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Subject: Polity

  • Issues with contempt of court

    The article discusses the issues that law for contempt of the court give rise to. The practice has monarchical origins. Its continuance conflicts with the ideals of democracy. 

    Objective

    • The objective for contempt is stated to be to safeguard the interests of the public if the authority of the Court is denigrated and public confidence in the administration of justice is weakened or eroded.
    •  Need to “respect the authority and dignity of the court” has monarchical origins.

    Issues in India

    • With adjudicatory role having been handed over to judges, showing extreme deference to judges does not sit well with the idea of a democracy.
    • But the definition of criminal contempt in India is extremely wide, and can be easily invoked.
    •  Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer famously termed the law of contempt as having a vague and wandering jurisdiction, contempt law may unwittingly trample upon civil liberties.
    • Criminal contempt is completely asynchronous with our democratic system which recognises freedom of speech and expression as a fundamental right.
    • Excessively loose use of the test of ‘loss of public confidence’, combined with a liberal exercise of suo motu powers, can be dangerous.
    •  It can amount to the Court signalling that it will not suffer any kind of critical commentary about the institution at all.

    Lessons from other democracies

    • Contempt has practically become obsolete in foreign democracies.
    • Canada ties its test for contempt to real, substantial and immediate dangers to the administration.
    • American courts also no longer use the law of contempt in response to comments on judges or legal matters.
    • In England, too, the legal position has evolved.

    Approach of Indian judiciary

    • Truth and good faith were not recognised as valid defences until 2006, when the Contempt of Courts Act was amended.
    • Indian courts have not been inclined to display the same maturity and unruffled spirit as their peers in the other democracies.

    Consider the question  “A law for criminal contempt is completely asynchronous with our democratic system which recognises freedom of speech and expression as a fundamental right. Examine the issue in India context and suggest the major to strike the balance.”

    Conclusion

    Besides needing to revisit the need for a law on criminal contempt, even the test for contempt needs to be evaluated. If such a test ought to exist at all, it should be whether the contemptuous remarks in question actually obstruct the Court from functioning. It should not be allowed to be used as a means to prevent any and all criticism of an institution.

  • Governor’s Discretionary Powers in Assembly Deadlock

    A Constitution Bench judgment of the Supreme Court has held that a Governor is bound to convene a meeting of the Assembly for a floor test on the recommendation of the Cabinet.

    Try this question for mains:

    Q. “Time and again, the courts have spoken out against the Governor acting in the capacity of an all-pervading super-constitutional authority.” Analyse.

    Resolving the deadlock

    • The judgment is significant in the present deadlock between the CM and the Governor over the summoning of an Assembly session for a floor test.
    • The Governor can summon, prorogue and dissolve the House only on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers with the Chief Minister as the head.

    The Nabam Rebia Case

    • The five-judge Constitution Bench judgment of the Supreme Court cited the Nabam Rebia versus Deputy Speaker on July 13, 2016.
    • It held that a Governor cannot employ his ‘discretion’, and should strictly abide by the “aid and advice” of the Cabinet to summon the House.
    • It held that the discretionary power of the Governor is extremely limited and entirely liable to judicial review.
    • The judgment was a consequence of then Arunachal Pradesh Governor J.P. Rajkhowa’s decision to advance the Assembly session, a move which led to unrest in the State and resulted in the President’s rule.
    • The Constitution Bench held Mr. Rajkhowa’s decision to be a violation of the Constitution.

    Governor’s discretion: Limited to specified areas

    • The Supreme Court highlighted that Article 163 of the Constitution does not give the Governor a “general discretionary power to act against or without the advice of his Council of Ministers.
    • The court said the Governor’s discretionary powers are limited to specified areas like giving assent or withholding/referring a Bill to the President or appointment of a CM or dismissal of a government which has lost of confidence but refuses to quit, etc.

