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  • Understanding dialysis outcome patterns in India through a nationwide study 

    Why in the News? 

    Recently, there are some findings from a nationwide private haemodialysis network’, the Lancet Regional Health-Southeast Asia, on the survival of patients receiving haemodialysis in India

    Context:

    • India has amongst the highest number of patients receiving chronic dialysis, globally estimated at around 1,75,000 people in 2018. Daily, the number of patients on dialysis has been increasing.
    • The launch of the National Dialysis Service in 2016 to improve access, and ongoing efforts to develop affordable dialysis systems, are all underlined by the rising incidence of end-stage renal disease in the country.

    What is Hemodialysis?

    A machine filters wastes, salts and fluid from your blood when your kidneys are no longer healthy enough to do this work adequately.

     

    Key Highlights as per study:

    • Survival with Centre- and Patient-Level: The study found that both centre- and patient-level characteristics are associated with survival rates among patients undergoing haemodialysis.
    • Unexplained Variation Between Centres: Despite considering various centre-based characteristics, there remained unexplained variations in survival rates between dialysis centres across India. This suggests that factors beyond those accounted for in the study may influence patient outcomes.
    • Large Sample Size: The study included a substantial sample size of over 23,600 patients undergoing haemodialysis at any centre in the NephroPlus network between April 2014 and June 2019. This large sample size enhances the robustness of the study’s findings.
    • Primary Outcome: The primary outcome of the study was all-cause mortality, measured from 90 days after patients joined a center. This outcome measure provides valuable insights into patient survival rates over time following the initiation of haemodialysis treatment.
    • Consideration of Individual-Level Variables: The study accounted for various individual-level variables such as sex, smoking status, medical history (e.g., diabetes, heart disease, hypertension, hepatitis B, hepatitis C), education level, monthly household income, dialysis frequency, and vascular access. These variables offer comprehensive insights into patient characteristics and their impact on survival rates.
    • Evaluation of Centre-Level Variables: Centre-level variables, including the frequency of nephrologist visits, number of beds, number of staff, and number of patients, were also considered. These variables help assess the influence of center resources and practices on patient outcomes.

    What were the measuring differences?

    • Limited Data: The only significant study conducted previously in Andhra Pradesh used claims data from a publicly-funded insurance scheme between 2008 and 2012. It included 13,118 beneficiaries and reported a 10.2% mortality rate within six months of starting hemodialysis.
    • Absence of Centre-Level Effects: The previous study did not consider center-level effects on survival, limiting the understanding of differences in survival rates between dialysis centers, as observed in other countries.
    • Gaps in Understanding: Major gaps existed in understanding dialysis outcome patterns in India due to the absence of comprehensive studies, hindering efforts to improve patient care.
    • Lack of National Benchmark: There was no established national benchmark for survival rates among patients undergoing dialysis in India at the time of the study.
    • Need for Further Research: The study highlighted the importance of conducting more extensive research to fill the gaps in knowledge and establish benchmarks for dialysis outcomes in India.

    What is the recent issue related to the Mortality rate? 

      • Administrative challenges associated with Mortality:
        • Impact of Centre-Level Factors: Including center-level factors such as staffing, care processes, and patient volume in the analysis reduced the variability in survival rates across dialysis centers by 31%. This suggests that center-level characteristics play a significant role in influencing patient outcomes and survival rates.
        • Survival Range: After adjusting for multi-level factors, the estimated 180-day survival among patients undergoing hemodialysis ranged between 83% and 97%. This variability indicates differences in survival outcomes across dialysis centers in India.
      • Urban-Rural Divide: Patients attending rural dialysis centers experienced a 32% higher mortality rate compared to those at urban centers. This disparity underscores the unique challenges faced by rural healthcare facilities in providing hemodialysis services.
    • Patient Characteristics Associated with Mortality:
      • Catheter-Based Vascular Access: Patients using catheter-based vascular access had a higher mortality rate compared to those using arteriovenous fistula or graft access.
      • Financial Support: Patients receiving financial support for dialysis treatment through government panel schemes or private insurance had a lower mortality rate compared to those paying out-of-pocket.
      • Dialysis Vintage: There was an inverse relationship between mortality rate and dialysis vintage, with patients receiving dialysis for at least a year before joining a center experiencing a 17% lower mortality rate than those starting dialysis less than 30 days before joining.
      • Presence of Diabetes: The presence of diabetes was associated with a higher mortality rate among hemodialysis patients.

