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GS Paper: GS2

  • Issues metropolitan cities face

    Metropolitan cities of India suffers from various issues. This article analyses such issues and suggests some steps to deal with them.

    Inadequate public health infrastructure

    • India’s public health expenditure in 2018 was a mere 1.28% of GDP.
    • According to the World Bank, India’s out-of-pocket health expenditure was 62.4% in 2017, against the world average of 18.2%.
    • Manpower in the health sector is low with India’s doctor-population ratio being 1:1,457  against WHO norm of 1:1,000.

    Governance issues

    • Factors underlying city governance include spatial planning, municipal capacities, empowered mayors and councils and inter-agency coordination, and ward-level citizen participation.
    • Twenty-seven after the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act, these reform agendas continue to be slow in implementation.
    • India’s metropolitan cities have weak capacities in finance and staffing.
    • Bengaluru’s average percentage of own revenue to total expenditure is 47.9%, Chennai 30.5%, Mumbai 36.1% and Kolkata at 48.4%.
    • According to ASICS 2017, Mumbai has the highest number of officers per lakh population at 938 in the country.
    • Yet it is abysmally low compared to global cities such as Johannesburg with 2,922 and New York with 5,446 officers per lakh population

    Limited powers of mayors

    • The leaders steering India’s metropolitan cities are toothless.
    • No big metropolitan cities with 10 million-plus population has a directly-elected Mayor.
    • Mumbai’s Mayor has a tenure of 2.5 years, Delhi and Bengaluru, a mere one year.
    • Mayors do not have full decision-making authority over critical functions of planning, housing, water, environment, fire and emergency services in most cases.
    • Our metropolitan cities are far from being local self-governments.
    • Parastatal agencies for planning, water and public transport report directly to State governments.
    • The State government also largely controls public works and police.
    • Globally, metropolitan cities are steered by a directly-elected leader.
    • Evolved examples include the Tokyo metropolitan government and recent experimental models such as combined authorities in the United Kingdom and Australia.

    Suggestions

    • India needs home-grown solutions suited to its context and political realities while imbibing lessons on institutional design from global examples.
    • It is time the Central and State governments lead efforts towards a metropolitan governance paradigm.
    • The first steps should include empowered Mayors with five-year tenure, decentralised ward level governance, and inter-agency coordination anchored by the city government.

    Lack of transparency, accountability and citizen participation

    • Transparent cities with institutional platforms encouraging citizen participation improve urban democracy.
    • No metropolitan has functional ward committees and area sabhas.
    • An absence of citizen participation is worsened by poor transparency in finance and operations.
    • As per ASICS 2017, India’s big metropolitan cities on average score 3.04/10 in transparency, accountability and participation.

    Significance of smaller cities

    • A World Bank report notes that despite the emergence of smaller towns, the underlying character of India’s urbanisation is “metropolitan”.
    • Under this metropolitan character, new towns emerge around existing large cities.
    • According to a McKinsey report, in 2012, 54 metropolitan cities and their hinterlands accounted for 40% of India’s GDP.
    • The report also estimates that by 2025, 69 metropolitan cities, combined with their hinterlands, will generate over half of India’s incremental GDP between 2012 and 2025.
    • Despite this, India is yet to begin an active discourse on cohesive metropolitan governance frameworks.
    •  Studies by the Centre for Policy Research point that India’s spatial feature exhibits the growth of small towns beyond the economics of large agglomerations.
    • This indicates that while India’s urban vision should focus on its metropolitan cities to reap the benefit of scale, it shouldn’t ignore smaller cities.

    Consider the question “Examine the issues in the governance of metropolitan cities. To what extent the limited power of mayors contributes to the issues of the metropolitan cities in India?”

    Conclusion

    India should use the current pandemic as an opportunity to introspect and reform the way its metropolises are governed.

    Back2Basics: ASICS 2017

    • The Annual Survey of India’s City-Systems (ASICS) 2017 evaluates quality of governance in cities, covering 23 major cities in India across 20 states based on 89 questions.
    • Indian cities scored between 3.0 and 5.1 on 10, with Pune topping the charts for the first time.
    • Other cities that came in the top five include Kolkata, Thiruvananthapuram, Bhubaneswar and Surat, with scores in the range of 4.6 to 4.5.

  • Merger of political parties under Tenth schedule

    A political party is trying to win back its defected MLAs in Rajasthan. This has raised a new question- “Does the anti-defection law apply here?”

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.“Time and again, the courts have spoken out against the Governor acting in the capacity of an all-pervading super-constitutional authority.” Analyse.