    Back2Basics: Governor’s Discretionary Powers

    The governor can use his/her discretionary powers:

    • When no party gets a clear majority, the governor has the discretion to choose a candidate for the chief minister who will put together a majority coalition as soon as possible.
    • He can impose president’s rule.
    • He submits reports on his own to the president or on the direction of the president regarding the affairs of the state.
    • He can withhold his assent to a bill and send it to the president for his approval.
    • During emergency rule per Article 353, he can override the advice of the council of ministers if specifically permitted by the president.

  • Case for presidential system

    The article brings out the flaws in the parliamentary system of government in India and makes the case for the parliamentary system.

    Problems with our parliamentary system

    • Our parliamentary system has created a unique breed of legislator, largely unqualified to legislate.
    • Those legislators has sought election only in order to wield executive power.
    • It has produced governments dependent on a fickle legislative majority.
    • Fickle majority leads the government to focus more on politics than on policy or performance.
    • Current system has distorted the voting preferences of an electorate that knows which individuals it wants to vote for but not necessarily which parties.
    • It has given rise to parties that are shifting alliances of selfish individual interests, not vehicles of coherent sets of ideas.
    • It has forced governments to concentrate less on governing than on staying in office, and obliged them to cater to the lowest common denominator of their coalitions.

    Problems with party system in India

    •  Parliamentary system, devised in Britain — is based on traditions which simply do not exist in India.
    • The parties in England are clearly defined, each with a coherent set of policies and preferences that distinguish it from the next.
    • In India, a party is all-too-often a label of convenience which a politician adopts and discards frequently.
    • So, a politician changing a party is not treated as an unusual event in India.
    • In the absence of a real party system, the voter chooses not between parties but between individuals.
    • The candidates are usually chosen on the basis of their caste, their public image or other personal qualities.
    • So, voters vote for a legislature not to legislate but in order to form the executive.

    4 Problems with choosing executive from Parliament

    • 1) It limits executive posts to those who are electable rather than to those who are able.
    • Though he can bring some members in through the Rajya Sabha, but it too has been largely the preserve of full-time politicians, so the talent pool has not been significantly widened.
    • 2) It puts a premium on defections and horse-trading. The anti-defection Act of 1985 has failed to cure the problem.
    • 3) Legislation suffers. Most laws are drafted by the executive — in practice by the bureaucracy.
    • The ruling party inevitably issues a whip to its members in order to ensure unimpeded passage of a bill.
    • The parliamentary system does not permit the existence of a legislature distinct from the executive.
    • Accountability of the government to the people, through their elected representatives, is weakened.
    • 4) For those parties who do not get into government Parliament or Assembly serves as a theatre for the demonstration of their power to disrupt.

    Case for presidential system

    • A directly elected chief executive at Centre and State would be free from vulnerabilities of coalition support politics, would have the stability of tenure free from a legislative whim.
    • He/she will be able to appoint a cabinet of talents, be able to devote his or her energies to governance, and not just to government.
    • The Indian voter will be able to vote directly for the individual he or she wants to be ruled by.
    • The president will truly be able to claim to speak for a majority of Indians rather than a majority of MPs.

    The risk of dictatorship

    • The only serious objection to the presidential system is that it carries with it the risk of dictatorship.
    • The fear is of an imperious president, immune to parliamentary defeat and impervious to public opinion, ruling the country by fiat.
    • But under the current parliamentary system, a leader with absolute majority and subservient legislature could act in the same manner.

    Consider the question “Examine the differences between the presidential system and the parliamentary system of government. Do you think that the parliamentary system has served well in the Indian context?”

    Conclusion

    With the needs and challenges of one-sixth of humanity before our leaders, we must have a democracy that delivers progress to our people.

  • Relations between judiciary and legislature

    The article discusses the relation between the judiciary and the legislature. Recent development in Rajasthan assembly serves as the backdrop.

    Context

    • The political tussle in Rajasthan entered the High Court and the Supreme Court.
    • The Supreme Court itself proposed to rule on the larger question of the jurisdiction of courts to entertain such pleas.