    Way Forward:

    • Establishment of National Benchmark: The study proposes the first national benchmark for survival among dialysis patients in India. This benchmark will serve as a reference point for evaluating the quality of care and outcomes across dialysis centres in the country.
    • Ongoing Quality Improvement Programs: As dialysis access continues to expand in India, ongoing quality improvement programs are crucial for ensuring that patients receive the best possible care and experience optimal outcomes at the point of care.
    • Collaborative Quality Improvement System: The authors emphasize the need for a collaborative quality improvement system across the country to address the increasing demand for dialysis services. This system should involve stakeholders at various levels of healthcare delivery to enhance standards of care and patient outcomes.
    • Understanding Multilevel Effects: It is essential to understand the multilevel effects of both centre- and patient-level characteristics on dialysis outcomes. Establishing national standards for dialysis outcomes in India requires comprehensive insights into these factors to drive improvements in care delivery.
    • Comparison and Monitoring: Establishing national benchmarks enables comparison and monitoring of dialysis centres’ performances over time. This approach facilitates the identification of variations in practice patterns and outcomes, paving the way for targeted interventions and improvements in healthcare delivery.

    Conclusion: The nationwide study on haemodialysis outcomes in India highlights disparities and the need for standardized care. Establishing national benchmarks, ongoing quality improvement, and collaborative efforts are essential for enhancing dialysis care and patient outcomes.

    Mains PYQ-

    Q- Public health system has limitations in providing universal health coverage. Do you think that private sector can help in bridging the gap? What other viable alternatives do you suggest? (UPSC IAS/2015)

  • How were the new Election Commissioners selected? | Explained

    Why in the news? 

    The President has appointed Gyanesh Kumar and Sukhbir Singh Sandhu, both retired IAS officers, as Election Commissioners (ECs) to fill up two vacancies in the three-member Election Commission of India

    Context:

    • Article 324 of the Indian Constitution dictates the appointment of Election Commissioners, granting the Election Commission of India (ECI) authority over the supervision, guidance, and management of elections.
    • The Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and Election Commissioners (ECs) are nominated by the President of India. While traditionally an executive prerogative, recent efforts aim to enhance inclusivity and transparency in this selection process.

    How were the new ECs selected?

    • Selection Committee: Comprising Prime Minister, Union Cabinet Minister, and Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha.
      • Six names were shortlisted for consideration by the selection committee.
      • Headed by the Union Minister for Law and Justice and includes two officials with the rank of Secretary to the government.
      • The shortlisting was done by a committee which, according to the  Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023.
      • The final appointment of the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and Election Commissioners (ECs) is made by the President of India based on the recommendations of the Selection Committee.

    What was the process before this?

    • Historical Background: Initially, the EC consisted only of the CEC for nearly 40 years after the adoption of the Constitution in 1949. It wasn’t until October 1989 that the EC became a multi-member body.
    • Appointment Rescission: In January 1990, the appointment of two Election Commissioners was rescinded shortly after their appointment.
    • Enactment of Law: In 1991, a law was enacted to determine the conditions of service for the CEC and ECs. This law was amended in 1993. However, it did not specify an appointment process for the CEC and ECs.
    • Appointment Process: In the absence of a specified process in parliamentary law, the appointment of the CEC and ECs has been at the discretion of the President. The Law Ministry typically presents a panel of names to the Prime Minister, who then recommends one of them as an EC to the President.
    • Appointment Convention: It became customary to appoint officials as ECs initially, and upon the completion of the CEC’s tenure, the senior EC would be elevated to the position of CEC.

    What did the SC rule on the process?

    • Anoop Baranwal vs Union of India: In the case of Anoop Baranwal versus Union of India, a five-member Constitution Bench ruled that the power to appoint the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and other Election Commissioners (ECs) was not intended to be exclusively vested in the executive branch. Instead, it was subject to any law made by Parliament.
    • Interim Arrangement: Since no such law had been enacted since the inception of the Constitution, the court established an interim arrangement for the appointment of CEC and ECs. This interim arrangement was to remain in place until Parliament formulated its law regarding the appointment process.
    • Composition of Appointment Committee: The court specified that appointments should be made by a three-member committee comprising the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha (or the leader of the largest party in the Opposition), and the Chief Justice of India.
    • Response: In response to the court’s directive, Parliament enacted the 2023 Act, which received presidential assent and was notified in December 2023

    What is the criticism against the Act?

    • Executive Majority: Critics argue that the new Act has altered the composition of the selection panel by removing the Chief Justice of India (CJI) and replacing them with a Union Minister. This change results in a two-one majority for the executive within the three-member committee.
    • Supreme Court’s Response: Despite challenges and requests for a stay on the implementation of the new Act, the Supreme Court has consistently refused to intervene, allowing the Act to proceed.
    • Upholding Constitutional Principle: Critics argue that by shifting the balance of power within the selection panel in favor of the executive, the Act undermines the constitutional principle of maintaining the autonomy and impartiality of constitutional bodies like the Election Commission.

    Conclusion:

    In moving forward, it’s imperative to restore balance in Election Commissioner appointments, ensuring judicial oversight, transparency, and inclusivity. Legislative reforms should reflect constitutional principles, safeguarding the independence of constitutional bodies and preserving democratic integrity.