    What does “merger” mean a/c to Tenth Schedule?

    • The Tenth Schedule of the Constitution prohibits defection to protect the stability of governments but does not prohibit mergers.
    • Paragraph 4(2) of the Tenth Schedule, dealing with mergers, says that only when two-thirds of the members agree to “merge” the party would they be exempt from disqualification.
    • The “merger” referred to in Paragraph 4(2) is seen as a legal fiction, where members are deemed to have merged for the purposes of being exempt from disqualification, rather than a merger in the true sense.

    The ‘merger’ Politics

    • The political party is arguing that a state unit of a national party cannot be merged without the party being merged at the national level.
    • However, the Tenth Schedule identifies this dichotomy between state units and national units.
    • As per Paragraph 4(2), “merger” of a party means merger of a legislative party of that House.
    • In this case, it would be the Rajasthan Legislative unit of the BSP and not the BSP at the national level.
    • Paragraph 1 of the Tenth Schedule which defines terms specified in the context of the anti-defection law states this clearly.
    • “Legislature Party” for the purposes of Paragraph 4 (which deals with mergers) means the group consisting of all the members of that House for the time being belonging to that political party in accordance with the said provisions.

    Role of Whip

    • Every legislative party identifies the party’s whip at the beginning of the Assembly’s term and conveys this to the Speaker.
    • A national leader’s direction cannot be considered a whip in the context of the anti-defection law.

    On what grounds is the case-based?

    • The contention is that the merger is illegal and unconstitutional because, for a national party, such merger has to take place at the national level.
    • Supporting this argument, there are two decisions of the Supreme Court: the 2006 Jagjit Singh v State of Haryana, and the 2007 ruling in Rajendra Singh Rana and Ors vs Swami Prasad Maurya.
    • In these cases, the SC ruled that the split cannot be recognised primarily because not all these MLAs split at once.
    • The key aspect is that these cases deal with splits where when one-third of the members of a legislative party split; they could not attract disqualification as per Paragraph 3 of the Tenth Schedule.

    Row over one-third

    • In 2003, through the 91st Constitutional Amendment, Paragraph 3 was deleted from the Tenth Schedule.
    • The amendment was made as the one-third split rule was grossly misused by parties to engineer divisions and indulge in horse-trading.
    • One-third was regarded as an easy target to achieve and the law now exempts defection only when it is at two-thirds (in a merger).

    Are there any such precedents?

    • In July 2019, 10 of the 15 one party’s MLAs in Goa joined the other taking the ruling party’s tally to 27 in the 40 member House.
    • Since they formed two-thirds of the strength of the legislative party unit, they are exempt from disqualification.
    • However, the Speaker’s decision not to disqualify them is under challenge before the Supreme Court.
    • Similarly in Telangana in 2016, two years after the 12 out of 15 of MLAs joined the ruling party.
    • The Speaker recognised the defection as a merger since more than two-thirds had moved.

  • Technical Platform on the Measurement and Reduction of Food Loss and Waste

    The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has unveiled a new platform to help accelerate the global reduction in food loss and waste.

    Try this PYQ from CSP 2016:

    Q. The FAO accords the status of ‘Globally Important Agricultural Heritage System (GIAHS)’ to traditional agricultural systems. What is the overall goal of this initiative?

    1. To provide modern technology, training in modern farming methods and financial support to local communities of identified GIAHS so as to greatly enhance their agricultural productivity.
    2. To identify and safeguard eco-friendly traditional farm practices and their associated landscapers, agricultural biodiversity and knowledge systems of the local communities.
    3. To provide Geographical Indication status to all the varieties of agricultural produce in such identified GIAHS.

    Select the correct answer using the code given below.

    (a) 1 and 3 only
    (b) 2 only
    (c) 2 and 3 only
    (d) 1, 2 and 3

    About the Platform

    • The Technical Platform on the Measurement and Reduction of Food Loss and Waste brings together information on measurement, reduction, policies, alliances, actions and examples of successful models applied to reduce food loss and waste across the globe.
    • The platform will contain information on measurement, reduction policies, alliances, actions and examples of successful models applied to reduce food loss and waste.
    • The platform will be officially launched on the first International Day of Awareness of Food Loss and Waste on 29 September 2020.

    How will it work?

    • The platform is as a gateway to information on food loss and waste from various resources, including the largest online collection of data on what food is lost and wasted.
    • Links to related portals from development partners are also provided.

    Why need such a portal?

