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Subject: Polity

  • Article 371A and Nagaland

    In a scathing letter to CM, Nagaland Governor has said the “scenario in the State is grim” and that “law and order has collapsed”.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.Discuss the success of Naga Peace Accord in light of the ongoing law and order crisis in the state.

    Nagaland (Article 371A, 13th Amendment Act, 1962)

    • Parliament cannot legislate in matters of Naga religion or social practices, the Naga customary law and procedure, administration of civil and criminal justice involving decisions according to Naga customary law.
    • Parliament also cannot intervene in ownership and transfer of land and its resources, without the concurrence of the Legislative Assembly of the state.
    • This provision was inserted in the Constitution after a 16-point agreement between the Centre and the Naga People’s Convention in 1960, which led to the creation of Nagaland in 1963.
    • Also, there is a provision for a 35-member Regional Council for Tuensang district, which elects the Tuensang members in the Assembly.
    • A member from the Tuensang district is Minister for Tuensang Affairs. The Governor has the final say on all Tuensang-related matters.

    What is the issue?

    • Challenging the legitimacy of the government without any resistance from the State law and order machinery has created a crisis of confidence in the system.
    • The constitutional establishment is being challenged on a day-to-day basis by armed gangs who question the integrity and sovereignty of the nation.
    • The instruments of law and order have remained totally unresponsive.

    Armed militancy is back again

    • Their armed miscreants appoint their own dealers for every commodity from salt to construction material coming into the State and levy illegal taxes on every item.
    • There is over 200% cost escalation in transportation the moment a goods laden truck enters Nagaland due to gunpoint extortions by the armed miscreants.
  • Commission for Sub-Categorization of OBCs

    The Union Cabinet has approved the extension of the term of the Commission to examine the issue of Sub-categorization of Other Backward Classes, by 6 months i.e. upto 31.1.2021.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.The quota policy for OBCs needs a revisit. Comment.

    About the commission

    • The Commission was constituted under Article 340 of the Constitution in 2017 under the chairmanship of Justice (Retd.) Smt. G. Rohini.
    • The Commission has since interacted with all the States/UTs which have subcategorized OBCs, and the State Backward Classes Commissions.
    • The expenditure related to the establishment and administration costs of the Commission is borne by the Department of Social Justice and Empowerment.

    Background

    • The Supreme Court in Indra Sawhney and others vs. Union of India case (1992) had observed that there is no constitutional or legal bar on states for categorizing OBCs as backward or more backward.
    • It had also observed that it is not impermissible in law if a state chooses to do sub-categorization.
    • So far, 9 states/UTs viz. Karnataka, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Puducherry, Telangana, West Bengal, Bihar, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu have carried out sub-categorization of OBCs.
    • However, there was no subcategorization in the central list of OBCs so far.

    Why need a sub-categorization?

    • Presently, half of these 1,900-odd castes have availed less than three per cent of reservation in jobs and education, and the rest availed zero benefits during the last five years.
    • Five-year data on OBC quota implementation in central jobs and higher educational institutions showed that a very small section has cornered the lion’s share.
    • A/c to the Commission, the classification is based on relative benefits availed and not relative social backwardness, which involves parameters such as social status, traditional occupations, religion, etc.
  • How Manipur defections put focus on Speakers’ powers to disqualify?

    Manipur Speaker’s decision to disqualify some MLAs ahead of the Rajya Sabha election has raised questions once again on the Speaker’s powers to disqualify under the tenth schedule of our Constitution.

    Try this question from CSP 2019:

    Q.The Ninth Schedule was introduced in the Constitution of India during the prime-ministership of:

    (a) Jawaharlal Nehru

    (b) Lal Bahadur Shastri

    (c) Indira Gandhi

    (d) Morarji Desai

    What is the Tenth Schedule?

    • The anti-defection law, referred to as the Tenth Schedule, was added to the Constitution through the Fifty-Second (Amendment) Act, 1985 when Rajiv Gandhi was PM.
    • It lays down the process by which legislators may be disqualified on grounds of defection by the Presiding Officer of a legislature based on a petition by any other member of the House.
    • A legislator is deemed to have defected if he either voluntarily gives up the membership of his party or disobeys the directives of the party leadership on a vote.
    • This implies that a legislator defying (abstaining or voting against) the party whip on any issue can lose his membership of the House.
    • The law applies to both Parliament and state assemblies.

