Since October 2023, the Indian government has shifted its focus from the Indo-Pacific to the Indian Ocean, diverting attention from strengthening the Quad alliance.
Both the Western Indian Ocean and the Northern Indian Ocean have become active geographies again.
What are the reasons behind this Policy Shift?
Maldives and China- The Maldives, under President Mohamed Muizzu, is strengthening ties with China, potentially straining its relationship with India.
Sri Lanka and India- Sri Lanka has shown sensitivity to India’s security concerns by imposing a moratorium on foreign research ships, including Chinese ones, to its ports.
India-Mauritius Cooperation– India’s SAGAR policy resulted in inaugurating infrastructure in the Agaléga Islands, enhancing Mauritius’s capability to manage its Extended Economic Zone.
Geopolitical Dynamics- The Western Indian Ocean and Northern Indian Ocean regions are witnessing increased activity, including conflicts and disruptions in maritime trade routes.
Example-In the Western Indian Ocean, the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas has escalated, leading to attacks by Houthi rebels on international shipping.
China’s Naval Expansion- China aims to assert dominance in the region by expanding its naval footprint and fostering partnerships with countries under the string of pearls policy like the Maldives.
India-China Strategic Competition– India and China are engaged in strategic competition, highlighted by China’s efforts to create an adverse environment for India’s security and its quest for naval bases in key locations.
Suggestive measures:
Shift in Focus to Indian Ocean: India should prioritize the Indian Ocean region over the Indo-Pacific and convey this clearly to its strategic partners.
Evaluation of Existing Mechanisms: There is a need for a critical audit of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) due to their perceived underperformance and ineffectiveness.
Proposal for a New Mechanism: India should consider advocating for the creation of a new organization focused on bolstering maritime security and promoting the Blue Economy in the Indian Ocean region.
This proposed organization could include India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Mauritius, Seychelles, Comoros, and Madagascar.
The ninth seat may be kept for the Maldives if it adopts a sensible policy. This group can be named the ‘Indian Ocean Cooperation Organisation.
Enhancement of Indian Navy: India should allocate new budgetary resources to strengthen its Navy further, aiming to make it the third or fourth most powerful navy globally, in line with India’s ambition to become the third-largest economy.
Conclusion
India’s policy shift towards the Indian Ocean region necessitates prioritizing strategic partnerships, auditing existing mechanisms, advocating for new collaborative initiatives, and enhancing naval capabilities to safeguard regional security and promote economic prosperity.
As the Election Commission of India (EC) announced the dates for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections, the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) came into force immediately and will be in place till election results are announced.
Understanding the Model Code of Conduct (MCC):
The MCC is a set of guidelines published by the Election Commission of India (ECI) for conduct during the election campaign and polling.
It is applicable to political parties and candidates.
It also explains how parties can lodge complaints to the EC observers in case of dispute and instructs how the Ministers of the parties in power must conduct themselves when the MCC is in force.
In 2019, a *new addition regarding election manifestos was added, instructing parties to not issue promises which were ‘repugnant to the ideals of the Constitution’.
When was it introduced?
The EC traces its introduction to the 1960 Assembly elections in Kerala.
During simultaneous polls to the Lok Sabha and Assemblies in several States in 1962, the EC circulated the code to all recognized parties, which followed it “by and large”.
In October 1979, the EC came up with a comprehensive code that saw further changes after consultations with parties.
Is the MCC a law?
The MCC is NOT a statutory document – NOT enforceable by any laws passed by the Parliament.
Violating many of its guidelines may not attract punitive action.
Exceptions: Several actions such as causing tension between castes, religious or linguistic communities, appealing to caste or communal feeling for securing votes, etc., are listed as ‘electoral offenses’ and ‘corrupt practices’ under the Indian Penal Code and the Representation of the People Act, 1951.
Enforcement and Applicability:
The MCC comes into force immediately when the election schedule is announced by the Election Commission and remains in operation till the election process is complete, i.e. results are announced.
[A] All Elections
The MCC is applicable to all elections to the Lok Sabha, State Assemblies.
It is also applicable for State Legislative Council elections from Local Bodies, and Graduates’ and Teachers’ Constituencies.
[B] Obligations put on
Listed Political Parties and Candidates: While listed political parties and candidates are bound to follow the MCC
Non-Political Organizations Supporting Political Entities: Non-political organizations which hold campaigns favouring a political party or candidate are bound to follow specific guidelines mentioned by the EC.