    • Food loss and waste is a sign of food systems in distress. Nutritious foods are the most perishable, and hence, the most vulnerable to lose.
    • Not only food is being lost, but food safety and nutrition are being compromised as well.
    • At least 14 per cent of food is lost (food wastage and food loss together), valued at $400 billion annually.
    • In terms of greenhouse gas emissions, the food that is lost is associated with around 1.5 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent.
    • Major losses are seen in roots tubers and oil-bearing crops (25 per cent), fruits and vegetables (22 per cent), and meat and animal products (12 per cent).
    • Reducing food loss and waste can bring about many benefits: more food available for the most vulnerable; a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions; less pressure on land and water resources; and increased productivity and economic growth.

    Food loss vs food wastage

    • There is a difference between food wastage and food losses.
    • Food is wasted when it is discarded by consumers or is disposed of in retail due to its inability to meet quality standards.
    • Food loss, on the other hand, occurs when it is spoilt or spilt before reaching the final product or retail stage.
    • For example, dairy, meat, and fish can go bad in transit because of inadequate refrigerated transport and cold storage facilities.

    Back2Basics: Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO)

    Objective: Lead international efforts to defeat hunger

    Members: FAO has 194 Member Nations, two associate members and one member organization, the European Union

    Headquarters: Rome, Italy

    Year Founded: Established in 1945

  • National Education Policy needs scrutiny

    National Education Policy, while comprehensive in its approach misses out on some crucial issues. These issues are discussed here.

    Following are the issues with the National Education Policy-

    1) Implications for SEDGs

    •  Implications of the policy for SEDGs-Socially and Economically Disadvantaged Groups-needs to be considered.
    • The term “caste” is absent from the document apart from a fleeting reference to Scheduled Castes.
    • Also absent is any mention of reservation in academic institutions, whether for students, teachers, or other employees.
    • Reservation is the bare minimum required in terms of affirmative action in the highly differentiated socio-economic milieu in which we exist.

    2) Education in tribal areas

    • There is the passing reference to educational institutions in tribal areas, designated as ashramshalas.
    • While there are sections of the document that describe ways in which SEDGs are supposed to gain access to higher education institutions, there is no time-frame that is specified.
    • In a situation of growing privatisation how these policies will be implemented is a matter of concern.

    3) Multi-disciplinarity misses some disciplines

    • Multi-disciplinarity is an attractive and flexible proposition, allowing learners to experiment with a variety of options.
    • While the list of the disciplines in which multi-disciplinary approach is allowed is unexceptionable, it is worth flagging what is missed out.
    • Fields of studies such as Women’s Studies or Gender Studies, Cultural Studies, Media Studies, Dalit Studies, Studies of Discrimination and Exclusion, Environmental Studies and Development Studies are missing.
    • Many of these have engaged with multi-disciplinarity/inter-disciplinarity in exciting and disturbing ways, bringing to the fore issues of diversity, difference and identity.

    4) Problem of autonomy

    • While the documents mention autonomy and choice in the document, but there are limits.
    • For instance, the selection of vocational subjects in middle school is described as a fun choice.
    • At the same time, it is to be exercised “as decided by States and local communities and as mapped by local skilling needs”.
    • National Testing Agency, will be a centralised agency to conduct exams will be against the autonomy proposed in the policy.
    • HEIs will now be run by a Board of Governors backed by legislative changes where required.
    •  Further centralisation is envisaged through the setting up of “the National Higher Education Regulatory Authority (NHERA).

    5) Depriving the HEI democratic functioning

    • Several universities and HEIs have evolved and sustained democratic mechanisms, including academic and executive councils.
    • What has made them vibrant institutions is the presence of faculty and students, elected, as well as on the basis of seniority and rotation.
    • Abandoning them will deprive members of HEIs of an opportunity to engage with the challenges of democratic functioning.

    6) No mention of Fundamental Rights

    • Several values are identified as constitutional and there is an occasional mention of fundamental duties.
    • But there is no mention of fundamental rights.

    Consider the question “Examine the provision for governance of education in the National Education Policy. Also, examine the issues with the policy.”

    Conclusion

    The Education Policy has many novel ideas with the potential to transform the education system in the country, however, the issues discussed here highlights the need to revisit it, before it is actually implemented.

  • Overview of National Education Policy

    The Education Policy 2020 comes with many changes in education in the country. Key aspects of the policy are discussed in the article.

    Context

    •  National Education Policy 2020 is the fourth major policy initiative in education since Independence.
    • The last one was undertaken a good 34 years ago and modified in 1992.
    • NEP 2020 seeks to address the entire gamut of education from preschool to doctoral studies.