    Historical background

    • The President of India made a presidential reference to the Supreme Court on the relative powers of legislative assemblies and constitutional courts.
    • The Supreme Court held that there is a broad separation of essential powers of each organ of the State.
    • However, the Court went on to hold that a judge who entertains a petition challenging any order of the legislature does not commit contempt of the said legislature.
    • Since then court have restrained themselves from interfering in the workings of legislative assemblies or Parliament is concerned.
    • The sole exception is under the anti-defection law-after a final order of disqualification has been passed.

    Let’s look into Kihoto Hollohan’s case

    • Constitution bench of the Supreme Court in 1992 held that the Speaker acting in a disqualification matter acts as a tribunal and is subject to judicial review.
    • However, the same judgment makes it clear that the Court will not intervene at an interim stage.
    • The same judgment further holds the Speakers/Chairmen hold a pivotal position in the scheme of Parliamentary democracy and are guardians of the rights and privileges of the House.

    Let’s now look into Rajasthan episode

    • In this case, issuance of a possible disqualification notice by the Speaker, has been contested in constitutional courts.
    •  Even in routine petitions against notices of proposed administrative actions, the petitioner is told to answer the show cause notice and to challenge the final action only.
    • The Rajasthan High Court, however, entertained a petition to challenge the Speaker’s authority to decide, if MLAs had committed an act of defection.
    • The Rajasthan High Court reserved its judgment, requested the Speaker to defer further proceedings and proceeded to direct him to await judgment.

    Co-equality of Constitutional authorities

    • Rajasthan assembly Speaker moved the Supreme Court, questioning the court’s power to direct a Constitutional authority.
    • The principle of law applied is that Constitutional authorities cannot issue directions to each other.
    • They can, at best, make a polite request.
    • The single judge in Calcutta, recorded in his judgment that the Supreme Court was only co-equal with the High Court, as a Constitutional Court.
    • Appellate powers of the Supreme Court did not make it a superior authority to which the High Court was subordinate.
    • Ever since, the Supreme Court has been careful to couch its orders as requests to any High Court, or Constitutional authority.
    • Constitutional courts have followed the same principle, in addressing other Constitutional authorities.

    Role of judiciary in maintaining the balance

    • Unnecessary conflict between organs of state may well invite some Speaker, backed by a solid majority at State and Centre, to defy the courts.
    • Courts are apolitical but keep getting pulled into political thickets, especially in matters of mass defections resulting in regime change.
    • The walls of separation between constitutional organs, once breached, cannot be then repaired against future intrusions.

    Consider the question “Analyse fine balance Indian Consitution strikes between the various Constitutional authorities. Also examine how role of judiciary in dealing with the anti-defection law.”

    Conclusion

    Even under a sovereign Constitution, parliamentary and legislative supremacy in their areas of working must be respected.

  • Time to revisit the practice of floor test

    The growing trend of the toppling of the government by luring the MLAs of ruling party. The SC needs to reconsider the floor test usually ordered in such cases. The article analyses this issue here.

    Reading Article 191(2) and 10th Schedule

    • Article 191(2) declares that a person shall be disqualified from being a member of the legislative assembly or legislative council of a state if he is so disqualified under the Tenth Schedule.
    • The Tenth Schedule to the Constitution contains “provisions as to disqualification on ground of defection”.
    • Tenth Schedule also fixes the relationship between a member and a political party which selected him as a candidate.
    • It also provides one of the grounds for disqualification: “If he voluntarily gives up his membership of such political party”.
    • The decision as to disqualification is left to the absolute discretion of the Speaker.

    Constitutional morality and 10th Schedule

    • Tenth Schedule brings to the fore the need to emphasise “constitutional morality”.
    • Constitutional morality means “strict adherence to the core principles of constitutional democracy”.
    • So, Constitutional transgressions by MLAs coming through a “party platform” to serve the people for five years (Article 172), cannot be accepted.
    • In so doing, these MLAs forget the oath, taken under Article 188 of the Constitution to bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India as established by law.
    • Legislators do not have absolute freedom to behave in any way they like.