Government-Funded Entities: All organizations, committees, corporations, commissions funded wholly or partially by the Centre or State are bound by the MCC.
How is the MCC enforced?
All officers including Police: Before holding polls for the General or State Assembly elections, the Election Commission issues guidelines to the government to shift out all officers including police who are posted in their home district, and who have completed/completing three out of four years in that district to ensure no interference.
Specially appointed EC officers: The MCC is then implemented by the newly appointed officials and nodal EC officers monitor compliance.
Guidelines Issued during MCC
[A] For Parties and Candidates:
Campaigning Bar: No election campaigning is allowed within the constituency 48 hours before the close of polls.
Restrictions on Speech: Political parties and candidates are advised to refrain from commenting on all aspects of private life of the leaders, workers of other parties, limiting criticisms to only their policies, programmes, past records and works.
Maintaining Social Harmony: They must also not indulge in activities aggravating existing differences or create mutual hatred between different castes, religious and linguistic communities. Appeals to caste or communal feelings for securing votes are also prohibited.
Others: Specific guidelines cover election campaigning, procession, canvassing, use of funds, and behavior during public meetings.
[B] For Governments:
Prior approval on Policies: The Union Ministries will need prior approval of the Election Commission on any policy announcements, fiscal measures, taxation issues, financial reliefs when the MCC is in force.
Screening in State: Similar guidelines apply to State governments where proposals must be referred to a screening committee which will then forward it to the Chief Electoral Officers who will not forward it to the EC unless the instructions applicable to the case are not clear.
Level-playing field: State/ Union governments must keep public places like maidans and helipads available impartially for all parties and candidates to ensure a level-playing field.
Guidelines for Poll Manifestos (wef 2019)
Manifestos must not contain anything repugnant to the ideals enshrined in the Constitution.
They must reflect the rationale for welfare scheme promises and indicate ways to meet the financial requirements for it.
The manifesto documents must not be released during the prohibitory period (when MCC kicks in).
How are violations dealt with?
Any complaint regarding elections should be brought to EC observers, Returning Officer, local magistrate, Chief Electoral Officer or the Election Commission itself.
In response, any directions issued by the EC, Returning officer, District Election Officer shall be strictly complied with.
PYQ:
Consider the following statements:
In India, there is no law restricting the candidates from contesting in one Lok Sabha election from three constituencies.
In 1991 Lok Sabha Election, Shri Devi Lal contested from three Lok Sabha constituencies.
As per the existing rules, if a candidate contests in one Lok Sabha election from many constituencies, his/her party should bear the cost of bye-elections to the constituencies vacated by him/her in the event of him/her winning in all the constituencies.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (2021)
1 only
2 only
1 and 3
2 and 3
Practice MCQ:
The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) has come into effect in India ahead of general elections. In this regard, consider the following statements:
MCC comes into effect immediately after announcement of election dates and sustains till the last vote is cast.
Apart from Political Parties and Candidates, it is applicable to non-political organizations supporting political entities.
No election campaigning is allowed within the constituency 24 hours before the close of polls.
Analyze internal security threats and transborder crimes along Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Pakistan borders including the Line of Control (LoC). Also, discuss the role played by various security forces in this regard. (UPSC CSE 2020)
The cross-border movement of insurgents is only one of the several security challenges facing the policing of the border in North-East India. Examine the various challenges currently emanating across the India-Myanmar border. Also, discuss the steps to counter the challenges. (UPSC CSE 2019)
Evaluate the economic and strategic dimensions of India’s Look East Policy in the context of the post-Cold War international scenario. (UPSC CSE 2016)
Note4Students:
Prelims: ASEAN; Bilateral Relations;
Mains: North-East India; Bilateral Relations; International Organisation; Act East Policy;
Mentor comments: The conflict in Myanmar is not just a domestic issue but a regional problem that requires support from ASEAN and other international stakeholders. The situation on the ground is dire, with over two million civilians displaced within Myanmar and 1.5 million seeking refuge outside the country since the 2021 coup. This mass exodus has led to significant destabilization, affecting approximately 25 million people living in poverty in Myanmar. The conflict has spilled over into neighboring countries, posing security risks and humanitarian challenges for Bangladesh, China, India, and Thailand. We must study and analyze this issue given the ASEAN neighbors step up their efforts to resolve the conflict and support Myanmar’s people in their quest for stable, prosperous, and democratic resolutions.
Let’s learn.
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Why in the News?