    Challenges India faces in education

    • Lack of resources and capacity.
    • Dozens of mother tongues, a link language that despite being the global language of choice is alien to most.
    • A persistent mismatch between the knowledge and skills imparted and the jobs available.

    Follwing are the key aspects of the policy-

    1) 5+3+3+4 Model

    • A 5+3+3+4 model recognises the primacy of the formative years from ages 3 to 8 in shaping the child’s future.
    • It also recognises the importance of learning in the child’s mother tongue till at least Class 5.
    • As picking up languages is easy between ages 3 and 8, children will learn English and mother tongue together.
    • Multilingual felicity could become the USP of the educated Indian.
    • The policy envisages 100% Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) in school education by 2030.

    2) Flexibility in choosing subjects and vocational education

    • Another key aspect of new policy is the breaking of the compartments of arts, commerce and science streams in high school.
    • Policy also aims at introducing vocational courses with internship.
    • The ‘blue-collarisation’ of vocations in our society is also a hurdle to be overcome.
    • NEP 2020 proposes a multi-disciplinary higher education framework with portable credits.
    • An ambitious GER of 50% in higher education is envisaged by 2035.
    • At the apex will be Multidisciplinary Education and Research Universities, where research will be supported by a new National Research Foundation.

    3) Question of regualtion

    • NEP 2020 aims to free our schools, colleges and universities from periodic “inspections” and place them on the path of self-assessment and voluntary declaration.
    • Transparency, maintaining quality standards and a favourable public perception will become a goal for the institutions.
    • This will lead to all-round improvement in their standard.
    • A single, lean body with four verticals for standards-setting, funding, accreditation and regulation is proposed to provide “light but tight” oversight.

    4) Addressing deprivation

    • Inequality and challenges faced by the disadvantaged and disabled have been considered in NEP.
    • The NEP lays particular emphasis on providing adequate support to ensure that no child is deprived of education, and every challenged child is provided the special support she needs.

    5) Ancient knowledge

    • The long-neglected ancient Indian languages and Indic knowledge systems are also identified for immediate attention.

    Resource challenge

    •  An ambitious target of public spending on education at 6% of GDP has been set.
    • This is certainly a tall order, given the current tax-to-GDP ratio and competing claims on the national exchequer by other key sectors.
    •  If public and political will can be mustered, resources will find their way from both public and private sources.

    Consider the question “What are the measures proposed in the Education Policy 2020 for higher education.”

    Conclusion

    Resources are never the main roadblock to success in education. NEP 2020 provides the ingredients and the right recipe. What we make of it depends entirely on us.

  • [pib] Highlights of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020

    The Union Cabinet has approved the National Education Policy 2020, making way for large scale, transformational reforms in both school and higher education sectors.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.What are the key features of the National Education Policy, 2020? Discuss how it will facilitate the universalization of education in India.

    School Education   

    • New Policy aims for universalization of education from pre-school to secondary level with 100 % Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) in school education by 2030.
    • NEP 2020 will bring 2 crores out of school children back into the mainstream through the open schooling system.
    • The current 10+2 system to be replaced by a new 5+3+3+4 curricular structure corresponding to ages 3-8, 8-11, 11-14, and 14-18 years respectively.
    • This will bring the hitherto uncovered age group of 3-6 years under the school curriculum, which has been recognized globally as the crucial stage for the development of mental faculties of a child.
    • The new system will have 12 years of schooling with three years of Anganwadi/ pre-schooling.
    • Emphasis on Foundational Literacy and Numeracy, no rigid separation between academic streams, extracurricular, vocational streams in schools; Vocational Education to start  from Class 6 with Internships
    • Teaching up to at least Grade 5 to be in mother tongue/ regional language. No language will be imposed on any student.
    • Assessment reforms with 360-degree Holistic Progress Card, tracking Student Progress for achieving Learning Outcomes
    • A new and comprehensive National Curriculum Framework for Teacher Education, NCFTE 2021, will be formulated by the NCTE in consultation with NCERT.
    • By 2030, the minimum degree qualification for teaching will be a 4-year integrated B.Ed. degree.

