

    If we don’t protect and promote other well-evolved or endangered and indigenous languages, our future generations may end up never understanding their ‘real’ roots and culture

  • Maharashtra modifies Forest Rights Act

    Maharashtra government has issued a notification modifying the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006 that will enable tribals and other traditional forest dwelling families to build houses in the neighbourhood forest areas.

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.Forest dwellers are integral to the very survival and sustainability of the forest ecosystem. Analyse.

    Historical Background

    1878: The Forest Act of 1878 was introduced and it truncated the centuries-old traditional use by communities of their forests and secured the colonial governments control over the forestry. The provision of this Act established a virtual State monopoly over the forests in a legal sense on one hand, and attempted to establish, on the other, that the customary use of the forests by the villagers was not a ‘right’, but a ‘privilege’ that could be withdrawn at will.

    1927:  The Indian Forest Act, 1927. In continuance with the forest use policy of 1878, this landmark law – India’s main forest law, had nothing to do with conservation. It was created to serve the British need for timber. It sought to override customary rights and forest management systems by declaring forests state property and exploiting their timber.

    1952: ‘National interests’ overrode all interests and forests were viewed as a national asset. It was made clear that local priorities and interests and claims of the communities around forest areas should be subservient to larger national interests

    About the FRA, 2006

    • The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, is a key piece of forest legislation in India.
    • It has also been called the Forest Rights Act, the Tribal Rights Act, the Tribal Bill, and the Tribal Land Act. In the colonial era, the British diverted abundant forest wealth of the nation to meet their economic needs.
    • While the procedure for settlement of rights was provided under statutes such as the Indian Forest Act, 1927, these were hardly followed.
    • As a result, tribal and forest-dwelling communities, who had been living within the forests in harmony with the environment and the ecosystem, continued to live inside the forests in tenurial insecurity, a situation which continued even after independence as they were marginalised.
    • The symbiotic relationship between forests and forest-dwelling communities found recognition in the National Forest Policy, 1988.
    • The FRA, 2006, was enacted to protect the marginalised socio-economic class of citizens and balance the right to the environment with their right to life and livelihood.

    What empowers the Governor?

    • The notification has been issued by the Governor using his powers under subparagraph (1) of paragraph 5 of the Schedule V of the Constitution, according to a statement issued by Raj Bhavan.
    • PESA rules in the State have given recognition to many habitations as villages, but there is no provision for land for house-building.

    Significance of the move

    • The decision is likely to provide a major relief to Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest-dwelling families residing in the scheduled areas of the State.
    • The urban areas get increased FSI, the rural areas (on revenue lands) get the same too, but tribal villages (on forest lands) have no legal space for building houses.
    • The move aims to prevent the migration of forest-dwelling families outside their native villages and provide them with housing areas by extending the village site into forest land in their neighbourhood.

    Back2Basics: Fifth Schedule of the Constitution

    • It deals with the administration and control of Scheduled Areas as well as of Scheduled Tribes residing in any State other than the States of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram (ATM2).
    • In Article 244(1) of the Constitution, expression Scheduled Areas means such areas as the President may by order declare to be Scheduled Areas (SA).

    The President may at any time by order-

    1. direct that the whole or any specified part of SA shall cease to be a SA or a part of such an area;
    2. increase the area of any SA in a State after consultation with the Governor of that State;
    3. alter, but only by way of rectification of boundaries, any Scheduled Area;
    4. on any alteration of the boundaries of a State on the admission into the Union or the establishment of a new State, declare any territory not previously included in any State to be, or to form part of, a SA;
    5. rescind, in relation to any State of States, any order or orders made under these provisions and in consultation with the Governor of the State concerned, make fresh orders redefining the areas which are to be SA.
    • The Governor may, by public notification, direct that any particular Act of Parliament or of the Legislature of the State shall or shall not apply to a SA or any part thereof in the State, subject to such exceptions and modifications, as specified.
    • The Governor may make regulations for the peace and good government of any area in the State which is for the time being a SA. Such regulations may
    1. prohibit or restrict the transfer of land by or among members of the Scheduled Tribes in such area;
    2. regulate the allotment of land to members of the STs in such area;
    3. regulate the carrying on of business as money-lender by persons who lend money to members of the STs in such area.

    In making such regulations, the Governor may repeal or amend any Act of Parliament or of Legislature of the State or any existing law after obtaining the assent of the President.