Despite efforts by ASEAN and other international bodies to mediate, the conflict has worsened over the past three years.
By the end of 2023, most of Myanmar’s townships are experiencing active fighting, with a substantial portion out of democratic control.
What is the Current Situation?
By the end of 2023, around 40% of Myanmar’s townships were beyond the junta’s control, with a surge in resistance groups challenging the junta’s authority.
Operation 1027, an offensive by ethnic forces in October 2023, successfully overran numerous junta camps and gained control of border gates.
What are the two major causes that are responsible for the illegal migration of the Myanmar Population?
Since the 2021 coup in Myanmar, the two major issues have led to significant displacement, with over 1.5 million individuals seeking refuge outside the country.
The Ethnic Conflict and ‘Rohingya Crisis’:
The crisis has particularly affected the Rohingya population, with more than 960,000 Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh, primarily in the Cox’s Bazar region.
Previously the conflict escalated in August 2017, leading to a massive exodus of Rohingya refugees following brutal crackdowns by the military in Rakhine State.
This was described as “the most persecuted minority in the world,” that faced decades of violence, discrimination, and persecution in Myanmar.
Natural Disasters:
The situation has been worsened by environmental hazards like cyclones and monsoons, which pose additional risks with inadequate shelter and sanitation facilities.
Cyclone Mocha in May 2023 caused widespread destruction and impacted Rohingya refugees.
Although the International community, including organizations like UNHCR, is working towards providing humanitarian assistance, protection, and support, still the issue continues with escalations.
The challenges for ASEAN in Stability with Myanmar:
Ineffectiveness of ASEAN:
Despite claims of over 260 meetings by Indonesia, the ASEAN chair, to address the crisis in Myanmar, the conflict in Myanmar has worsened over the past three years, with most townships experiencing active fighting and a significant portion out of the junta’s control.
ASEAN special envoy was stonewalled by Naypyidaw. This has been criticized for its inability to address the escalating violence and human rights abuses in Myanmar.
Post-Coup Dilemma:
After the 2021 coup in Myanmar, international stakeholders, including the US, UN, and EU, looked to ASEAN to lead efforts in resolving the conflict.
However, ASEAN was engaged in discussions with junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing, reaching a five-point consensus after one month of serious events like the looting of Mizzima’s headquarters.
Criticism for Ignoring People’s Response:
Despite widespread calls for an end to military rule and the establishment of democracy, the State Administration Council (SAC) – the junta’s self-styled name – continues to ignore the people’s demands.
The junta has escalated its suppression tactics, including arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial killings, and attacks on civilians and journalists, disregarding the population’s pleas for change.
Challenges faced by Independent Media in Myanmar:
Media Landscape Post-Coup: Post military coup in 2021, led to severe crackdowns on independent media outlets, with licenses revoked and journalists facing violent repression hampering Freedom of Expression.
Myanmar’s media landscape has evolved over the years, transitioning from strict censorship to more openness before facing setbacks post-coup.
Journalists’ Safety: Journalists were among the first targets after the coup, leading to arrests, killings, and a significant decline in the fundamentals of Living Rights and Press Freedom.
Financial Struggles: Independent media outlets in Myanmar face financial challenges due to a collapse in digital advertising prices and restrictions on social media platforms.
How India’s Act East Policy can play a significant role in addressing the Myanmar issue?
Economic Development and Trade: By promoting trade relations with ASEAN countries for economic development and industrialization, India can contribute to Myanmar’s economic growth and stability, which is crucial for addressing the ongoing crisis.
Connectivity and Infrastructure Development: Projects like the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Port Project, which connects India’s eastern seaports to Myanmar’s Sittwe Port, initiatives can improve trade routes and facilitate economic development in Myanmar, contributing to stability and progress.
Humanitarian Assistance and Refugee Crisis: The Act East Policy can address the humanitarian aspect by providing support to refugees and working towards resolving the root causes of displacement, India can contribute to alleviating the humanitarian challenges faced by Myanmar and its people.
Diplomatic Engagement and Regional Cooperation: India’s diplomatic efforts within ASEAN through active engagement and dialogue, India can support peace-building initiatives and contribute to stability in Myanmar.
Conclusion: The international community, including ASEAN and the UN, continues to work towards finding a political solution in Myanmar, emphasizing the importance of coordinated action, targeted sanctions, and diplomatic efforts to address the crisis and protect the people of Myanmar.
The unusual move of the Kerala Government will open doors for a Constitutional debate on the scope of a Judicial Review of the decisions of the President of India.