    Exceptions under the law

    • Legislators may change their party without the risk of disqualification in certain circumstances.
    • The law allows a party to merge with or into another party provided that at least two-thirds of its legislators are in favour of the merger.
    • In such a scenario, neither the members who decide to merge nor the ones who stay with the original party will face disqualification.

    Is there any time limit to decide on the matter?

    • The law does not specify a time period for the Presiding Officer to decide on a disqualification plea.
    • Given that courts can intervene only after the Presiding Officer has decided on the matter, the petitioner seeking disqualification has no option but to wait for this decision to be made.

    Under debate: Speaker’s power

    • The power for this disqualification is vested in the Speaker, who is usually a nominee of the ruling party.
    • Since no action was taken by the Speaker on the disqualification petitions, a writ petition was filed before the High Court of Manipur in Imphal seeking directions to decide on the petition.
    • However, the court did not pass an order.
    • It said that the larger issue of whether a High Court can direct a Speaker to decide a disqualification petition within a certain timeframe is pending before a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court.
    • The parties are left with the option to move the apex court or wait for the outcome of the cases pending before it.

    The apex court’s reluctance to intervene

    • In 2018, however, the High Court, refusing the preliminary objections of the Speaker, decided to hear the case on merits.
    • It reasoned that since the remedy under Tenth Schedule is an alternative to moving courts.
    • It said that if the remedy is found to be ineffective due to deliberate inaction or indecision on the part of the Speaker, the court will have jurisdiction.
    • However, the High Court again did not pass orders since the larger issue is pending before the Supreme Court.

    The apex court recommends-

    • The apex court has expressed its displeasure with the Speaker’s lack of urgency in deciding the disqualification petitions.
    • A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that Speakers of assemblies and the Parliament must decide disqualification pleas within a period of three months except in extraordinary circumstances.
    • This settled the law for situations where the timing of the disqualification is meddled to manipulate floor tests.
    • The court also recommended that the Parliament consider taking a relook at the powers of the Speakers citing instances of partisanship.
    • The court suggested independent tribunals to decide on disqualification.

    Also read:

    https://www.civilsdaily.com/news/explained-anti-defection-law-and-its-evolution/

  • Explained: How are elections to the Rajya Sabha held?

    Another round of Rajya Sabha elections has been completed. There are several features that distinguish elections to the Council of States, or the Upper House of Parliament, from the general elections.

    Do you know?

    • Only two UTs elect members to the Rajya Sabha, not all.
    • Polling is held only if the number of candidates exceeds the number of vacancies.
    • Independent members can also be elected etc.

    Read this newscard for all such interesting facts which can be directly asked in the prelims.

    What is so peculiar about the Rajya Sabha polls?

    • A third of MPs in the Rajya Sabha (which is a permanent House and is not subject to dissolution), from each State, retire once in two years and polls are held to fill up the vacancies.
    • Only elected members of the State Legislative Assemblies can vote in a Rajya Sabha election.
    • The legislators send a batch of new members to the Upper House every two years for a six-year term.
    • In addition, vacancies that arise due to resignation, death or disqualification are filled up through by-polls after which those elected serve out the remainder of their predecessors’ term.

    Composition of Rajya Sabha

    • A bloc of MPs belonging to one or more parties can elect a member of their choice if they have the requisite numbers.
    • This is to avoid the principle of majority, which would mean that only candidates put up by ruling parties in the respective States will be elected.
    • The Delhi and Puducherry Assemblies elect members to the Rajya Sabha to represent the two UTs.

    What is the election process?

    • Polling for a Rajya Sabha election will be held only if the number of candidates exceeds the number of vacancies.
    • Since the strength of each party in the Assembly is known, it is not difficult to estimate the number of seats a party would win in the Rajya Sabha poll.
    • In many states, parties avoid a contest by fielding candidates only in respect to their strength. Where an extra candidate enters the fray, voting becomes necessary.
    • Candidates fielded by political parties have to be proposed by at least 10 members of the Assembly or 10% of the party’s strength in the House, whichever is less.
    • For independents, there should be 10 proposers, all of whom should be members of the Assembly.