  • All eyes are now on the Indian Ocean region

    Why in the News? 

    Since October 2023, the Indian government has shifted its focus from the Indo-Pacific to the Indian Ocean, diverting attention from strengthening the Quad alliance.

    • Both the Western Indian Ocean and the Northern Indian Ocean have become active geographies again.

    What are the reasons behind this Policy Shift?

    • Maldives and China- The Maldives, under President Mohamed Muizzu, is strengthening ties with China, potentially straining its relationship with India.
    • Sri Lanka and India- Sri Lanka has shown sensitivity to India’s security concerns by imposing a moratorium on foreign research ships, including Chinese ones, to its ports.
    • India-Mauritius Cooperation– India’s SAGAR policy resulted in inaugurating infrastructure in the Agaléga Islands, enhancing Mauritius’s capability to manage its Extended Economic Zone.
    • Geopolitical Dynamics-  The Western Indian Ocean and Northern Indian Ocean regions are witnessing increased activity, including conflicts and disruptions in maritime trade routes.
      • Example-In the Western Indian Ocean, the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas has escalated, leading to attacks by Houthi rebels on international shipping.
    • China’s Naval Expansion- China aims to assert dominance in the region by expanding its naval footprint and fostering partnerships with countries under the string of pearls policy like the Maldives.
    • India-China Strategic Competition– India and China are engaged in strategic competition, highlighted by China’s efforts to create an adverse environment for India’s security and its quest for naval bases in key locations.

    Suggestive measures:

    • Shift in Focus to Indian Ocean: India should prioritize the Indian Ocean region over the Indo-Pacific and convey this clearly to its strategic partners.
    • Evaluation of Existing Mechanisms: There is a need for a critical audit of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) due to their perceived underperformance and ineffectiveness.
    • Proposal for a New Mechanism: India should consider advocating for the creation of a new organization focused on bolstering maritime security and promoting the Blue Economy in the Indian Ocean region.
      • This proposed organization could include India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Mauritius, Seychelles, Comoros, and Madagascar.
      • The ninth seat may be kept for the Maldives if it adopts a sensible policy. This group can be named the ‘Indian Ocean Cooperation Organisation.
    • Enhancement of Indian Navy: India should allocate new budgetary resources to strengthen its Navy further, aiming to make it the third or fourth most powerful navy globally, in line with India’s ambition to become the third-largest economy.

    Conclusion

    India’s policy shift towards the Indian Ocean region necessitates prioritizing strategic partnerships, auditing existing mechanisms, advocating for new collaborative initiatives, and enhancing naval capabilities to safeguard regional security and promote economic prosperity.

  • Model Code of Conduct: Everything you need to know

    Why in the news-

    • As the Election Commission of India (EC) announced the dates for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections, the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) came into force immediately and will be in place till election results are announced.

    Understanding the Model Code of Conduct (MCC):

    • The MCC is a set of guidelines published by the Election Commission of India (ECI) for conduct during the election campaign and polling.
    • It is applicable to political parties and candidates.
    • It also explains how parties can lodge complaints to the EC observers in case of dispute and instructs how the Ministers of the parties in power must conduct themselves when the MCC is in force.
    • In 2019, a *new addition regarding election manifestos was added, instructing parties to not issue promises which were ‘repugnant to the ideals of the Constitution’.

    When was it introduced?

    • The EC traces its introduction to the 1960 Assembly elections in Kerala.
    • During simultaneous polls to the Lok Sabha and Assemblies in several States in 1962, the EC circulated the code to all recognized parties, which followed it “by and large”.
    • In October 1979, the EC came up with a comprehensive code that saw further changes after consultations with parties.

    Is the MCC a law?

    • The MCC is NOT a statutory document – NOT enforceable by any laws passed by the Parliament.
    • Violating many of its guidelines may not attract punitive action.
    • Exceptions: Several actions such as causing tension between castes, religious or linguistic communities, appealing to caste or communal feeling for securing votes, etc., are listed as ‘electoral offenses’ and ‘corrupt practices’ under the Indian Penal Code and the Representation of the People Act, 1951.

    Enforcement and Applicability:

    • The MCC comes into force immediately when the election schedule is announced by the Election Commission and remains in operation till the election process is complete, i.e. results are announced.

    [A] All Elections

    1. The MCC is applicable to all elections to the Lok Sabha, State Assemblies.
    2. It is also applicable for State Legislative Council elections from Local Bodies, and Graduates’ and Teachers’ Constituencies.

    [B] Obligations put on

    1. Listed Political Parties and Candidates: While listed political parties and candidates are bound to follow the MCC
    2. Non-Political Organizations Supporting Political Entities: Non-political organizations which hold campaigns favouring a political party or candidate are bound to follow specific guidelines mentioned by the EC.
    3. Government-Funded Entities: All organizations, committees, corporations, commissions funded wholly or partially by the Centre or State are bound by the MCC.