Context-
The President had withheld assent to Kerala University Laws (Amendment No. 2) Bill 2022, University Law Amendment Bill, 2022, and the University Law Amendment Bill, 2021 from the seven Bills that were referred to her in November 2023.
Key issues as per this situation-
Legal Challenge by Kerala: Kerala plans to challenge the legality of President Droupadi Murmu withholding her assent for certain Bills passed by the Kerala Legislature.
Scope of Judicial Review: Kerala’s move will open doors for a Constitutional debate on the scope of judicial review of the decisions of the President of India. The state argues that the legality of the President’s decisions and the factors influencing them can be judicially reviewed.
The power of the President to withhold assent to a state bill is derived from the Constitution of India:
Constitutional Authority: The power of the President to withhold assent to a state bill is outlined in Article 201 of the Constitution of India.
Procedure: According to Article 200, when a bill is passed by the state legislature, it is presented to the Governor for assent. The Governor then forwards the bill to the President for consideration.
Discretionary Power: The President has discretionary authority to either give assent to the bill or withhold it. This means the President can refuse to approve the bill if deemed necessary.
Reasons for Withholding Assent: The President may choose to withhold assent for various reasons, such as if the bill violates constitutional provisions, conflicts with central legislation, or is against public interest.
Constitutional Morality: The President’s decision to withhold assent should be guided by constitutional principles and morality. This ensures that the exercise of this power is in line with the spirit of the Constitution.
What are the Implications of the President withholding assent to a state bill?
Legislative Stalemate: Withholding assent to a state bill effectively prevents it from becoming law. This can lead to a legislative stalemate, especially if the bill is crucial for the functioning of the state government or addresses pressing issues.
Impact on State Governance: The inability to enact a state bill due to the President’s refusal to give assent can hinder the governance and administration of the state. It may delay or impede the implementation of policies and measures intended to address local challenges or meet the needs of the state’s residents.
Constitutional Conflict: The withholding of assent by the President may lead to constitutional conflicts between the state government and the Union government. It raises questions about the division of powers between the Centre and the states and the extent of the President’s authority to state legislation.
Political Implications: The President’s decision to withhold assent to a state bill can have political repercussions. It may strain the relationship between the state government and the central government, especially if there are underlying political tensions or differences in ideology.
Legal Challenges: The state government may choose to challenge the President’s decision to withhold assent through legal means. This could involve seeking judicial review to determine the legality and constitutionality of the President’s action, especially if it is perceived as arbitrary or mala fide.
TN Governor R.N. Ravi has declined to re-induct senior DMK leader and former Higher Education Minister K. Ponmudy into the Cabinet, citing concerns about Constitutional Morality.
Context-
Despite the SC’s suspension of Ponmudy’s conviction, the Governor believes his involvement in serious corruption as a public servant renders his re-induction inappropriate.
The Governor’s stance emphasizes the need to uphold ethical standards in governance, especially regarding convicted individuals.
What are the key questions raised concerning the re-induct of the MLA’s in the Cabinet:
Constitutional Morality: Governor R.N. Ravi is concerned about upholding constitutional morality. He questions whether it would be appropriate to re-induct K. Ponmudy into the Cabinet, considering the seriousness of the corruption charges against him and the fact that his conviction was not set aside by the Supreme Court, but only temporarily suspended.
Legal Validity: Governor Ravi seeks the opinion of legal experts on the legality of re-inducting Ponmudy into the Cabinet without the conviction being overturned by the Supreme Court. This raises the question of whether such an action would adhere to legal principles and norms.
Political Implications: The differing opinions between both raise questions about the political ramifications of the decision. While the Law Minister sees no issues in Ponmudy’s swearing-in, the Governor emphasizes the need for ethical governance.
Timing and Elections: The timing of Ponmudy’s potential re-induction, particularly concerning the announcement of Lok Sabha elections, adds complexity to the situation. It raises questions about whether political considerations are influencing the decision-making process.
Disqualification and Supreme Court Stay: Ponmudy’s disqualification as an MLA due to a conviction by the Madras High Court, followed by the Supreme Court’s stay on the conviction, raises questions about the legal status of his eligibility for public office and the implications for his potential re-induction into the Cabinet.
Discretionary power of the Governor in the appointment of ministers-
Outlined in Article 163: There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Chief Minister at the head to aid and advise the Governor in the exercise of his functions, except insofar as he is by or under this Constitution required to exercise his functions or any of them in his discretion.