    Voting procedure

    • Voting is by single transferable vote, as the election is held on the principle of proportional representation.
    • A single transferable vote means electors can vote for any number of candidates in order of their preference.
    • A candidate requires a specified number of first preference votes to win. Each first choice vote has a value of 100 in the first round.
    • To qualify, a candidate needs one point more than the quotient obtained by dividing the total value of the number of seats for which elections are taking place plus one.

    Example: If there are four seats and 180 MLAs voting, the qualifying number will be 180/5= 36 votes or value of 3,600.

    Why do not the Rajya Sabha polls have a secret ballot?

    • The Rajya Sabha polls have a system of the open ballot, but it is a limited form of openness.
    • As a measure to check rampant cross-voting, which was taken to mean that the vote had been purchased by corrupt means.
    • There is a system of each party MLA showing his or her marked ballots to the party’s authorised agent (called Whip), before they are put into the ballot box.
    • Showing a marked ballot to anyone other than one’s own party’s authorised agent will render the vote invalid.
    • Not showing the ballot to the authorised agent will also mean that the vote cannot be counted.
    • And independent candidates are barred from showing their ballots to anyone.

    Is there any NOTA option in voting?

    • The ECI issued two circulars, on January 24, 2014, and November 12, 2015, giving Rajya Sabha members the option to press the NOTA button in the Upper House polls.
    • However, in 2018, the Supreme Court struck down the provision, holding that the ‘none of the above’ option is only for general elections.
    • It cannot be applied to indirect elections based on proportional representation.

    Does cross-voting attract disqualification?

    • The Supreme Court, while declining to interfere with the open ballot system, ruled that not voting for the party candidate will not attract disqualification under the anti-defection law.
    • As voters, MLAs retain their freedom to vote for a candidate of their choice.
    • However, the Court observed that since the party would know who voted against its own candidate, it is free to take disciplinary action against the legislator concerned.

    Can a legislator vote without taking oath as a member of the Assembly?

    • While taking oath as a member is for anyone to function as a legislator, the Supreme Court has ruled that a member can vote in a Rajya Sabha election even before taking oath as a legislator.
    • It ruled that voting at the Rajya Sabha polls, being a non-legislative activity, can be performed without taking the oath.
    • A person becomes a member as soon as the list of elected members is notified by the ECI, it said.
    • Further, a member can also propose a candidate before taking the oath.
  • Parliamentary Committees and their Significance

    Amid the on-going India-China border tension, a Parliamentary Standing Committee report on Sino-India relations post the Doklam standoff has been released. It assumes significance as it is the only detailed report on the border issue that has been made available to the public.

    Try this question from our AWE initiative:

    Q.2) What are parliamentary committees? How do they ensure legislature’s and executive’s efficiency and accountability? (250 Words)

    Report on Sino-Indian relations post Doklam

    • Submitted by the Shashi Tharoor-led Standing Committee on External Affairs, the report on Sino-India relations including Doklam throws light on border situation and cooperation in international organisations,
    • This Standing Committee report – a bipartisan one as the committee has members from ruling and opposition parties – is one of the very few documents available in which the defence and foreign secretaries.
    • It clarified the government’s official position on India-China border issues including the reported transgressions by the Chinese in the region.
    • It had cautioned the government that it needed to have “healthy scepticism” while dealing with China.
    • The Committee has urged the Government not to let its vigil down in order to prevent any untoward incident in future.

    What are the Parliamentary Committees?

    • A good deal of Parliamentary business is transacted in the committees. Both Houses of Parliament have a similar committee structure, with a few exceptions.
    • Their appointment, terms of office, functions and procedure of conducting business are also more or less similar and are regulated as per rules made by the two Houses under Article 118(1) of the Constitution.
    • Broadly, Parliamentary Committees are of two kinds – Standing Committees and ad hoc Committees.
    • The former are elected or appointed every year or periodically and their work goes on, more or less, on a continuous basis.
    • The latter are appointed on an ad hoc basis as the need arises and they cease to exist as soon as they complete the task assigned to them.

    Their significances

    • Apart from debates on bills and issues discussed and debated on the floor of the House, more detailed and in-depth discussions take place on issues as well as legislation in the parliamentary standing committees.
    • Here, MPs belonging to all major parties put forward their views without much consideration to the political differences they have.
    • A considerable amount of legislative work gets done in these smaller units of MPs from both Houses, across political parties.
    • Their reports are tabled in both Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha. The Houses do not hold a specific debate on the report, but it is often referred to during the discussions on the bills and the key issues.
    • Committee meetings also provide a forum where members can engage with domain experts as well as senior-most officials of the concerned ministries.