    Issues with the floor test

    • When ruling party MLAs are lured with rewards, political or otherwise, then the “floor test” becomes constitutionally immoral and unjust.
    • This will amount to circumventing the Tenth Schedule through engineered defections through the judicial process.
    • It is high time the judiciary revisited the use of a “floor test” to prove a majority in a legislature.

    Consider the question “Examine the ways in which a member of the house is deemed to have given up his membership under the 10th Schedule as interpreted in the various judgements. Also, analyse the implications of conducting a floor test in a situation when members of the ruling party are lured with rewards.”

    Conclusion

    Judiciary must take note of the toppling of the majority government through luring of the MLAs and subsequent floor test by the courts. The floor test in such a situation needs reconsideration.

  • Judicial intervention in Anti-defection Proceedings

    A Supreme Court Bench is scheduled to hear an appeal filed by the Rajasthan Assembly Speaker’s office challenging the State High Court order to defer anti-defection proceedings against former Deputy CM.

    Try these questions:

    Q. “The anti-defection law works best as an insurance against violation of the people’s mandate for a party, but it cannot be made a tool to stifle all dissent.” Discuss.

    —–

    Q.Which one of the following Schedules of the Constitution of India contains provisions regarding anti-defection? (CSP 2014)

    (a) Second Schedule

    (b) Fifth Schedule

    (c) Eighth Schedule

    (d) Tenth Schedule

    What is the issue?

    • The petition said the HC has crossed its jurisdiction by asking the Speaker to put off his decision on the disqualification notices issued to dissident MLAs.
    • The HC order was an affront to the powers of the Speaker.
    • The High Court’s interim order granting extended time to rebel MLAs to file their replies to anti-defection notices amounted to a violation of Article 212 (courts not to inquire into the proceedings of the legislature).

    Backed by Tenth Schedule

    • The petition said that judicial review of ongoing anti-defection proceedings was limited.
    • Notice is much prior to any final determination or decision on disqualification.
    • The proceedings, including the notice, are in the realm of the legislative proceedings under Paragraph 6(2) of the Tenth Schedule, the Speaker’s office argued.

    Citing the Kihoto Hollohan case

    • The petition referred to the Constitution Bench judgment of the top court in the Kihoto Hollohan case in 1992 in this context.
    • Judicial review cannot be available at a stage prior to the making of a decision by the Speaker/Chairman and a prior action would not be permissible.
    • Nor would interference be permissible at an interlocutory stage of the proceedings, the verdict says.

    Must read:

    https://www.civilsdaily.com/news/kihoto-hollohan-order-1992/

    What does the dissident MLAs have to say?

    • The dissident MLAs had challenged the constitutionality of Paragraph 2(1)(a) of the Tenth Schedule which makes “voluntarily giving up membership of a political party” liable for disqualification.
    • The MLAs had argued that the provision infringed their right to dissent.
    • But the Speaker’s office countered that Paragraph 2 (1)(a) of the Tenth Schedule was the law of the land.
    • A mere challenge to its constitutionality cannot efface it from the statute book.

     

    Back2Basics

    https://www.civilsdaily.com/news/explained-anti-defection-law-and-its-evolution/

  • What is Plea Bargaining and how does it work?

    Many members of a religious faction belonging to different countries have obtained release from court cases in recent days by means of plea bargaining. They were accused of violating visa conditions by attending a religious congregation in Delhi.

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.What is Plea Bargaining and how does it work? Discuss the rationale behind and benefits in reducing the burden on Judiciary.

    What is Plea Bargaining?

    • Plea bargaining refers to a person charged with a criminal offence negotiating with the prosecution for a lesser punishment than what is provided in law by pleading guilty to a less serious offence.
    • It is common in the US and has been a successful method of avoiding protracted and complicated trials.
    • As a result, conviction rates are significantly high there. It primarily involves pre-trial negotiations between the accused and the prosecutor.
    • It may involve bargaining on the charge or in the quantum of sentence.

    When was it introduced in India?