In the context of the appointment of ministers, the Governor’s discretionary power may be exercised in various situations, such as:
Selection of Ministers: Although the Chief Minister typically recommends individuals for ministerial positions, the final decision regarding their appointment rests with the Governor. The Governor may exercise discretion in approving or rejecting the Chief Minister’s recommendations based on factors such as competence, integrity, and political considerations.
Dismissal of Ministers: In cases where the Governor has reasons to believe that a minister is unfit to hold office or has lost the confidence of the legislature, they may use their discretionary power to dismiss the minister, even if the Chief Minister advises otherwise.
Interests of the state: In exercising discretionary powers, the Governor must uphold constitutional morality and act in the best interests of the state. This includes considering the integrity, qualifications, and public trust in the individuals being appointed as ministers.
Consultation: While the Governor is not required to consult anyone other than the Chief Minister in the appointment of ministers, they may seek advice or input from legal experts, constitutional authorities, or other relevant stakeholders to ensure a fair and transparent appointment process.
Conclusion:
Governor stalls former minister’s return, citing constitutional morality and corruption concerns. His discretion underscores ethical governance and legal validity in ministerial appointments, raising questions about political implications and timing.
The Department of School Education and Literacy (DoSEL), Ministry of Education recently conducted the Foundational Literacy and Numeracy Assessment Test (FLNAT), under the ULLAS – Nav Bharat Saaksharta Karyakram Initiative.
Foundational Literacy and Numeracy Assessment Test (FLNAT)
FLNAT is a nationwide assessment test conducted as part of the ULLAS initiative.
It aims to evaluate the foundational literacy and numeracy skills of registered non-literate learners aged 15 and above.
The assessment covers three aspects – Reading, Writing, and Numeracy – and is conducted in all districts of participating states/UTs.
The test plays a crucial role in assessing the impact of teaching-learning sessions conducted under the ULLAS program and promoting literacy and numeracy skills among citizens.
It is conducted in the regional language of the learners, aligning with the NEP 2020’s emphasis on multilingualism
Qualifying learners receive a certificate from the National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS).
What is ULLAS Initiative?
ULLAS stands for Understanding Lifelong Learning for All in Society.
It seeks to advance lifelong learning and bridge literacy gaps among individualsaged 15 and above.
The program aims to equip citizens with fundamental knowledge and skills essential for personal and national development.
The ULLAS User-Friendly Mobile Application serves as a digital platform providing access to a wide range of learning resources via the DIKSHA portal.
Key Features of ULLAS
Emphasizes continuous learning across all stages of life.
Cultivates a culture of knowledge-sharing and individual growth.
Provides participants with digital literacy skills.
Promotes awareness and empowerment in financial matters.
Imparts vital life skills such as legal literacy and digital competence.
Enhances citizenship awareness and empowerment.
Grants school/university credits to student volunteers.
Offers recognition through certificates, letters of appreciation, and felicitation ceremonies.
PYQ:
Consider the following statements:
As per the Right to Education (RTE) Act, to be eligible for appointment as a teacher in a State, a person would be required to possess the minimum qualification laid down by the concerned State Council of Teacher Education.
As per the RTE Act, for teaching primary classes, a candidate is required to pass a Teacher Eligibility Test conducted in accordance with the National Council of Teacher Education guidelines.
In India, more than 90% of teacher -5 education institutions are directly under the State Governments.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (2018)
1 and 2
2 only
1 and 3
3 only
Practice MCQ:
Consider the following statements about the ULLAS Initiative:
It focuses on Foundational Literacy.
Individuals aged 15 and above are eligible under this initiative.
India abstained from voting on a UN General Assembly draft resolution on Islamophobia introduced by Pakistan and co-sponsored by China.
India asserted that while condemning all acts of religious discrimination, it’s crucial to recognize religiophobia against various faiths rather than singling out one religion.
India’s Position on Islamophobia:
Prevalence of Religiophobia: India emphasized that religiophobia extends beyond Abrahamic religions and affects followers of Hinduism, Buddhism, and Sikhism.
Opposition to Precedence: India expressed concerns that adopting the resolution could set a precedent for numerous resolutions centered on specific religious phobias, potentially dividing the United Nations along religious lines.
Religious Autocracy: India urged member states to consider the broader scope of religious discrimination globally in non-secular theocracies, highlighting the need to address challenges faced by all faiths.