    How is the MCC enforced?

    • All officers including Police: Before holding polls for the General or State Assembly elections, the Election Commission issues guidelines to the government to shift out all officers including police who are posted in their home district, and who have completed/completing three out of four years in that district to ensure no interference.
    • Specially appointed EC officers: The MCC is then implemented by the newly appointed officials and nodal EC officers monitor compliance.

    Guidelines Issued during MCC

    [A] For Parties and Candidates:

    • Campaigning Bar: No election campaigning is allowed within the constituency 48 hours before the close of polls.
    • Restrictions on Speech: Political parties and candidates are advised to refrain from commenting on all aspects of private life of the leaders, workers of other parties, limiting criticisms to only their policies, programmes, past records and works.
    • Maintaining Social Harmony: They must also not indulge in activities aggravating existing differences or create mutual hatred between different castes, religious and linguistic communities. Appeals to caste or communal feelings for securing votes are also prohibited.
    • Others: Specific guidelines cover election campaigning, procession, canvassing, use of funds, and behavior during public meetings.

    [B] For Governments:

    • Prior approval on Policies: The Union Ministries will need prior approval of the Election Commission on any policy announcements, fiscal measures, taxation issues, financial reliefs when the MCC is in force.
    • Screening in State: Similar guidelines apply to State governments where proposals must be referred to a screening committee which will then forward it to the Chief Electoral Officers who will not forward it to the EC unless the instructions applicable to the case are not clear.
    • Level-playing field: State/ Union governments must keep public places like maidans and helipads available impartially for all parties and candidates to ensure a level-playing field.

    Guidelines for Poll Manifestos (wef 2019)

    • Manifestos must not contain anything repugnant to the ideals enshrined in the Constitution.
    • They must reflect the rationale for welfare scheme promises and indicate ways to meet the financial requirements for it.
    • The manifesto documents must not be released during the prohibitory period (when MCC kicks in).

    How are violations dealt with?

    • Any complaint regarding elections should be brought to EC observers, Returning Officer, local magistrate, Chief Electoral Officer or the Election Commission itself.
    • In response, any directions issued by the EC, Returning officer, District Election Officer shall be strictly complied with.

    PYQ:

    Consider the following statements:​

    1. In India, there is no law restricting the candidates from contesting in one Lok Sabha election from three constituencies.​
    2. In 1991 Lok Sabha Election, Shri Devi Lal contested from three Lok Sabha constituencies.​
    3. As per the existing rules, if a candidate contests in one Lok Sabha election from many constituencies, his/her party should bear the cost of bye-elections to the constituencies vacated by him/her in the event of him/her winning in all the constituencies.​

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?​ (2021)

    1. 1 only
    2. 2 only​
    3. 1 and 3
    4. 2 and 3​

     

    Practice MCQ:

    The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) has come into effect in India ahead of general elections. In this regard, consider the following statements:

    1. MCC comes into effect immediately after announcement of election dates and sustains till the last vote is cast.
    2. Apart from Political Parties and Candidates, it is applicable to non-political organizations supporting political entities.
    3. No election campaigning is allowed within the constituency 24 hours before the close of polls.

    How many of the given statements is/are correct?

    1. One
    2. Two
    3. Three
    4. None
  • [18 March 2024] The Hindu Op-ed: The Myanmar conflict is a regional problem

    Mains PYQ Relevance:

    1. Analyze internal security threats and transborder crimes along Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Pakistan borders including the Line of Control (LoC). Also, discuss the role played by various security forces in this regard. (UPSC CSE 2020)
    2. The cross-border movement of insurgents is only one of the several security challenges facing the policing of the border in North-East India. Examine the various challenges currently emanating across the India-Myanmar border. Also, discuss the steps to counter the challenges. (UPSC CSE 2019)
    3. Evaluate the economic and strategic dimensions of India’s Look East Policy in the context of the post-Cold War international scenario. (UPSC CSE 2016)

    Note4Students: 

    • Prelims: ASEAN; Bilateral Relations;
    • Mains: North-East India; Bilateral Relations; International Organisation; Act East Policy;

    Mentor comments: The conflict in Myanmar is not just a domestic issue but a regional problem that requires support from ASEAN and other international stakeholders. The situation on the ground is dire, with over two million civilians displaced within Myanmar and 1.5 million seeking refuge outside the country since the 2021 coup. This mass exodus has led to significant destabilization, affecting approximately 25 million people living in poverty in Myanmar. The conflict has spilled over into neighboring countries, posing security risks and humanitarian challenges for Bangladesh, China, India, and Thailand. We must study and analyze this issue given the ASEAN neighbors step up their efforts to resolve the conflict and support Myanmar’s people in their quest for stable, prosperous, and democratic resolutions.

    Let’s learn.