    • In India, the concept was not part of law until 2006. It was introduced in 2006 as part of a set of amendments to the CrPC as Chapter XXI-A, containing Sections 265A to 265L.
    • There has always been a provision in the Code of Criminal Procedure for an accused to plead ‘guilty’ instead of claiming the right to a full trial, but it is not the same as plea bargaining.
    • The Law Commission of India, in its 142nd Report, mooted the idea of “concessional treatment” of those who plead guilty on their own volition but was careful to underscore that it would not involve any plea bargaining or “haggling” with the prosecution.

    How does it work?

    • Unlike in the U.S. and other countries, where the prosecutor plays a key role the Indian code makes plea bargaining a process that can be initiated only by the accused.
    • Further, the accused will have to apply to the court for invoking the benefit of bargaining.

    In what circumstances is it allowed?

    • Cases for which the practice is allowed are limited.
    • Only someone who has been charge-sheeted for an offence that does not attract the death sentence, life sentence or a prison term above seven years can make use of the scheme under Chapter XXI-A.
    • It is also applicable to private complaints of which a criminal court has taken cognizance.
    • Other categories of cases that cannot be disposed of through plea bargaining are those that involve offences affecting the “socio-economic conditions” of the country or committed against a woman or a child below 14.

    How to avail this?

    • The applicant should approach the court with a petition and affidavit stating that it is a voluntary preference and that he has understood the nature and extent of punishment provided in law for the offence.
    • The court would then issue a notice to the prosecutor and the complainant or victim, if any, for a hearing.
    • The voluntary nature of the application must be ascertained by the judge in an in-camera hearing at which the other side should not be present.
    • Thereafter, the court may permit the prosecutor, the investigating officer and the victim to hold a meeting for a “satisfactory disposition of the case”.
    • The outcome may involve payment of compensation and other expenses to the victim by the accused.

    After approval

    • Once mutual satisfaction is reached, the court shall formalize the arrangement by way of a report signed by all the parties and the presiding officer.
    • The accused may be sentenced to a prison term that is half the minimum period fixed for the offence.
    • If there is no minimum term prescribed, the sentence should run up to one-fourth of the maximum sentence stipulated in the law.

    What is the rationale for the scheme? What are its benefits?

    • The Justice Malimath Committee on reforms of the criminal justice system endorsed the various recommendations of the Law Commission with regard to plea bargaining.
    • Some of the advantages it culled out from earlier reports are that the practice would ensure a speedy trial, end uncertainty over the outcome of criminal cases, save litigation costs and relieve the parties of anxiety.
    • It would also have a dramatic impact on conviction rates.
    • Prolonged incarceration of undertrials without any progress and overcrowding of prisons were also other factors that may be cited in support of reducing pendency of cases and decongesting prisons.
    • Moreover, it may help offenders make a fresh start in life.

    Do courts have reservations?

    • Case law after the introduction of plea bargaining has not developed much as the provision is possibly not used adequately.
    • However, earlier judgments of various courts in cases in which the accused enter a ‘guilty’ plea with a view to getting lesser sentences indicate that the judiciary may have reservations.
    • Some verdicts disapprove of bargaining with offenders, and point out those lenient sentences could be considered as part of the circumstances of the case after a regular trial.
    • Courts are also very particular about the voluntary nature of the exercise, as poverty, ignorance and prosecution pressure should not lead to someone pleading guilty of offences that may not have been committed.

  • Voting right to migrant workers

    A large number of migrant workers cannot vote in their constituency. This assumes significance when we consider that the Supreme Court has interpreted the right to vote as an extension of the fundamental right of the freedom of expression. So,  the ECI should find ways to enable them exercise their right.

    Universal adult franchise: India’s achievement

    • India moved from a restrictive 15 per cent of Indians having limited voting rights to universal adult franchise.
    • Transformative nature of the Indian national movement and the ideals of equality and non-discrimination enshrined in it played a crucial role in it.
    • It was B R Ambedkar’s clarity of vision that resulted in Article 326 of the Constitution.
    • Ambedkar had influenced public opinion on the matter for decades, giving evidence before the Southborough committee.