    Additional readings: https://knowindia.gov.in/profile/the-union/parliamentary-committees.php

  • The need for an anti-discrimination law

    India has a unique distinction of being a democracy without comprehensive legislation to back the constitutional right of equality. This lack of legislation gives rise to certain issues. Every time the case of discrimination is brought the discriminating party claims that he is at liberty to do so. Not only this, in a certain case, the Supreme Court also endorsed such restrictive interpretation. All this points to the need for the comprehensive legislation.

    Indirect and unintended discrimination

    • More than 70 years after Independence, our society remains rife with structural discrimination.
    • These prejudices, which pervade every aspect of life, from access to basic goods, to education and employment, are sometimes manifest.
    • But, on other occasions, the discrimination is indirect and even unintended. 
    • The forms that it takes were perhaps best explained by the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Griggs vs. Duke Power Co. (1971).
    • There, the court held that an energy company had fallen foul of the U.S. Civil Rights Act of 1964 — which made racial discrimination in private workplaces illegal.
    • The company had insisted on a superfluous written test by applicants for its better entry-level jobs.
    • Although, on the face of it, this requirement was race-neutral, in practice it allowed the company to victimise African-Americans.
    • In a memorable judgment, invoking an Aesop fable, Chief Justice Burger wrote that “tests or criteria for employment or promotion may not provide equality of opportunity merely in the sense of the fabled offer of milk to the stork and the fox.”
    • On the contrary, the law, he said, resorting again to the fable, “provided that the vessel in which the milk is proffered be one all seekers can use.”
    • That is, that it wasn’t merely “overt discrimination” that was illegal but also “practices that are fair in form, but discriminatory in operation”.

    Let’s look into 2 cases in India

    1. Madhu vs. Northern Railway

    • The verdict in Griggs was notably applied in the Delhi High Court’s 2018 judgment in Madhu vs. Northern Railway.
    • There, the Railways had denied free medical treatment to the wife and daughter of an employee which they would otherwise have been entitled to under the rules.
    • The Railways contended that the employee had “disowned” his family and had had their names struck off his medical card.
    • The court held that to make essential benefits such as medical services subject to a declaration by an employee might be “facially neutral”, but it produced a disparate impact, particularly on women and children.
    • But while this case concerned discrimination by the state, entry barriers to goods such as housing, schools and employment tend to function in the realm of private contracts.

    Is Article 15 applicable in private contracts?

    •  The Constitution is markedly vocal on this too.
    • Article 15(2) stipulates that citizens shall not on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth be denied access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment.
    • Yet, on occasion, this right, which applies horizontally, inter se individuals, comes into conflict with the rights of persons to associate with others, often to the exclusion of certain groups.

    2. Zoroastrian Cooperative Housing Society vs District Registrar Co-operative Societies (Urban) and Others

    • This is why every time a case of discrimination is brought, the party that discriminates claims that he possesses a liberty to do so, that he must be free to act according to his own sense of conscience.
    • The Supreme Court in 2005 endorsed one such restrictive bond, when it ruled in favour of a bye-law of a Parsi housing society that prohibited the sale of the property to non-Parsis.
    • This right to forbid such a sale, the Court ruled, was intrinsic in the Parsis’ fundamental right to associate with each other.
    • But in holding thus, the judgment, as Gautam Bhatia points out in his book, The Transformative Constitution, not only conflated the freedom to contract with the constitutional freedom to associate but also overlooked altogether Article 15(2).

    Let’s look into the scope of Article 15(2)

    • At first blush, Article 15(2) might appear to be somewhat limited in scope.
    • But the word “shops” used in it is meant to be read widely.
    • A study of the Constituent Assembly’s debates on the clause’s framing shows us that the founders explicitly intended to place restrictions on any economic activity that sought to exclude specific groups.
    • For example, when a person refuses to lease her property to another based on the customer’s faith, such a refusal would run directly counter to the guarantee of equality.

    India: A country with no legislative backing to the fundamental right to equality

    • India is unique among democracies in that a constitutional right to equality is not supported by comprehensive legislation.
    • In South Africa, for example, a constitutional guarantee is augmented by an all-encompassing law which prohibits unfair discrimination not only by the government but also by private organisations and individuals.