Contemporary Forms: India cited examples of attacks on religious places of worship and the spreading of hatred against non-Abrahamic religions as evidence of contemporary religiophobia.
What is UN General Assembly?
The UNGA is the main policy-making organ of the United Nations, founded in 1945.
It serves as a forum for all Member States to discuss and make recommendations on a wide range of international issues covered by the UN Charter.
The UNGA is the only universally representative body of the UN, focusing on topics like international peace and security, development, disarmament, human rights, and international law.
Members/Observers
The UNGA comprises all Member States, with each having an equal vote in the assembly. It elects non-permanent members of the Security Council, appoints the Secretary-General, and approves the UN budget.
It has granted observer status to international organizations, entities, and non-member states, allowing them to participate in its work with certain limitations.
Notable observers include the European Union, the Holy See, and the State of Palestine.
Functions
The UNGA discusses, debates, and makes recommendations on various international issues within its competence, including political, economic, humanitarian, social, and legal matters.
It plays a central role in standard-setting, codification of international law, and making recommendations to promote international political cooperation.
It has the power to
Consider and approve the UN budget,
Elect non-permanent members of the Security Council, and
Make recommendations on maintaining international peace and security, disarmament, and other matters outlined in the UN Charter.
What are UNGA Resolutions?
A UNGA resolution is a formal expression of the General Assembly’s opinion, will, or intention on various matters of global significance.
UNGA resolutions are adopted through a voting process during plenary sessions of the General Assembly.
Each member state has one vote, and decisions are typically made by a two-thirds majority of those present and voting.
While UNGA resolutions are not legally binding on their own, they can influence the development of customary international law and provide guidance for the interpretation of treaties and conventions.
Types of Resolutions:
Binding Resolutions: Some resolutions are legally binding on member states, requiring them to take specific actions or comply with certain obligations.
Non-binding Resolutions: Many resolutions are non-binding, serving as recommendations, expressions of concern, or statements of principle. While non-binding, these resolutions carry significant political weight and influence.
PYQ:
With reference to the United Nations General Assembly, consider the following statements:
The UN General Assembly can grant observer status to the non-member States.
Inter-governmental organisations can seek observer status in the UN General Assembly.
Permanent Observers in the UN General Assembly can maintain missions at the UN headquarters.
Which of the statements given above are correct? (2022)
India’s Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal, virtually took part in IPEF’s (Indo-Pacific Economic Framework) 1st Ministerial meeting in 2024, along with other IPEF partners.
What is the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF)?
It is a US-led initiative that aims to strengthen economic partnerships among participating countries to enhance resilience, sustainability, inclusiveness, economic growth, fairness, and competitiveness in the Indo-Pacific region.
The IPEF was launched in 2021with 12 initial partners who together represent 40% of the world GDP.
The IPEF is NOT a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) but allows members to negotiate the parts they want to.
Four main “Pillars” of IPEF
Tradethat will include digital economy and emerging technology, labor commitments, the environment, trade facilitation, transparency and good regulatory practices, and corporate accountability, standards on cross-border data flow and data localisations;
Supply chain resilience to develop “a first-of-its-kind supply chain agreement” that would anticipate and prevent disruptions;
Clean energy and decarbonization that will include agreements on “high-ambition commitments” such as renewable energy targets, carbon removal purchasing commitments, energy efficiency standards, and new measures to combat methane emissions; and
Fair Economy Agreement, with commitments to enact and enforce “effective tax, anti-money laundering, anti-bribery schemes in line with [American] values”.
Members Countries include:
Currently, India and 13 countries other located in the Pacific Ocean are its members: Australia, Brunei, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, United States, and Vietnam.
How is IPEF different from other trade deals?
No market access or tariff reductions have been outlined in the IPEF, although experts say it can pave the way to trade deals.
It’s not a take-it-or-leave-it arrangement, like most multilateral trade deals are.
Since the IPEF is not a regular trade pact, the members so far are not obligated by all four pillars despite being signatories.
