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GS Paper: GS2

  • Issues over Delimitation in the Northeast

    The Election Commission has red-flagged the Union government’s order setting up a Delimitation Commission for Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Assam and Nagaland, calling it “unconstitutional” and “illegal”. When delimitation last took place in the rest of the country in 2002-08, these states had been left out.

    Try this question from CSP 2017:

    Q.Consider the following statements:

    1. The Election Commission of India is a five-member body.
    2. Union Ministry of Home Affairs decides the election schedule for the conduct of both general elections and bye-elections.
    3. Election Commission resolves the disputes relating to splits/mergers of recognized political parties.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) 2 and 3 only

    (d) 3 only

    What is delimitation and why is it needed?

    • Delimitation is the act of redrawing boundaries of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats to represent changes in population.
    • In this process, the number of seats allocated to a state may also change.
    • The objective is to provide equal representation for equal population segments and a fair division of geographical areas so that no political party has an advantage.
    • The Delimitation Commission’s orders cannot be questioned before any court.

    Legal status

    • Delimitation is carried out by an independent Delimitation Commission (DC).
    • The Constitution mandates that its orders are final and cannot be questioned before any court as it would hold up an election indefinitely.

    How is delimitation carried out?

    • Under Article 82, the Parliament enacts a Delimitation Act after every Census.
    • Once the Act is in force, the Union government sets up a DC made up of a retired Supreme Court judge, the Chief Election Commissioner and the respective State Election Commissioners.
    • The Commission is supposed to determine the number and boundaries of constituencies in a way that the population of all seats, so far as practicable, is the same.
    • The Commission is also tasked with identifying seats reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes; these are where their population is relatively large.
    • All this is done on the basis of the latest Census and, in case of difference of opinion among members of the Commission, the opinion of the majority prevails.

    Northeast’s concerns

    • In the last delimitation exercise, completed in 2008, Arunachal, Manipur, Assam, Nagaland were kept out due to apprehensions overuse of the 2001 Census.
    • The Centre’s move to club the four with J&K comes in the backdrop of unrest in the region over CAA.

    Why were these four states left out in 2002-08?

    • In Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland, various organisations had moved the Gauhati High Court against the 2002-08 exercise, challenging the use of the 2001 Census for reference.
    • From Assam, an all-party delegation met then Home Minister pleading that delimitation is called off because the National Register of Citizens (NRC) was yet to be updated.
    • The Delimitation Act was amended in 2008, and on February 8, 2008, Presidential orders were issued to defer delimitation in these four states.

    So, when did the government decide to resume delimitation?

    • In February this year, President Kovind cleared the decks for the resumption of the delimitation exercise in the four states by cancelling the earlier order.
    • It noted that there had been a reduction in insurgency incidents, making the situation conducive for carrying out delimitation.

    Will delimitation change the number of seats in these states?

    • Not in the four Northeast states. There is a freeze until 2026 on the number of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats in any state.
    • Delimitation will only redraw the boundaries of seats in each state and can rework the number of reserved seats for SCs and STs.
    • However, because of exceptional past circumstances, Jammu & Kashmir’s Assembly seats will now increase from 107 to 114, which is expected to increase the Jammu region’s representation.

  • Centralisation in decision making in education

    The article tracks the evolution of the India education system after Independence. While the decentralisation and active encouragement underscores the initial years, recent trends shows a growing emphasis on centralisation.

    How Government support contributed to rise of educational institutions

    • In the initial decades after Independence, the government was conscious of various social, economic and financial challenges.
    • So, the government strongly supported universities, encouraging them to further develop an academic .
    • The IITs and IIM along with institutions of academic excellence like the IISc, Indian Statistical Institute, and JNU emerged as model institutions.
    • The institutional and academic autonomy offered was central to their emerging as premier institutions.
    • Other universities revised curricula and set about the task of reforming the university as a space for healthy academic engagement.

    Rise of decentralisation in collective decision making

    • The above changes were marked by the growing importance of various large representative institutional bodies.
    • For example, institutional bodies like faculty committees, committees of courses, board of studies, university senates, academic councils and executive councils grew in importance.
    • These bodies oversaw the administrative and academic functioning of the university and ensured collective decision-making.
    • Debate over ideological positions, scholarly beliefs shaped the process of nation-building in independent India.