    Consider the question “Discrimination partakes different forms. And due to lack of any legislation backing the Right to Equality, this right is just as capable of being threatened by acts of private individuals as they are by the state.” In light of this, discuss the need for an act backing the Right to Equality and right against discrimination.”

    Conclusion

    Any reasonable conception of justice would demand that we look beyond the intentions of our actions, and at the engrained structures of society.  To that end, the idea of enacting a law that will help ameliorate our ways of life, that will help reverse our deep-rooted culture of discrimination, is worth thinking about.

  • Need for fiscal decentralisation

    Covid pandemic has turned the fiscal health of states from bad to worse. This article highlights the role of the Finance Commission as a neutral arbiter in the Centre-state relation in achieving the delicate balance. It has highlighted certain issues that the commission has to consider when it submits its report. So, what are those issues? Read to know…

    Disruption in fiscal consolidation and impact on Centre-state relations

    • Due to COVID, there is a  collapse in general government revenues and the consequent rise in the deficit levels.
    • It has disrupted the glide path of fiscal consolidation.
    • But it has also deepened the faultlines in Centre-state fiscal relations. 
    • The Centre is trying to claw back the fiscal space ceded to the states and assert its dominance over the country’s fiscal architecture.
    • This coupled with the fiscal constraints exposed by the pandemic have made it harder to maintain the delicate balance needed to manage the contesting claims of the Centre and the states

    Why the 15th Finance Commission report is critical for decentralisation

    • It will be ironic if the ongoing health crisis that has ended up exposing the limitations of a centralised approach, ends up reversing the trend towards fiscal decentralisation.
    • The Commission’s report will be critical on two counts:
    • First, it will determine how India’s fiscal architecture is reshaped.
    • Second, how Centre-state relations are reset as the country attempts to recover from the COVID-19 shock.

    1. Will the burden of reducing debt/gdp  fall equally on Centre and state?

    • The glide path of fiscal consolidation laid out by the FRBM review committee had envisaged bringing down general government debt to 60 per cent of GDP by 2022.
    • This is unlikely to materialise now.
    • Factoring in the additional borrowings, the debt-to-GDP ratio may well be over 80 per cent this year.
    • Thus the fiscal consolidation roadmap will have to be reworked.
    •  As per its terms of reference, the Finance Commission will lay out the new path to be followed by both Centre and states.
    • But the question is: Will the burden of debt reduction fall equally upon the Centre and states?
    • Or will the Commission allow the Centre to have greater leeway when it comes to fiscal consolidation?

    2. Will the conditional extension of borrowing limit be formalised?

    •  Recently, the Centre eased the states’ budget constraint, allowing them to borrow more this year.
    • But this extra borrowing was conditional upon states implementing reforms in line with the Centre’s priorities.
    • Despite protests, most states are likely to comply with the conditions, to varying degrees.
    • But the issue is: As the hit from the ongoing crisis spreads over multiple years, state governments may want to maintain their expansionary fiscal stance next year as well.
    • Then, will the Finance Commission, in line with its terms of reference, go along with the Centre’s stance and recommend imposing conditions on additional borrowing and formalise this arrangement?
    • It is difficult to see such an arrangement being rolled back once formalised.

    3. GST compensation cess

    • The GST council, in which the Centre effectively has a veto, is yet to clearly spell out its views on the extension of the compensation cess to offset states losses beyond the five-year period.
    • The Commission will have to weigh in on this too.
    • At this time the Centre is struggling to fulfil its promise of assuring states their GST revenues.
    • In such situation, will the Commission argue in favour of extending the compensation period, as states desire, but, perhaps, lowering the assured 14 per cent growth in compensation and linking it to nominal GDP growth?
    • As GST revenue accounts for a significant share of states’ income, how this plays out will also have a bearing on their ability to bring down their debt levels.

    4. Issue of tax devolution

    • In some sense, accepting the recommendations of the 14th Finance Commission was a fait accompli.
    • The terms of reference of the 15th Finance Commission points to the present government’s desire to claw back the fiscal space offered to the states.
    • But is clawing back fiscal space now a prudent approach?
    • A cash-strapped Centre will surely welcome greater say over the diminished resources.
    • And there a strong argument for the Centre to have far greater fiscal space than it currently enjoys.
    • This is partly because the fiscal multiplier of central government capital spending is greater than that by the states.
    • But also the nature of politics may well push in that direction.
    • Centralisation of political power may well lead to demands for centralisation of resources.
    • However, surely fiscal space can be created by a review of the Centre’s own spending programme.