  • Moving away from parliamentary scrutiny

    The article discusses the important role played by the various committees and their significance.

    Committee system for legislative scrutiny

    • Over the years, the Indian Parliament has increasingly adopted the committee system as did the other democracies in the world.
    • This helped in housekeeping, to enhance the efficacy of the House to cope with the technical issues confronting it and to feel the public pulse.
    • But the committee approach also helped to guard its turf and keep it abreast to exercise accountability on the government.

    Important role played by the committees

    • Committees are the guardians of the autonomy of the House: consider the role of committees of scrutiny and oversight.
    • In the discharge of their mandate, the committee can solicit expert advice and elicit public opinion.
    • Besides the standing committees, the Houses of Parliament set up, from time to time, ad hoc committees to enquire and report on specific subjects which include Select Committees of a House or Joint Select Committees of both the Houses.
    • Departmentally-related Standing Committees (DRSCs)  were envisaged to be the face of Parliament in a set of inter-related departments and ministries.

    Issues

    • Committees of scrutiny and advice, both standing and ad hoc, have been confined to the margins or left in the lurch in the last few years.
    • While 60% of the Bills in the 14th Lok Sabha and 71% in the 15th Lok Sabha were wetted by the DRSCs concerned, this proportion came down to 27% in the 16th Lok Sabha.
    • The government has shown extreme reluctance to refer Bills to Select Committees of the Houses or Joint Parliamentary Committees.

    Conclusion

    The government must not forget that the primary role of Parliament is deliberation, discussion and reconsideration, the hallmarks of democratic institutions, and not a platform that endorses decisions already arrived at.

    Back2Bascis: Parliamentary Committees

    Broadly, they are classified into two categories — standing committees and ad hoc committees.

    1) Standing Committees

    • As the name suggests, these committees cover all the ministries and departments of the Government of India.
    • Standing committees are more permanent in nature, and are constituted from time to time in pursuance of the provisions of an Act of Parliament or Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha.
    • The standing committees are further divided into financial committees and departmentally-related standing committees (DRSCs).
    • There are 24 DRSCs in total — 16 from Lok Sabha and 8 from the Rajya Sabha.
    • Financial committees are of three kinds — the estimates committee, the public accounts committee and the committee on public undertakings.

    2) Ad hoc committees

    • Ad hoc committees are appointed for a specific purpose and they cease to exist after they finish the task assigned to them and submit a report.
    • These include advisory committees and inquiry committees.
    • Advisory committees include select and joint committees on bills.
    • Inquiry committees are constituted to inquire into a specific issue and report on it.

  • Parliament is not just about technicalities, deference to process builds trust

    The article deals with the issue of importance of parliamentary procedures and how it has been neglected in the passage of several Bills recently.

    2 contexts that explain the crisis Parliament faces

    1) Neglecting the procedure

    • Three simple procedural matters are the cornerstone of parliamentary practice.
    • The first is Question Hour, which was suspended.
    • Even in taking that decision, the Speaker did not accede to the demand for a division.
    • The second is referring bills to committees.
    • It is increasingly the case with important pieces of legislation that they are not being either referred to committees, nor are they being fully debated in Parliament.
    • The third and most important is “division.”
    • If a member of a House asks for a division of votes, the Speaker needs to grant it.
    • The Speaker can refuse under some circumstances, but even then he has to take something like an informal headcount vote before refusing division.

    2) Substantive context

    • There are three bills relating to agriculture that have occasioned serious protests.
    • There are three far-reaching pieces of legislation pertaining to labour reform.
    • Each of these bills can be improved and crafted in ways that make them more the object of consensus.
    • The bills pertaining to agriculture were debated, ffter the debate,  deputy chairperson refusesed a division.
    • By allowing a division we would at least record where each member of Parliament stood on a question of monumental importance.

    Concerns

    • We seem to not want to give flexibility to states when it comes to farmers.
    • Flexibility is given to states, in the most unrestrained manner possible, when it comes to the interest of capital against labour.
    • It seems that the hurried interests of corporate India take precedence over farmers and labour, rather than a well negotiated social contract between all three.

    Why the farmers are concerned

    • A lot of the farmers’ legitimate fear is that in a fiscal crunch, MSP will be rolled back or procurement curtailed.
    • There is genuine uncertainty over what private procurement will mean.

    Way forward

    • It is also possible that in the case of the APMC, a more creative solution could have been found for concerns of the states, like an opt-out clause for them.
    • In case of amendments to labour laws, there is need to examine whether it fulfils the twin objectives of both protecting workers and being compliance-friendly at the same time.