    Why in the News?

    Despite efforts by ASEAN and other international bodies to mediate, the conflict has worsened over the past three years.

    • By the end of 2023, most of Myanmar’s townships are experiencing active fighting, with a substantial portion out of democratic control.
    What is the Current Situation?
    • By the end of 2023, around 40% of Myanmar’s townships were beyond the junta’s control, with a surge in resistance groups challenging the junta’s authority.
    • Operation 1027, an offensive by ethnic forces in October 2023, successfully overran numerous junta camps and gained control of border gates.

    What are the two major causes that are responsible for the illegal migration of the Myanmar Population?

    Since the 2021 coup in Myanmar, the two major issues have led to significant displacement, with over 1.5 million individuals seeking refuge outside the country.

    • The Ethnic Conflict and ‘Rohingya Crisis’:
      • The crisis has particularly affected the Rohingya population, with more than 960,000 Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh, primarily in the Cox’s Bazar region.
      • Previously the conflict escalated in August 2017, leading to a massive exodus of Rohingya refugees following brutal crackdowns by the military in Rakhine State.
      • This was described as “the most persecuted minority in the world,” that faced decades of violence, discrimination, and persecution in Myanmar.
    • Natural Disasters:
      • The situation has been worsened by environmental hazards like cyclones and monsoons, which pose additional risks with inadequate shelter and sanitation facilities.
      • Cyclone Mocha in May 2023 caused widespread destruction and impacted Rohingya refugees.
      • Although the International community, including organizations like UNHCR, is working towards providing humanitarian assistance, protection, and support, still the issue continues with escalations.

    The challenges for ASEAN in Stability with Myanmar:

    • Ineffectiveness of ASEAN:
      • Despite claims of over 260 meetings by Indonesia, the ASEAN chair, to address the crisis in Myanmar, the conflict in Myanmar has worsened over the past three years, with most townships experiencing active fighting and a significant portion out of the junta’s control.
      • ASEAN special envoy was stonewalled by Naypyidaw. This has been criticized for its inability to address the escalating violence and human rights abuses in Myanmar.
    • Post-Coup Dilemma:
      • After the 2021 coup in Myanmar, international stakeholders, including the US, UN, and EU, looked to ASEAN to lead efforts in resolving the conflict.
      • However, ASEAN was engaged in discussions with junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing, reaching a five-point consensus after one month of serious events like the looting of Mizzima’s headquarters.
    • Criticism for Ignoring People’s Response:
      • Despite widespread calls for an end to military rule and the establishment of democracy, the State Administration Council (SAC) – the junta’s self-styled name – continues to ignore the people’s demands.
      • The junta has escalated its suppression tactics, including arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial killings, and attacks on civilians and journalists, disregarding the population’s pleas for change.

    Challenges faced by Independent Media in Myanmar:

    • Media Landscape Post-Coup: Post military coup in 2021, led to severe crackdowns on independent media outlets, with licenses revoked and journalists facing violent repression hampering Freedom of Expression.
      • Myanmar’s media landscape has evolved over the years, transitioning from strict censorship to more openness before facing setbacks post-coup.
      Journalists’ Safety: Journalists were among the first targets after the coup, leading to arrests, killings, and a significant decline in the fundamentals of Living Rights and Press Freedom.
    • Financial Struggles: Independent media outlets in Myanmar face financial challenges due to a collapse in digital advertising prices and restrictions on social media platforms.

    How India’s Act East Policy can play a significant role in addressing the Myanmar issue?

    • Economic Development and Trade: By promoting trade relations with ASEAN countries for economic development and industrialization, India can contribute to Myanmar’s economic growth and stability, which is crucial for addressing the ongoing crisis.
    • Connectivity and Infrastructure Development: Projects like the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Port Project, which connects India’s eastern seaports to Myanmar’s Sittwe Port, initiatives can improve trade routes and facilitate economic development in Myanmar, contributing to stability and progress.
    • Humanitarian Assistance and Refugee Crisis: The Act East Policy can address the humanitarian aspect by providing support to refugees and working towards resolving the root causes of displacement, India can contribute to alleviating the humanitarian challenges faced by Myanmar and its people.
    • Diplomatic Engagement and Regional Cooperation: India’s diplomatic efforts within ASEAN through active engagement and dialogue, India can support peace-building initiatives and contribute to stability in Myanmar.

    Conclusion: The international community, including ASEAN and the UN, continues to work towards finding a political solution in Myanmar, emphasizing the importance of coordinated action, targeted sanctions, and diplomatic efforts to address the crisis and protect the people of Myanmar.

    https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/the-myanmar-conflict-is-a-regional-problem/article67961958.ece

    https://thewire.in/article/south-asia/has-military-rule-in-myanmar-affected-indias-act-east-policy

    https://economictimes.com/news/india/significance-of-myanmar-in-indias-act-east-policy/articleshow/101763567.cms

    https://timesofindia.com/india/explainer-why-myanmar-is-a-major-hurdle-to-indias-act-east-push/articleshow/101810016.cms

  • Kerala to challenge withholding of Presidential Assent for its Bills

    Why in the news? 