    Need to relook at the Centre’s expenditure priorities

    • Over the past decades, there has been a substantial increase in the Centre’s spending on items on the state and concurrent list.
    •  This shift has occurred even as grants by the Centre to states exceed the former’s revenue deficit.
    • This, as some have pointed out, effectively means that the Centre is borrowing to transfer to states.
    • Surely, a relook at the Centre’s expenditure priorities would create greater fiscal space for it.

    What the Finance Commission can do?

    • Any attempt to shift the uneasy balance in favour of the Centre will strengthen the argument that this government’s talk of cooperative federalism serves as a useful mask to hide its centralising tendencies.
    • As a neutral arbiter of Centre-state relations, the Finance Commission should seek to maintain the delicate balance in deciding on contesting claims.
    • This may well require giveaways especially if states are to be incentivised to push through legislation on items on the state and concurrent list.
    • The fiscal stress at various levels of the government necessitates a realistic assessment of the country’s macro-economic situation, the preparation of a medium-term roadmap, as well as careful calibration of the framework that governs Centre-state relations.
    • At this critical juncture, the Finance Commission should present the broad contours of the roadmap.
    • Though it could request for another year’s extension to present its full five-year report citing the prevailing uncertainty.

    Consider the question “COVID pandemic has put the States in the dire fiscal position. What we need is more of the fiscal decentralisation now.” In light of this, along with other factors, elaborate on the role 15th Finance Commission could play in this regard.

    Conclusion

    Finance Commission has to play an important role in achieving the delicate balance in the conflicting domain of finance by addressing the concerns of both the players.

  • Reservation not fundamental right: SC refuses to hear pleas by TN parties

    What did the Hon’ble Supreme Court rule?

     

    • Article 16 (4) and 16 (4-A) are in the nature of enabling provisions, vesting a discretion on the State Government to consider providing reservations, if the circumstances so warrant.
    • It is settled law that the State Government cannot be directed to provide reservations for appointments in public posts.
    • Similarly, the State is not bound to make reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in matters of promotions.
    • The judgment added that it is for the State Government to decide whether this was necessary.

    What do the precedents say?

    • There are several major Supreme Court judgments that have, in the past, ruled that Articles 15(4) and 16(4) does not provide a fundamental right per se.
    • A five-judge apex court bench, as early as 1962 in the R. Balaji v. the State of Mysore had ruled that Article 15(4) is an “enabling provision”, meaning that “it does not impose an obligation, but merely leaves it to the discretion of the appropriate government to take suitable action, if necessary”.
    • The court was hearing a challenge to an order passed by the erstwhile state of Mysore reserving 68 percent of seats in engineering and medical colleges for educationally and socially backward classes and SCs and STs.
    • Five years later, in 1967, another five-judge bench in A. Rajendran v. Union of India reiterated this position, holding that the government is under no constitutional duty to provide reservations for SCs and STs, either at the initial stage of recruitment or at the stage of promotion.
    • Article 16(4), it said, does not confer any right on the citizens and is an enabling provision giving discretionary power to the government to make reservations.
    • The position went on to be reiterated in several other decisions, including the nine-judge bench ruling in Indra Sawhney v. Union of India (1992) and the five-judge bench decision in M Nagaraj v. Union of India (2006).

    What does the judgment mean?

    • Reservations are not rights: The latest judgment is a reminder that affirmative action programs allowed in the Constitution flow from “enabling provisions” and are not rights as such.
    • Not a new legal position: This legal position is not new. Major judgments- these include those by Constitution Benches-note that Article 16(4), on the reservation in posts, is enabling in nature.
    • The state is not bound to provide reservation: In other words, the state is not bound to provide reservations. But if the state provides reservations, it must satisfy the following two criteria-
      • For the backward class: It must be in favor of sections that are backward.
      • Inadequately represented: And inadequately represented in the services based on quantifiable data.

    Consequences of this judgment

    • Possibility of the unequal system: Some may even read into this an inescapable state obligation to extend reservation to those who need it, lest its absence renders the entire system unequal.
    • Possibility of perceptible imbalance: For instance, if no quotas are implemented and no study on backwardness and extent of representation is done, it may result in a perceptible imbalance in social representation in public services.