    Conclusion

    Some deference to process can build trust because it is a sign of a government that listens. At least on the APMC this was a possibility. Let us hope on labour bills there is more reasoned deliberation. Parliamentary practice will not be able to knit an enduring social contract between labour, capital and farmers if it does not inspire confidence.

  • Nationalism and the crisis of federalism

    The article analyses the challenges federalism in India faces and the important role played by the division of states based on the languages.

    Three conceptions of nationalism in India

    • Following three conceptions of nationalism were prevalent in India before independence.
    • The first, the idea that a community with a strongly unified culture must have a single state of its own.
    • The second saw the nation as defined by a common culture whose adherents must have a state of their own.
    • But this common culture was not ethno-religious.
    •  It conceives common culture in terms of a strong idea of unity that marginalises or excludes other particular identities.
    • A third nationalism accepts that communities nourished by distinct, territorially concentrated regional cultures have the capacity to design states of their own as also educational, legal, economic, and other institutions.
    • This may be called a coalescent nationalism consistent with a fairly strong linguistic federalism.
    • The central state associated with it is not multi-national.
    • At best, it is a multi-national state without labels, one that does not call itself so; a self-effacing multi-national state.

    Suspicion of linguistic identities

    • After Partition, the Indian ruling class began to view with suspicion the political expression of even linguistic identities.
    •  It was feared that federation structured along ethno-linguistic lines might tempt politicians to mobilise permanently on the basis of language.
    • The second fear was about an increase in the likelihood of inter-ethnic violence, encourage separatism and eventually lead to India’s break up.
    • Thus, when the Constitution came into force in 1950, India adopted unitary, civic nationalism as its official ideology.

    Formation of states on linguistic basis and its implications

    • A unitary mindset shaped by the experience of a centralised colonial state was resurrected.
    • The second tier of government was justified in functional terms, not on ethical grounds of the recognition of group cultures.
    • Following the Committee’s recommendations, States were reorganised in 1956.
    • India slowly became a coalescent nation-state, moving from the ‘holding together’ variety to what is called the ‘coming together’ form of (linguistic) federalism.
    • This meant that regional parties were stronger than earlier in their own regions and at the centre.
    • This let to more durable centre because it was grounded more on the consent and participation of regional groups that, at another level, were also self-governing.
    • Indian federalism also attempted to remove its rigidities by incorporating asymmetries in the relation between the Centre and different States.
    • Treating all States as equals required the acknowledgement of their specific needs and according them differential treatment.

    Conclusion

    Coalescent nationalism has served India well, benefiting several groups in India. True, it has not worked as well in India’s border areas such as the North-east and Kashmir. But their problems can only be resolved by deepening not abandoning coalescent nationalism.

  • What are Supplementary Grants?

    Finance Minister has tabled the first batch of Supplementary Demands for Grants for this financial year in the Lok Sabha.

    Supplementary Demand for Grants

    • Article 115 of the constitution provides for Supplementary, additional or excess grants. (Note: Article 116 provides for Votes on account, votes of credit and exceptional grants.)
    • They are additional grants which are required to meet the expenditure of the government
    • Their demand is presented when the authorized amounts are insufficient and need for additional expenditure has arisen.

    Why need supplementary grants?

    • When actual expenditure incurred exceeds the approved grants of the Parliament, the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Railways presents a Demand for Excess Grant.
    • It is needed for government expenditure over and above the amount for which Parliamentary approval was already obtained during the Budget session.
    • When grants, authorised by the Parliament, fall short of the required expenditure, an estimate is presented before the Parliament for Supplementary or Additional grants.
    • These grants are presented and passed by the Parliament before the end of the financial year.

    Who notices such grants?

    • The Comptroller and Auditor General of India bring such excesses to the notice of the Parliament.
    • The Public Accounts Committee examines these excesses and gives recommendations to the Parliament.

    What are other grants?

    • Excess Grant: It is the grant in excess of the approved grants for meeting the requisite expenses of the government.
    • Additional Grant: It is granted when a need has arisen during the current financial year for supplementary or additional expenditure upon some new service not contemplated in the Budget for that year.
    • Token Grant: When funds to meet proposed expenditure on a new service can be made available by re-appropriation, demand for the grant of a token sum may be submitted to the vote of the House and, if the House assents to the demand, funds may be so made available.