    Migrant workers: some facts

    • According to the 2011 Census, the number of internal migrants stands at 45 crore.
    • Among these, 26 per cent of the migration, that is, 11.7 crore occurs inter-district within the same state.
    • 12 per cent of the migration, that is, 5.4 crore occurs inter-state.
    • Both official and independent experts admit that this number is underestimated.
    • Circular migration accounts for those migrants who have not permanently relocated to host cities, and instead circulate between host and home cities.
    • Short-term and circular migration could itself amount to 6-6.5 crore.
    • Half of these are inter-state migrants.
    • Migrant labourers mostly hail from most poverty-driven rural areas.
    • They are from among the most marginalised sections SC/STs and OBCs, and other minorities.
    • As of 2011, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar were the largest sources of inter-state migrants, with 83 lakh and 63 lakh migrants respectively.

    Low turnout in the source states

    •  Economic constraints disable a majority of migrant workers from voting as they cannot commute to their home states on the polling day.
    • One survey shows that only 48 per cent of those surveyed voted in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, when the national average was 59.7 per cent.
    • In the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, major sender states such as Bihar and UP had among the lowest voter turnout rates.

    Inability to satisfy “Ordinary Resident” criteria

    • Given the nature of migration being circular and seasonal, migrants are not permanent/long-term residents in host cities.
    • So, they do not satisfy the requirements of being an “ordinary resident” under Section 20 of the Representation of People Act (RP Act), in the host state, to obtain voter cards.
    • They are, therefore, unable to transfer their constituency.

    Solution: Postal ballot

    • The Election Commission of India has under Section 60(c) of the RP Act the power to notify a certain class of persons to vote via postal ballot.
    • The ECI’s much-proclaimed mission to ensure “no voters are left behind” has resulted in attempts to ensure a secure system of postal ballots.
    • In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, more than 28 lakh votes were received via postal ballots.
    • The Indian migrant worker should be given the right to vote through a similar system.

    Consider the question “There is scope for increasing the voter turnout in India and enabling the migrant workers to vote could be one of them. Examine the reasons for low voting turnout in India and suggest the measures to improve it.”

    Conclusion

    Securing the migrant workers right to vote will make democracy inclusive, responsible and sensitive to the concerns of those who find it difficult to make their voice heard.

  • The Kihoto Hollohan Judgment and its Significance

    The 28 YO Kihoto Hollohan judgment has found its relevance in the case of ousted Rajasthan Dy. CM and some MLAs who were issued a notice under the anti-defection law.

    Try this question from CSP 2019:

    Q.The Ninth Schedule was introduced in the Constitution of India during the prime-ministership of:

    (a) Jawaharlal Nehru

    (b) Lal Bahadur Shastri

    (c) Indira Gandhi

    (d) Morarji Desai

    Under debate: Speaker’s power

    • The power for this disqualification is vested in the Speaker, who is usually a nominee of the ruling party.
    • Since no action was taken by the Speaker on the disqualification petitions, a writ petition was filed before the High Court of Manipur in Imphal seeking directions to decide on the petition.
    • However, the court did not pass an order.
    • It said that the larger issue of whether a High Court can direct a Speaker to decide a disqualification petition within a certain timeframe is pending before a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court.
    • The parties are left with the option to move the apex court or wait for the outcome of the cases pending before it.

    The Kihoto Hollohan Judgment

    • The 1992 judgment of the Supreme Court in the Kihoto Hollohan versus Zachillu and Others has said that “judicial review cannot be available at a stage prior to the making of a decision by the Speaker/Chairman.
    • Nor would interference be permissible at an interlocutory stage of the proceedings said the Supreme Court.
    • The only exception for any interlocutory interference can be cases of interlocutory disqualifications or suspensions which may have grave, immediate and irreversible repercussions and consequence.