    The unusual move of the Kerala Government will open doors for a Constitutional debate on the scope of a Judicial Review of the decisions of the President of India.

    Context-

    • The President had withheld assent to Kerala University Laws (Amendment No. 2) Bill 2022, University Law Amendment Bill, 2022, and the University Law Amendment Bill, 2021 from the seven Bills that were referred to her in November 2023.

    Key issues as per this situation- 

    • Legal Challenge by Kerala: Kerala plans to challenge the legality of President Droupadi Murmu withholding her assent for certain Bills passed by the Kerala Legislature.
    • Scope of Judicial Review: Kerala’s move will open doors for a Constitutional debate on the scope of judicial review of the decisions of the President of India. The state argues that the legality of the President’s decisions and the factors influencing them can be judicially reviewed.

    The power of the President to withhold assent to a state bill is derived from the Constitution of India:

    • Constitutional Authority: The power of the President to withhold assent to a state bill is outlined in Article 201 of the Constitution of India.
    • Procedure: According to Article 200, when a bill is passed by the state legislature, it is presented to the Governor for assent. The Governor then forwards the bill to the President for consideration.
    • Discretionary Power: The President has discretionary authority to either give assent to the bill or withhold it. This means the President can refuse to approve the bill if deemed necessary.
    • Reasons for Withholding Assent: The President may choose to withhold assent for various reasons, such as if the bill violates constitutional provisions, conflicts with central legislation, or is against public interest.
    • Constitutional Morality: The President’s decision to withhold assent should be guided by constitutional principles and morality. This ensures that the exercise of this power is in line with the spirit of the Constitution.

    What are the Implications of the President withholding assent to a state bill?

    • Legislative Stalemate: Withholding assent to a state bill effectively prevents it from becoming law. This can lead to a legislative stalemate, especially if the bill is crucial for the functioning of the state government or addresses pressing issues.
    • Impact on State Governance: The inability to enact a state bill due to the President’s refusal to give assent can hinder the governance and administration of the state. It may delay or impede the implementation of policies and measures intended to address local challenges or meet the needs of the state’s residents.
    • Constitutional Conflict: The withholding of assent by the President may lead to constitutional conflicts between the state government and the Union government. It raises questions about the division of powers between the Centre and the states and the extent of the President’s authority to state legislation.
    • Political Implications: The President’s decision to withhold assent to a state bill can have political repercussions. It may strain the relationship between the state government and the central government, especially if there are underlying political tensions or differences in ideology.
    • Legal Challenges: The state government may choose to challenge the President’s decision to withhold assent through legal means. This could involve seeking judicial review to determine the legality and constitutionality of the President’s action, especially if it is perceived as arbitrary or mala fide.
  • Governor stalls Ponmudy’s return to Cabinet

    Why in the news? 

    TN Governor R.N. Ravi has declined to re-induct senior DMK leader and former Higher Education Minister K. Ponmudy into the Cabinet, citing concerns about Constitutional Morality.

    Context-

    • Despite the SC’s suspension of Ponmudy’s conviction, the Governor believes his involvement in serious corruption as a public servant renders his re-induction inappropriate.
    • The Governor’s stance emphasizes the need to uphold ethical standards in governance, especially regarding convicted individuals.

    What are the key questions raised concerning the re-induct of the MLA’s in the Cabinet:

    • Constitutional Morality: Governor R.N. Ravi is concerned about upholding constitutional morality. He questions whether it would be appropriate to re-induct K. Ponmudy into the Cabinet, considering the seriousness of the corruption charges against him and the fact that his conviction was not set aside by the Supreme Court, but only temporarily suspended.
    • Legal Validity: Governor Ravi seeks the opinion of legal experts on the legality of re-inducting Ponmudy into the Cabinet without the conviction being overturned by the Supreme Court. This raises the question of whether such an action would adhere to legal principles and norms.
    • Political Implications: The differing opinions between both raise questions about the political ramifications of the decision. While the Law Minister sees no issues in Ponmudy’s swearing-in, the Governor emphasizes the need for ethical governance.
    • Timing and Elections: The timing of Ponmudy’s potential re-induction, particularly concerning the announcement of Lok Sabha elections, adds complexity to the situation. It raises questions about whether political considerations are influencing the decision-making process.
    • Disqualification and Supreme Court Stay: Ponmudy’s disqualification as an MLA due to a conviction by the Madras High Court, followed by the Supreme Court’s stay on the conviction, raises questions about the legal status of his eligibility for public office and the implications for his potential re-induction into the Cabinet.