    Higher Education

    • Gross Enrolment Ratio in higher education to be raised to 50 % by 2035;  3.5 crore seats to be added in higher education.
    • The policy envisages broad-based, multi-disciplinary, holistic Under Graduate Program with flexible curricula, creative combinations of subjects, integration of vocational education and multiple entries and exit points with appropriate certification.
    • Academic Bank of Credits to be established to facilitate  Transfer of Credits
    • Multidisciplinary Education and Research Universities (MERUs), at par with IITs, IIMs, to be set up as models of best multidisciplinary education of global standards in the country.
    • The National Research Foundation will be created as an apex body for fostering a strong research culture and building research capacity across higher education.
    • Higher Education Commission of India (HECI) will be set up as a single overarching umbrella body for entire higher education, excluding medical and legal education. HECI to have four independent verticals  – National Higher Education Regulatory Council (NHERC) for regulation, General Education Council (GEC ) for standard-setting, Higher Education Grants Council (HEGC) for funding,  and National Accreditation Council( NAC) for accreditation.
    • Public and private higher education institutions will be governed by the same set of norms for regulation, accreditation and academic standards.
    • Affiliation of colleges is to be phased out in 15 years and a stage-wise mechanism is to be established for granting graded autonomy to colleges.
    • Over a period of time, it is envisaged that every college would develop into either an Autonomous degree-granting College or a constituent college of a university.

    Others

    • An autonomous body, the National Educational Technology Forum (NETF), will be created to provide a platform for the free exchange of ideas on the use of technology to enhance learning, assessment, planning, administration.
    • NEP 2020 emphasizes setting up of Gender Inclusion Fund, Special Education Zones for disadvantaged regions and groups
    • New Policy promotes Multilingualism in both schools and higher education. National Institute for Pali, Persian and Prakrit, Indian Institute of Translation and Interpretation to be set up
    • The Centre and the States will work together to increase the public investment in the Education sector to reach 6% of GDP at the earliest.

  • Essential Commodities (Amendment) Ordinance: A strong EC Act is still needed

    As the Union government announced massive reforms as a response to the coronavirus pandemic.  All attention went to three agriculture sector ordinances related to farmers’ trade, contract farming and amendments in the Essential Commodities Act.

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.Discuss how Essential Commodities Act works to maintain fair prices of commodities for consumers.

    Recent amendment to the EC Act

    • Recently, the Centre notified an Amendment Ordinance to the EC Act.
    • A new sub-section 1A in Section 3 of the act stipulated control orders — with respect to the supply of certain foodstuffs was added.
    • It would be issued only under extraordinary circumstances that may include war, famine, extraordinary price rise and natural calamity of grave nature.

    An order for regulating stock limit of any agricultural produce may be issued only if there is:

    • A full increase in the retail price of horticultural produce, or
    • A 50 per cent increase in the retail price of non-perishable agricultural food items over the price prevailing immediately preceding a year or the average retail price in the past five years, whichever is lower

    The Essential Commodities Act

    • The EC Act, 1955 was enacted at a time when the country faced an acute shortage of several commodities, especially food items.
    • Under the act, an ‘essential commodity’ is a commodity specified under the schedule of the Act.
    • The Union government is empowered to amend the schedule to add or remove a commodity to said schedule in the public interest and in consultation with state governments.
    • The schedule was amended recently in March 2020, when the Centre declared face masks and hand sanitisers as essential commodities and fixed their prices.

    Issues over the amendment ordinance:

    1. Ordinance route and federalism

    • Though agriculture is a state subject, the concurrent list empowers the Centre to legislate on production and trade and supply of foodstuffs.
    • By taking the ordinance route, a clear attempt was made to bypass the parliamentary process.
    • When a proposed amendment is introduced in Parliament, it is open to debate, scrutiny, comments and valuable inputs from stakeholders before being passed.

    2. Surpassing concerns

    • Critical legislation like this should certainly have been put before Parliament.
    • The Sarkaria Commission report on Centre-state relations pointed out that the Centre disproportionately empower itself in the sphere of agriculture.
    • The power of the Centre in agriculture management has certainly increased through this ordinance.
    • States like Tamil Nadu and West Bengal have repeatedly called for transfer such entities from the Concurrent to the State list.

    3. Constitutional validity and Ninth Schedule

    • The constitutional validity of price fixation under the act was in question before the Supreme Court in the Prag Ice and Oil Mills case, 1978.
    • It was observed that the dominant purpose of price fixation was to ensure availability of essential commodities to consumers at a fair price.
    • It was also held that availability of an essential commodity to the common man, at a fair price, must rank higher than any other consideration.
    • The Essential Commodities Act is enlisted under the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution. This does not, however, mean it is outside the scope of judicial review.