Practice MCQ:
Regarding the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), consider the following statements:
Mains PYQ Relevance: How does illegal transborder migration pose a threat to India’s security? Discuss the strategies to curb this, bringing out the factors which give impetus to such migration. [UPSC 2014]
Border management is a complex task due to difficult terrain and hostile relations with some countries. Elucidate the challenges and strategies for effective border management. [UPSC 2016]
‘China is using its economic relations and positive trade surplus as tools to develop potential military power status in Asia’, In the light of this statement, discuss its impact on India as her neighbor. [UPSC 2017]
Mentor comments: Bhutan’s Gelephu project, aims to create a “Gelephu Mindfulness City” as a carbon-neutral economic hub spanning 1,000 square kilometers. This initiative focuses on sustainable industries like IT, education, and healthcare, positioning Gelephu as an investment destination and health and wellness center. This project is aligned with Bhutan’s Gross National Happiness philosophy, aiming to drive regional development and job creation responsibly. The project is crucial for Bhutan’s economic challenges, including the need to boost tourism revenues and address outmigration of youth seeking jobs abroad. Along this infrastructural learning, we need to align India’s involvement with its regional connectivity to emphasize the importance of land-based connectivity throughout Asia and the Indo-Pacific region.
Let’s learn.
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Why in the News?
The recent project by Bhutan government of “Gelephu Mindfulness City” holds geopolitical significance, offering Bhutan a controlled way to engage globally while managing relations with China.
About the Gelephu Project:
The Gelephu Mindfulness City project in Bhutan is a significant initiative envisioned by His Majesty the King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck to create a unique economic hub with a focus on sustainable development and cultural preservation.
This project involves the establishment of a Special Administrative Region (SAR) covering 1000 square kilometers, emphasizing conscious and sustainable businesses inspired by Bhutan’s spiritual heritage and values.
The SAR will have executive autonomy, legal independence, and will prioritize businesses that align with Bhutan’s Gross National Happiness philosophy, aiming to drive regional development and job creation responsibly.
India’s involvement aligns with its regional connectivity plans, emphasizing the importance of land-based connectivity across South Asia and the Indo-Pacific region.
How are Bhutanese concerns aligned with India?
1) Geographical concerns:
Floods: With warmer temperatures than in the mountains, Gelephu gets high amounts of rainfall during a monsoon season that lasts several months, leading to considerable flooding each year.
Habitat and Conservation Issues: The surrounding forests and wildlife populations place Gelephu right in the middle of elephant corridors.
2) Geopolitical concerns:
China Factor: Pressure from its northern neighbor China to conclude a boundary resolution deal and to establish diplomatic ties.
Far away to the south, Gelephu offers Bhutan a way to open itself up in a controlled manner to the rest of the world, while also continuing negotiations with Beijing for a stable border.
Security Issues:Insurgencies in Assam and the northeastern states and just across the Indian border in Myanmar have been an area of great concern in the past.
This has led to a major military operation (Operation All Clear) by Bhutan’s former king in 2003, working with the Indian Army to drive out militant groups sheltering in the area.
Administrative Concern: As Gelephu is landlocked, it is dependent on primarily India, to provide the infrastructure for trade and transport out of the special administrative region.
3) Economic concerns:
Lag in Decision Making: Apart from hydropower, tourism is Bhutan’s mainstay, but the kingdom has always discouraged mass tourism, preferring instead a “high value, low volume” motto to ensure sustainability.
Bhutan needs to scale up its capacity to take in more tourists and visitors and land bigger planes in the narrow Paro valley.
Financial need for infrastructure: The Gelephu project involves scaling up the Gelephu airport and tarmac to international standards, which will need financing and expertise from India.
Employment issue: The growing “outmigration” of Bhutanese youth in search of jobs abroad is another challenge, and the government hopes a mega project such as Gelephu will stem that.
Prevailing India-Bhutan Relationship:
Officially, the diplomatic relations between Bhutan and India were established in January 1968. This Bilateral relationship is majorly guided by the Indo-Bhutan Friendship Treaty.
Article 2 of the Treaty declares that India would not interfere in Bhutan’s administrative affairs and the latter would be guided by the former’s advice in its external relations.
Economic Cooperation:
Since 2014, India’s trade with Bhutan has almost tripled from USD 484 million in 2014-15 to USD 1422 million in 2021-22. This accounts for about 80% of Bhutan’s overall trade, with the balance of trade in India’s favor.
India is the leading source of investments in Bhutan, comprising 50% of the country’s total FDI. Interestingly, Bhutanese currency Ngultrum is officially pegged to the Indian Rupee.
Infrastructural Cooperation: India has constructed three Hydroelectric Projects (HEPs) in Bhutan:336 MW Chukha HEP, 60 MW Kurichhu HEP and 1020 MW Tala HEP.These three plants are operational and export surplus power to India. Hydropower projects in Bhutan are an example of win-win cooperation, providing a reliable source of inexpensive and clean electricity to India, generating export revenue for Bhutan and cementing our economic integration.