    Discretionary power of the Governor in the appointment of ministers- 

    • Outlined in Article 163: There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Chief Minister at the head to aid and advise the Governor in the exercise of his functions, except insofar as he is by or under this Constitution required to exercise his functions or any of them in his discretion.

    In the context of the appointment of ministers, the Governor’s discretionary power may be exercised in various situations, such as:

    • Selection of Ministers: Although the Chief Minister typically recommends individuals for ministerial positions, the final decision regarding their appointment rests with the Governor. The Governor may exercise discretion in approving or rejecting the Chief Minister’s recommendations based on factors such as competence, integrity, and political considerations.
    • Dismissal of Ministers: In cases where the Governor has reasons to believe that a minister is unfit to hold office or has lost the confidence of the legislature, they may use their discretionary power to dismiss the minister, even if the Chief Minister advises otherwise.
    • Interests of the state: In exercising discretionary powers, the Governor must uphold constitutional morality and act in the best interests of the state. This includes considering the integrity, qualifications, and public trust in the individuals being appointed as ministers.
    • Consultation: While the Governor is not required to consult anyone other than the Chief Minister in the appointment of ministers, they may seek advice or input from legal experts, constitutional authorities, or other relevant stakeholders to ensure a fair and transparent appointment process.

    Conclusion:

    Governor stalls former minister’s return, citing constitutional morality and corruption concerns. His discretion underscores ethical governance and legal validity in ministerial appointments, raising questions about political implications and timing.

  • [pib] ULLAS Initiative

    Why in the news

    • The Department of School Education and Literacy (DoSEL), Ministry of Education recently conducted the Foundational Literacy and Numeracy Assessment Test (FLNAT), under the ULLAS – Nav Bharat Saaksharta Karyakram Initiative.

    Foundational Literacy and Numeracy Assessment Test (FLNAT)

     

    • FLNAT is a nationwide assessment test conducted as part of the ULLAS initiative.
    • It aims to evaluate the foundational literacy and numeracy skills of registered non-literate learners aged 15 and above.
    • The assessment covers three aspects – Reading, Writing, and Numeracy – and is conducted in all districts of participating states/UTs.
    • The test plays a crucial role in assessing the impact of teaching-learning sessions conducted under the ULLAS program and promoting literacy and numeracy skills among citizens.
    • It is conducted in the regional language of the learners, aligning with the NEP 2020’s emphasis on multilingualism
    • Qualifying learners receive a certificate from the National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS).

     What is ULLAS Initiative?

    • ULLAS stands for Understanding Lifelong Learning for All in Society.
    • It seeks to advance lifelong learning and bridge literacy gaps among individuals aged 15 and above.
    • The program aims to equip citizens with fundamental knowledge and skills essential for personal and national development.
    • The ULLAS User-Friendly Mobile Application serves as a digital platform providing access to a wide range of learning resources via the DIKSHA portal.

    Key Features of ULLAS

    1. Emphasizes continuous learning across all stages of life.
    2. Cultivates a culture of knowledge-sharing and individual growth.
    3. Provides participants with digital literacy skills.
    4. Promotes awareness and empowerment in financial matters.
    5. Imparts vital life skills such as legal literacy and digital competence.
    6. Enhances citizenship awareness and empowerment.
    7. Grants school/university credits to student volunteers.
    8. Offers recognition through certificates, letters of appreciation, and felicitation ceremonies.

    PYQ:

    Consider the following statements:

    1. As per the Right to Education (RTE) Act, to be eligible for appointment as a teacher in a State, a person would be required to possess the minimum qualification laid down by the concerned State Council of Teacher Education.
    2. As per the RTE Act, for teaching primary classes, a candidate is required to pass a Teacher Eligibility Test conducted in accordance with the National Council of Teacher Education guidelines.
    3. In India, more than 90% of teacher -5 education institutions are directly under the State Governments.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?  (2018)

    1. 1 and 2
    2. 2 only
    3. 1 and 3
    4. 3 only

    Practice MCQ:

    1. Consider the following statements about the ULLAS Initiative:
    2. It focuses on Foundational Literacy.
    3. Individuals aged 15 and above are eligible under this initiative.

    Which of the given statements is/are correct?

    1. Only 1
    2. Only 2
    3. Both 1 and 2
    4. Neither 1 nor 2
  • India abstains in UNGA on Pak Resolution on Islamophobia

    Why in the news

    • India abstained from voting on a UN General Assembly draft resolution on Islamophobia introduced by Pakistan and co-sponsored by China.
    • India asserted that while condemning all acts of religious discrimination, it’s crucial to recognize religiophobia against various faiths rather than singling out one religion.