    4. EC Act is no exception

    • The Ninth Schedule came under scrutiny after the landmark IR Coelho, 2007 judgement.
    • The Supreme Court said the laws inserted in it after April 24, 1973 — the day the Kesavananda Bharti verdict was pronounced — are also open to judicial review if they are violative of the basic structure of the Constitution.
    • Farmers may approach the Supreme Court if they feel laws such as the Essential Commodities Act violate their fundamental rights under Articles 14, 19, 21 or 32.

    5. Questions over the amendment

    • The ordinance does not expressly define ‘extraordinary circumstances’, which ‘may’ include war, famine, extraordinary price rise and natural calamities of a grave nature.
    • Even in extraordinary circumstances, the government only ‘may’ choose to exercise regulation.
    • Such legislative ambiguity makes one question the entire exercise of introducing this particular provision.

    6. Farmers stake are still at risk

    • Drastic changes such as the removal of stock limits and exemption to exporters, traders and value chain participants may not help farmers directly.
    • Big corporates and MNC may prefer to stock up their quota at the time of harvest when prices are low and, thus, would not need to buy from farmers when prices rise.
    • If farmers decide to retain produce for later, prices may not go up or the private sector may not enter the market to purchase.

    Conclusion

    • India no longer faces food shortage problems, according to the Economic Survey, 2020.
    • What is seemingly ignored, however, is the population of India increased to 1.3 billion in 2020 from 360 million in 1951.
    • There are more mouths to feed and the responsibility of ensuring food security to the masses cannot be shunned.
    • Sights of migrants scraping for morsels of food during the COVID-19 crisis continue to haunt.
    • Our policies, thus, must ensure sustainable farm growth taking into consideration factors like climate change, land holdings, consumer capacity and farmers’ interests.

    Original article:

    https://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/governance/essential-commodities-amendment-ordinance-a-strong-ec-act-is-still-needed-72540

  • Protesting is a fundamental right: UN

    As authorities worldwide grapple with demonstrations over issues like political rights and racial justice, a UN committee has reaffirmed that protesting peacefully, online or in person, is a fundamental human right.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.There is an urgent need for reforming the criminal justice system in India in light of rising cases of custodial torture and killings. Comment.

    What is the news?

    • The independent experts on the Human Rights Committee published a fresh interpretation of the right of peaceful assembly.
    • It offered comprehensive legal guidance about where and how it applies and also outlining governments’ obligations.
    • The committee is tasked with monitoring how countries implement the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which under Article 21 guarantees the right to peaceful assembly.

    About ICCPR

    • The ICCPR is a multilateral treaty adopted by UN General Assembly Resolution on 16 December 1966, and in force from 23 March 1976.
    • The covenant commits its parties to respect the civil and political rights of individuals, including the right to life, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, electoral rights and rights to due process and a fair trial.
    • As of September 2019, the Covenant has 173 parties and six more signatories without ratification.
    • It is part of the International Bill of Human Rights, along with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).
    • It is monitored by the UN Human Rights Committee (a separate body to the UN Human Rights Council).

    Back2Basics: Article 21

    • Article 21 is the protection of life and personal liberty No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to the procedure established by law.
    • The Article prohibits the deprivation of the above rights except according to a procedure established by law.
    • Article 21 applies to natural persons. The right is available to every person, citizen or alien. Thus, even a foreigner can claim this right.
    • It, however, does not entitle a foreigner the right to reside and settle in India, as mentioned in Article 19 (1) (e).

  • HRD Ministry to be renamed as ‘Education Ministry’

    The Union Cabinet has approved the renaming of the Ministry of Human Resource Development (HRD) to the Ministry of Education to more clearly define its work and focus.

    Before reading this newscard, try this PYQ from CSP 2019:

    Q.The Ninth Schedule was introduced in the Constitution of India during the Prime Ministership of:

    (a) Jawaharlal Nehru

    (b) Lal Bahadur Shastri

    (c) Indira Gandhi

    (d) Morarji Desai

    A flip-back

    • With the renaming, the Ministry got back the name that it had started out with after Independence, but which was changed 35 years ago when Rajiv Gandhi was Prime Minister.

    Who were some of India’s early Education Ministers?

    • The Ministry which was focussed on education from the primary classes to the level of the university was headed by some of the stalwarts of Indian politics in its early years.
    • For more than a decade after Independence, the Ministry was led by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad.
    • He was followed by Kalulal Shrimali and the eminent jurist M C Chagla, with the poet-educationist Humayun Kabir holding the portfolio for a short while in between.
    • Later Education Ministers of India included Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, who went on to become President.
    • The last Education Minister of India was KC Pant, who served in the post in 1984-85, after which the name of the Ministry was changed.