    Free speech

    • The ruling party in Rajasthan has challenged the constitutionality of Paragraph 2(1)(a) of the Tenth Schedule which makes “voluntarily giving up membership of a political party” liable for disqualification.
    • The MLAs have said the provision infringes into their right to express dissent and is a violation of their fundamental right to free speech as a legislator.
    • The Rajasthan HC Bench explained that the reason for limiting the role of courts in ongoing defection proceedings is that the “office of the Speaker is held in the highest respect and esteem in parliamentary traditions.

    Exceptions to the Kihoto Judgment

    • The judgment had said that even the scope of judicial review against an order of a Speaker or Chairman in anti-defection proceedings would be confined to jurisdictional errors.
    • That is if its infirmities are based on a violation of constitutional mandate, mala fides, non-compliance with rules of natural justice and perversity.

    Back2Basics

    https://www.civilsdaily.com/news/explained-anti-defection-law-and-its-evolution/

  • Issues over Delimitation in the Northeast

    The Election Commission has red-flagged the Union government’s order setting up a Delimitation Commission for Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Assam and Nagaland, calling it “unconstitutional” and “illegal”. When delimitation last took place in the rest of the country in 2002-08, these states had been left out.

    Try this question from CSP 2017:

    Q.Consider the following statements:

    1. The Election Commission of India is a five-member body.
    2. Union Ministry of Home Affairs decides the election schedule for the conduct of both general elections and bye-elections.
    3. Election Commission resolves the disputes relating to splits/mergers of recognized political parties.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) 2 and 3 only

    (d) 3 only

    What is delimitation and why is it needed?

    • Delimitation is the act of redrawing boundaries of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats to represent changes in population.
    • In this process, the number of seats allocated to a state may also change.
    • The objective is to provide equal representation for equal population segments and a fair division of geographical areas so that no political party has an advantage.
    • The Delimitation Commission’s orders cannot be questioned before any court.

    Legal status

    • Delimitation is carried out by an independent Delimitation Commission (DC).
    • The Constitution mandates that its orders are final and cannot be questioned before any court as it would hold up an election indefinitely.

    How is delimitation carried out?

    • Under Article 82, the Parliament enacts a Delimitation Act after every Census.
    • Once the Act is in force, the Union government sets up a DC made up of a retired Supreme Court judge, the Chief Election Commissioner and the respective State Election Commissioners.
    • The Commission is supposed to determine the number and boundaries of constituencies in a way that the population of all seats, so far as practicable, is the same.
    • The Commission is also tasked with identifying seats reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes; these are where their population is relatively large.
    • All this is done on the basis of the latest Census and, in case of difference of opinion among members of the Commission, the opinion of the majority prevails.

    Northeast’s concerns

    • In the last delimitation exercise, completed in 2008, Arunachal, Manipur, Assam, Nagaland were kept out due to apprehensions overuse of the 2001 Census.
    • The Centre’s move to club the four with J&K comes in the backdrop of unrest in the region over CAA.

    Why were these four states left out in 2002-08?

    • In Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland, various organisations had moved the Gauhati High Court against the 2002-08 exercise, challenging the use of the 2001 Census for reference.
    • From Assam, an all-party delegation met then Home Minister pleading that delimitation is called off because the National Register of Citizens (NRC) was yet to be updated.
    • The Delimitation Act was amended in 2008, and on February 8, 2008, Presidential orders were issued to defer delimitation in these four states.

    So, when did the government decide to resume delimitation?

    • In February this year, President Kovind cleared the decks for the resumption of the delimitation exercise in the four states by cancelling the earlier order.
    • It noted that there had been a reduction in insurgency incidents, making the situation conducive for carrying out delimitation.

    Will delimitation change the number of seats in these states?

    • Not in the four Northeast states. There is a freeze until 2026 on the number of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats in any state.
    • Delimitation will only redraw the boundaries of seats in each state and can rework the number of reserved seats for SCs and STs.
    • However, because of exceptional past circumstances, Jammu & Kashmir’s Assembly seats will now increase from 107 to 114, which is expected to increase the Jammu region’s representation.