    Why reservation needed?

    • To correct the historical injustice faced by backward castes in the country.
    • To provide a level playing field for backward section as they can not compete with those who have had the access of resources and means for centuries.
    • To ensure adequate representation of backward classes in the services under the State.
    • For advancement of backward classes.
    • To ensure equality as basis of meritocracy i.e all people must be brought to the same level before judging them on the basis of merit.

    Argument Against Reservation

    • Reservation in state services led to divisions and enmity among government employees, vitiating the atmosphere at workplace.
    • Eradication, not perpetuation of caste was the objective of the reservation policy but Caste Based Reservation only perpetuate the notion of caste in society.
    • Reservation was introduced to ensure that the historically underprivileged communities were given equal access to resources but irrespective of the economic progress they continue to remain socially disadvantaged.
    • Reservation destroys self-respect, so much so that competition is no longer on to determine the best but the most backward.
    • Reservations are the biggest enemy of meritocracy which is the foundation of many progressive countries.
    • It has became a tool to meet narrow political ends through invoking class loyalties and primordial identities.
    • The dominant and elite class within the backward castes has appropriated the benefits of reservation and the most marginalised within the backward castes have remained marginalised.
    • Reservation has become the mechanism of exclusion rather than inclusion as many upper caste poors are also facing discrimination and injustice which breeds frustration in the society.

    Way forward

    • Meanwhile, calls for reform and ret­hinking reservation policies get louder; one question is whether there’s a need to continue with reservation and if benefits have reached targets.
    • The challenge for India is that while many sections of the society remain disadvantaged, political action has resulted in the relative discrimination within reserved groups.
    • As the reservation pie grows larger, in effect, it becomes a method of exclusion rather than inclusion.
    • It is time that India has to make a critical assessment of its affirmative action programs.
    • Simplification, legislative sunsets, and periodic reviews should be important principles in the redesign.
  • Vamsadhara River Water Dispute

    Andhra Pradesh  and Odisha CM recently held talks to iron out all differences with regard to the sharing of Vamsadhara River waters.

    Note all major rivers over which inter-state disputes exist say Narmada, Mahadayi, Cauvery, Krishna, etc. Observe their flow and the area swept.

    Also, refer your atlas to check the complicated border sharings between Chhatisgarh, AP/Telangana and Odisha.

    Vamsadhara River

    • River Vamsadhara is an important east-flowing river between Rushikulya and Godavari, in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh.
    • The river originates in the border of Thuamul Rampur in the Kalahandi district and Kalyansinghpur in Rayagada district of Odisha.
    • It runs for a distance of about 254 kilometres, where it joins the Bay of Bengal at Kalingapatnam, Andhra Pradesh.
    • The total catchment area of the river basin is about 10,830 square kilometres.

    The dispute

    • Andhra Pradesh wants to build the Neradi bridge across the river which will be possible only after Odisha’s consent.
    • Odisha argues that the flood flow canal would result in drying up the existing river bed and consequent shifting of the river affecting the groundwater table.
    • Odisha also raised the issue of scientific assessment of available water in Vamsadhara at Katragada and Gotta Barrage, Andhra Pradesh and the basis for sharing the available water.

    Back2Basics: Interstate River Water Disputes

    • River waters use/harnessing is included in states jurisdiction. However, article 262 of the Constitution provides for the adjudication of inter-state water disputes.
    • Under this, Parliament may by law provide for the adjudication of any dispute or complaint with respect to the use, distribution and control of waters of any inter-state river and river valley.
    • The President of India may also establish an interstate council as per Article 263 to inquire and recommend on the dispute that has arisen between the states
    • The Parliament has enacted the two laws, the River Boards Act (1956) and the Inter-State Water Disputes Act (1956).
    • Under this, Parliament may by law provide for the adjudication of any dispute or complaint with respect to the use, distribution and control of waters of any inter-state river and river valley.
    • The Inter-State Water Disputes Act empowers the Central government to set up an ad hoc tribunal for the adjudication of a dispute between two or more states in relation to the waters of an inter-state river or river valley.
    • The award of the tribunal is final and binding on the parties to the dispute.
    • Neither the Supreme Court nor any other court is to have jurisdiction in respect of any water dispute which may be referred to such a tribunal under this Act.