    Under what circumstances did the Ministry of Education become HRD?

    • Upon becoming PM in 1984, Rajiv Gandhi, who had surrounded himself with a new crop of advisers, showed restlessness for change and innovation in a number of areas.
    • He accepted a suggestion that all departments related to education should be brought under one roof.
    • There was some opposition from academic circles who complained that the country no longer had a Department with ‘education’ in its name. Some newspapers wrote editorials criticizing the change of name.
    • But the decision had been made, and subsequently, in 1986, the government cleared a new education policy – the second in the country’s history, and one that was to survive until now.

    Under HRD roof

    • On September 26, 1985, the Ministry of Education was renamed as the Ministry of Human Resource Development, and P V Narasimha Rao was appointed Minister.
    • Related Departments such as those of Culture and Youth & Sports were brought under the Ministry of HRD, and Ministers of State were appointed.
    • Even the Department of Women and Child Development – which became a separate Ministry with effect from January 30, 2006 – was a Department under the Union HRD Ministry.

    Were changes made in the Ministry even afterwards?

    • Yes, changes were made from time to time. After Atal Bihari Vajpayee became PM in 1998, the government decided to separate the Department of Culture from the Ministry of HRD.
    • In October 1999, a new Ministry of Culture came into being, with the late Ananth Kumar in charge.
    • The Department of Youth too was separated from the Ministry of HRD, and Ananth Kumar was given charge of this new Ministry as well.
    • With these decisions of the Vajpayee government, the HRD Ministry remained ‘HRD’ only in name – for all practical purposes, it was back to being a ministry for education.

  • Digital divide in India

    The COVID-19 induced lockdown highlights India’s great digital divide.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.What are the various facets of Digital Divide in India? Discuss how the Digital India initiative has impacted ruling out India’s digital divide?

    What is Digital divide?

    A digital divide is any uneven distribution in the access to, use of, or impact of information and communications technologies between any number of distinct groups, which can be defined based on social, geographical, or geopolitical criteria, or otherwise

    What are the implications of the digital divide?

    Political

    In the age of social media, political empowerment and mobilization are difficult without digital connectivity.

    Governance

    Transparency and accountability are dependent on digital connectivity. The digital divide affects e-governance initiatives negatively.

    Social

    Internet penetration is associated with greater social progress of a nation. Thus digital divide in a way hinders the social progress of a country.

    Rural India is suffering from information poverty due to the digital divide. It only strengthens the vicious cycle of poverty, deprivation, and backwardness.

    Economic

    The digital divide causes economic inequality between those who can afford the technology and those who don’t.

    Educational

    The digital divide is also impacting the capacity of children to learn and develop.
    Without Internet access, students can not build the required tech skills.

    Facets of the great Digital Divide in India

    • Education is just one area that has highlighted the digital divide between India’s rural and urban areas during the lockdown.
    • The trend is evident everywhere — telemedicine, banking, e-commerce, e-governance, all of which became accessible only via the internet during the lockdown.
    • The divide exists despite the rise in the number of wireless subscribers in India over the past few years.

    1) Telecom facility, not digital progression

    • According to a report released by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) on June this year, the country had over 1,160 million wireless subscribers in February 2020, up from 1,010 million in February 2016.
    • This is a rise of 150 million subscribers in five years or 30 million per year.
    • The growth has been evenly distributed in urban and rural areas, with the number of urban subscribers increasing by 74 million (from 579 million to 643 million) and rural subscribers by 86 million (from 431 million to 517 million).
    • But this growth only indicates the rise in basic telecommunication facility.

    2) The Urban-Rural Divide

    • Services such as online classrooms, financial transactions and e-governance require access to the internet as well as the ability to operate internet-enabled devices like phones, tablets and computers.
    • Here the urban-rural distinction is quite stark.
    • According to the NSSO conducted between July 2017 and June 2018, just 4.4 rural households have a computer, against 14.4 per cent in an urban area.
    • It had just 14.9 per cent rural households having access to the internet against 42 per cent households in urban areas.
    • Similarly, only 13 per cent people of over five years of age in rural areas have the ability to use the internet against 37 per cent in urban areas.

    3) Regional Divide

    • States too greatly differ in terms of people that have access to computers or in the know-how to use the internet.
    • Himachal Pradesh leads the country in access to the internet in both, rural and urban areas.
    • Uttarakhand has the most number of computers in urban areas, while Kerala has the most number of computers in rural areas.
    • Overall, Kerala is the state where the difference between rural and urban areas is the least.