    Policy changes and its impact (2005-15)

    • The constitution of the National Knowledge Commission and privatisation of education undermined the deliberative and independent character of these institutions of higher education.
    • Administrative and academic decisions were imposed from above.
    • Discussions within various academic bodies were discouraged.
    • The imposition of the semester system and a four-year undergraduate programme in many public and private universities were hallmarks of this new era of bureaucratic centralisation.
    • The academic achievements of scholars from Indian universities were undermined.
    • Those in positions of authority within the universities were encouraged to undermine academic bodies and limit their role.

    New government intervention after 2015

    • Futher changes were introduced starting from 2015.
    • Choice Based Credit System was introduced and there were renewed attempts to privatise higher education linked to an emphasis on rankings.
    • The government started to look into minute details pertaining to academic curricula, the teaching-learning process and the parameters that governed academic research within the university.

    Centralisation in Covid-19 pandemic

    • The centralisation trend intensified with the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic.
    • The Central government and the University Grants Commission have imposed themselves on the daily functioning of all higher educational institutions.
    • This represents a new government-oriented bureaucratic centralisation.
    • Decisions about the conclusion of academic term, the modalities for evaluation and the conduct of the teaching-learning process have become exclusive government prerogatives.
    • The various academic bodies that had original jurisdiction over these matters have been made redundant.
    • How and whether examinations are to be conducted has become an issue of contention between State and Central governments.

    Consider the question “Centralisation of the decision making instead of at institutional level in educational institutions and universities lies at many woes of the higher education in India. Comment.”

    Conclusion

    The time has come for institutions of higher education in India to recover their lost voice and restore the fertile academic space where ideas are discussed and debated rather than suppressed and dismissed.

    Original article:

    https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/the-lost-voice-of-the-indian-university/article32105945.ece

  • [pib] NISHTHA Programme

    The first on-line NISHTHA programme for 1200 Key Resources Persons in Andhra Pradesh was launched by Union HRD Ministry.

    There are various web/portals/apps with peculiar names such as YUKTI, DISHA, SWAYAM etc. Their core purpose is similar with slight differences. Pen them down on a separate sheet under the title various digital HRD initiatives.

     

    Add one more to this list.

    NISHTHA Programme

    • NISHTHA is an acronym for National Initiative for School Heads’ and Teachers’ Holistic Advancement.
    • It is the largest teachers’ training programme of its kind in the world.
    • The basic objective of this massive training programme ‘NISHTHA’ is to motivate and equip teachers to encourage and foster critical thinking in students.
    • The initiative is first of its kind wherein standardized training modules are developed at national level for all States and UTs.
    • The States and UTs can also contextualize the training modules and use their own material and resource persons also, keeping in view the core topics and expected outcomes of NISHTHA.

    Progress till date

    • Around 23,000 Key Resource Persons and 17.5 lakh teachers and school heads have been covered under this NISHTHA face to face mode till date.
    • It has been customized for online mode to be conducted through DIKSHA and NISHTHA portals by the NCERT.

  • U.S.-Asia coordination to preserve global order

    The focus of this article is on the U.S. policy in the Indo-Pacific and its relations with its allies there in countering China.

    Instances of China’s aggression

    • Galwan Valley is not an exception in Beijing’s recent behaviour in Asia.
    • China has also engaged in a tense geopolitical confrontation with its other neighbours.
    • Stand-offs with Vietnam and Malaysia in the South China Sea and threatening Australia with boycotts are a few examples.

    Response to China

    • Beijing’s aggressiveness is fueling debates about the underlying costs of reliance on China.
    • China’s aggression is also increasing support for closer coordination between other Indo-Pacific partners.
    • Indian, Japan, Malaysia, and Australia have all taken concrete steps to reduce their economic exposure to Beijing.
    •  India and Australia recently inked a new military logistics agreement in the “virtual summit”.
    • A similar agreement between Delhi and Tokyo may follow.
    • The Quadrilateral Dialogue between Australia, India, Japan, and the United States is growing stronger and even expanding.
    • And recently Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) issued one of their strongest statements to date on the South China Sea.
    • The ASEAN statement insisted that maritime disputes must be resolved in accordance with the UN Law of the Sea treaty.