    India’s Position on Islamophobia:

     

    • Prevalence of Religiophobia: India emphasized that religiophobia extends beyond Abrahamic religions and affects followers of Hinduism, Buddhism, and Sikhism.
    • Opposition to Precedence: India expressed concerns that adopting the resolution could set a precedent for numerous resolutions centered on specific religious phobias, potentially dividing the United Nations along religious lines.
    • Religious Autocracy: India urged member states to consider the broader scope of religious discrimination globally in non-secular theocracies, highlighting the need to address challenges faced by all faiths.
    • Contemporary Forms: India cited examples of attacks on religious places of worship and the spreading of hatred against non-Abrahamic religions as evidence of contemporary religiophobia.

     What is UN General Assembly?

    • The UNGA is the main policy-making organ of the United Nations, founded in 1945.
    • It serves as a forum for all Member States to discuss and make recommendations on a wide range of international issues covered by the UN Charter.
    • The UNGA is the only universally representative body of the UN, focusing on topics like international peace and security, development, disarmament, human rights, and international law.

    Members/Observers

    • The UNGA comprises all Member States, with each having an equal vote in the assembly. It elects non-permanent members of the Security Council, appoints the Secretary-General, and approves the UN budget.
    • It has granted observer status to international organizations, entities, and non-member states, allowing them to participate in its work with certain limitations.
    • Notable observers include the European Union, the Holy See, and the State of Palestine.

    Functions

    • The UNGA discusses, debates, and makes recommendations on various international issues within its competence, including political, economic, humanitarian, social, and legal matters.
    • It plays a central role in standard-setting, codification of international law, and making recommendations to promote international political cooperation.
    • It has the power to
    1. Consider and approve the UN budget,
    2. Elect non-permanent members of the Security Council, and
    3. Make recommendations on maintaining international peace and security, disarmament, and other matters outlined in the UN Charter.

    What are UNGA Resolutions?

    • A UNGA resolution is a formal expression of the General Assembly’s opinion, will, or intention on various matters of global significance.
    • UNGA resolutions are adopted through a voting process during plenary sessions of the General Assembly.
    • Each member state has one vote, and decisions are typically made by a two-thirds majority of those present and voting.
    • While UNGA resolutions are not legally binding on their own, they can influence the development of customary international law and provide guidance for the interpretation of treaties and conventions.
    • Types of Resolutions:
      1. Binding Resolutions: Some resolutions are legally binding on member states, requiring them to take specific actions or comply with certain obligations.
      2. Non-binding Resolutions: Many resolutions are non-binding, serving as recommendations, expressions of concern, or statements of principle. While non-binding, these resolutions carry significant political weight and influence.

    PYQ:

    With reference to the United Nations General Assembly, consider the following statements:

    1. The UN General Assembly can grant observer status to the non-member States.
    2. Inter-governmental organisations can seek observer status in the UN General Assembly.
    3. Permanent Observers in the UN General Assembly can maintain missions at the UN headquarters.

    Which of the statements given above are correct? (2022)

    1. 1 and 2 only
    2. 2 and 3 only
    3. 1 and 3 only
    4. 1, 2 and 3
  • [pib] Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF)

    Why in the news-

    What is the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF)?

    • It is a US-led initiative that aims to strengthen economic partnerships among participating countries to enhance resilience, sustainability, inclusiveness, economic growth, fairness, and competitiveness in the Indo-Pacific region.
    • The IPEF was launched in 2021 with 12 initial partners who together represent 40% of the world GDP.
    • The IPEF is NOT a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) but allows members to negotiate the parts they want to.

     

    Four main “Pillars” of IPEF

     

    1. Trade that will include digital economy and emerging technology, labor commitments, the environment, trade facilitation, transparency and good regulatory practices, and corporate accountability, standards on cross-border data flow and data localisations;
    2. Supply chain resilience to develop “a first-of-its-kind supply chain agreement” that would anticipate and prevent disruptions;
    3. Clean energy and decarbonization that will include agreements on “high-ambition commitments” such as renewable energy targets, carbon removal purchasing commitments, energy efficiency standards, and new measures to combat methane emissions; and
    4. Fair Economy Agreement, with commitments to enact and enforce “effective tax, anti-money laundering, anti-bribery schemes in line with [American] values”.

     

    Members Countries include:

    • Currently, India and 13 countries other located in the Pacific Ocean are its members: Australia, Brunei, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, United States, and Vietnam.

    How is IPEF different from other trade deals?

    • No market access or tariff reductions have been outlined in the IPEF, although experts say it can pave the way to trade deals.
    • It’s not a take-it-or-leave-it arrangement, like most multilateral trade deals are.
    • Since the IPEF is not a regular trade pact, the members so far are not obligated by all four pillars despite being signatories.

    Practice MCQ:

    Regarding the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), consider the following statements:

    1. It is a US-led initiative launched in 2021.
    2. It is basically a Free Trade Agreement (FTA).
    3. India is not a member of IPEF.

    How many of the given statements is/are correct?

    (a)   One

    (b)   Two

    (c)   Three

    (d)    None