    4) Digital Gender Divide

    • India has among the world’s highest gender gap in access to technology.
    • Only 21 per cent of women in India are mobile internet users, according to GSMA’s 2020 mobile gender gap report, while 42 per cent of men have access. The report says that while 79 per cent of men own a mobile phone in the country, the number for women is 63 per cent.
    • While there do economic barriers to girls’ own a mobile phone or laptop, cultural and social norms also play a major part.
    • The male-female gap in mobile use often exacerbates other inequalities for women, including access to information, economic opportunities, and networking.

    5) Others

    • The earning member of the family has to carry the phone while going out to work.
    • Access to phones and the internet is not just an economic factor but also social and cultural.
    • If one family has just one phone, there is a good chance that the wife or the daughter will be the last one to use it.

    Programmes for Addressing the Challenges in Bridging the Digital Divide:

    India taking significant steps towards acquiring competence in information and technology, the country is increasingly getting divided between people who have access to technology and those who do not. 

      • The Indian government has passed Information Technology Act, 2000 to make to e- commerce and e-governance a success story in India along with national e-governance plan. 
      • Optical Fibre Network (NOF-N), a project aimed to ensure broadband connectivity to over two lakh (200,000) gram panchayats of India by 2016.
      • Digital Mobile Library: In order to bridge the digital divide in a larger way the government of India, in collaboration with the Centre for Advanced Computing (C–DAC) based in Pune.
      • Unnati, is a project of Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Limited (HPCL) which strives to bridge the digital divide in schools by giving the rural students with poor economic and social background access to computer education.
      • E-pathshala: to avail study materials  for every rural and urban student. 
      • Common Service Centres: which enabled the digital reach to unreachable areas. 

    Initiatives of State Government:

    • Sourkaryan and E–Seva: Project of the government of Andhra Pradesh to provides the facility for a citizen to pay property taxes online.
    • The Gyandoot Project: It is the first ever project in India for a rural information network in the Dhar district of Madhya Pradesh which has the highest percentage of tribes and dense forest. The project was designed to extend the benefits of information technology to people in rural areas by directly linking the government and villagers through information kiosks

    Way forward

    1.Infrastructure

    • The promotion of indigenous ICT development under Atmanirbhar Abhiyan can play a significant role. The promotion of budget mobile phones is the key.

    • The creation of market competition between service providers may make services cheaper.

    • Efficient spectrum allocation in large contiguous blocks should be
      explored.

    • We should also explore migration to new technologies like 5G. It would resolve some of the bandwidth challenges.

    2.Digital literacy

    • Digital literacy needs special attention at the school / college level.

    •  The National Digital Literacy Mission should focus on introducing digital literacy at the primary school level in all government schools for basic content and in higher classes and colleges for advanced content.

    • When these students will educate their family members, it will create multiplier effects. Higher digital literacy will also increase the adoption of computer hardware across the country.

    3.Language

    • State governments should pay particular attention to content creation in the Indian regional languages, particularly those related to government services.

    • Natural language processing ( NLP) in Indian languages needs to be promoted.

    4.Role of regulators

    • Regulators should minimize entry barriers by reforming licensing, taxation, spectrum allocation norms.

    • TRAI should consider putting in place a credible system. This system will track call drops, weak signals, and outages. It ensures the quality and reliability of telecom services.

    5.Cybersecurity

    • MeitY will need to evolve a comprehensive cybersecurity framework for data security, safe digital transactions, and complaint redressal.

    Telecom ombudsman

    • The government should also set up telecom ombudsman for the redress of grievances.

    Conclusion

    • The Standing Committee on Information Technology in January 2019 concluded that the digital literacy efforts of the government are far from satisfactory.
    • Clearly, internet penetration is not deep enough. At one level, we all recognise that the internet has become indispensable.
    • On another level, it still doesn’t have adequate attention of the decision-makers.
    • The most crucial need of the hour is to ensure uninterrupted internet services.

    Back2Basics: Digital India Initiatives

    • Over the past decade, governments have been trying to improve internet access in the country.
    • In 2011, the BharatNet project was launched to connect 0.25 million panchayats through an optical fibre (100 MBPS) and connect India’s villages. Its implementation began only in 2014.
    • In 2014, the government launched the National Digital Literacy Mission and the Digital Saksharta Abhiyan.
    • In 2015, the government launched several schemes under its Digital India campaign to connect the entire country.
    • This includes the PM Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan, launched in 2017, to usher in digital literacy in rural India by covering 60 million households.