Growth Cooperation: For the 12th Five-Year Plan of Bhutan, India is assisting Rs. 45 billion.
What needs to be India’s current interest w.r.t the recent escalating Geopolitics?
Climate Change: India’s plans for a South Asian power grid (throughSolar and Wind power generation projects) that would draw electricity from Nepal and Bhutan, with supply to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka would lend itself to more consistent power supplies needed for Gelephu.
Connectivity: Nearly decades of deteriorating ties with Pakistan have seen the Indian government virtually cut off any plans for land connectivity over India’s western border. The International North-South Transport Corridor, faces western sanctions, the IMEC and I2U2 initiative are challenged by Israel’s bombardment of Gaza and Houthi attacks in the Red Sea.
Conclusion:
At the 7th Indian Ocean Conference 2024, External Affairs Minister highlighted the need for lateral land-based connectivity across the Indian Ocean region, which is essential to supplement and complement the maritime flows. The Gelephu project offers a chance for the region to conjure an imagination beyond the problematic present. Although it is a huge gamble for Bhutan, but also a potential game changer for the region, with help from India.
Renewed clashes in eastern DRC between the Congolese army and Rwandan-backed M23 rebels have raised global concerns.
Context:
The conflict exacerbates the humanitarian crisis in the region, with increased fatalities, displacements, and food security risks.
The United Nations and several Western countries denounce the attacks and urge the M23 rebels to halt their offensive
What is the conflict?
Origin: Conflict in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) stems from the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide in 1994, where extremist Hutus killed hundreds of thousands of minority ethnic Tutsis and Hutu moderates.
Refugee Crisis: Following the genocide, around two million Rwandan refugees fled to eastern Congo, leading to tensions between local Congolese and Rwandan emigrants.
First Congo War: Ethnic tensions escalated into the First Congo War, pitting Zairean soldiers against Tutsi militias and the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), supported by Rwanda and Uganda.
Political Changes: The AFDL captured Kinshasa, leading to the renaming of Zaire as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in 1997.
Africa’s World War: The Second Congo War erupted in 1998, characterized as “Africa’s world war,” involving various armed groups, including the Rwanda-backed rebel group, the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD).
Despite multiple peace agreements, violence persists in the region, making it one of the deadliest conflicts since World War II.
Who are the M23 rebels?
Formation of M23 rebels: The March 23 Movement (M23) was formed in 2012 to defend Tutsi interests against Hutu militias, stemming from a 2009 ceasefire agreement. It broke away from the Congolese army, accusing the government of failing to integrate Tutsis.
Recent Resurgence: M23 resurged in 2022, citing attacks by Hutu militias. Recent attacks near Goma have exacerbated the humanitarian crisis, leading to protests urging Rwanda’s withdrawal of support.
Escalating Tensions: Violence has strained relations between the DRC and Rwanda, with the DRC accusing Rwanda of backing M23 rebels. Rwanda denies these allegations and attributes the escalation to Congo’s decision to send back regional peacekeepers.
Potential Regional Escalation: The worsening violence raises concerns about regional tensions and the involvement of more countries. Attacks on civilian settlements have caused significant casualties and forced health and aid workers to withdraw.
Measures to resolve these issues-
Regional Cooperation: Foster cooperation among neighboring countries to address cross-border security challenges and prevent the spread of violence. Establishing joint patrols and intelligence-sharing mechanisms can enhance security along shared borders.
Peacekeeping Missions: Increased peacekeeping efforts can help stabilize conflict-affected areas and create conducive conditions for peace talks.
Socio-Economic Development: Invest in socio-economic development initiatives in conflict-affected areas to address underlying drivers of instability and marginalization. Providing livelihood opportunities, access to education, healthcare, and infrastructure can help alleviate poverty and promote social cohesion.
Disarmament and Reintegration: Implement effective disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs which should include vocational training, psychosocial support, and community-based reconciliation efforts.
International Support: Mobilize international support and Regional organizations, donor countries, and civil society actors to provide timely and coordinated assistance to affected populations.
Conclusion:
The conflict in eastern DRC, fueled by historical grievances and ethnic tensions, requires diplomatic engagement, regional cooperation, peacekeeping missions, comprehensive peace agreements, socio-economic development, disarmament, international support to achieve lasting peace and stability.
Mains PYQ-
The anti-colonial struggles in West Africa were led by the new elite of Western-educated Africans. Examine. (UPSC IAS/2016)
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