    Asian multilateralism: Born out of crises

    • Recently the “Milk Tea Alliance”, reaction of people, born to forge solidarity between Taiwanese, Hong Kongers, and Southeast Asians online to deal with Chinese cyberbullying.
    • The Chiang Mai Initiative — a financial swap mechanism between China, Japan, South Korea, and Southeast Asia — emerged in the aftermath of the late 1990s financial crisis.
    • ASEAN, created in 1967, did not convene its first heads of state meeting until fall of Saigon in 1976 in the Vietnam War.

    Role of the U.S.

    • The COVID-19 crisis is remaking the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific.
    • The ongoing crisis has made countries aware of seriousness of Chinese dominance.
    • This situation has given the U.S. opportunity it has long sought: 1) More credible multilateral coordination among allies, 2) Pushback against online disinformation. 3) The desire to better integrate like-minded economies and supply chains.
    • But the crisis is also raising renewed questions about the American leadership.
    • The question now facing the U.S. is whether or not it can harness this new regional momentum.

    Alienating allies

    • U.S. continues to make unforced errors that create distance with U.S. allies and partners.
    • For example, its focus on cutting support for the WHO and asserting that COVID-19 originated in a Wuhan lab alienated Canberra.
    • Similarly, the administration’s suspension of various worker visas will almost certainly have serious repercussions in India.

    What should be the U.S. approach to Asia?

    • The U.S. needs to make two major shifts.
    • First, U.S. policy needs to start supporting, rather than attempting to commandeer, regional efforts to build a less China-centric future for the Indo-Pacific.
    • While Chinese aggression provides powerful motivation for coordination, U.S. partners are seeking an agenda that is framed in broader terms than simply rallying to counter Beijing.
    • If the U.S. wants to reduce reliance on Beijing and “re-couple” investments and supply chains among allied nations, it is going to have to make compromises.
    • U.S. should work with Indo-Pacific partners on the issues that they prioritise and provided them with space for independent action.
    • Second, Washington should avoid repeating Beijing’s mistakes of bullying.
    • U.S. should offer a clear alternative in word and deed to China’s “Wolf Warrior” diplomacy.
    • Moves such as demanding that a G-7 communiqué refer to COVID-19 as the “Wuhan virus” and blocking mask shipments to close allies are the kind of counterproductive bullying.

    Options for Asian countries

    • Beijing’s recent aggression is not an aberration but part of a growing pattern.
    • As Beijing’s confidence in its growing material and military power solidifies, its neighbours will need to think carefully about the long-term decisions necessary to preserve an open regional order.
    • Facing the unprecedented health and economic crises spawned by COVID-19, the U.S. and Asian partners will need to coordinate more closely.
    • Asian countries should strengthen their own regional networks.
    • This Asian network will challenge the views of those in both Washington and Beijing who would see the region only as a sparring ground.

    Conclusion

    For American and Asian leaders, the choice is stark: encourage and foster this trend, recognising that stronger regional coordination will require more compromises as well as tougher choices, or resist it and risk being left behind.

  • India should believe in the EU

    India and the EU have many things in common. And there are many areas in which both can expand the cooperation. This article explores commonalities and the areas which offer the scope for enhancing the cooperation. 

    Common interests

    • Both aim to enhance strategic autonomy and their global standing.
    • Diversifying strategic value chains is also a common interest.
    • Both seek to address the issue of climate change on an urgent basis.

    Economic ties with the EU

    • The EU is India’s largest trading partner accounting for €80 billion worth of trade in goods in 2019.
    • This is equal to 11.1% of total Indian trade.
    • The EU is also the biggest foreign investor, with €67.7 billion worth of investments made in 2018.
    • Which is equal to 22% of total FDI inflows.

    Scope for improving the economic ties

    • The EU’s investments in China amounted to €175.3 billion (2018).
    • So, India could succeed in attracting EU investment that might be moving out of China.
    • To attract this outflowing investment, India must address the mutual trust deficit.
    • Enhanced business cooperation can help both the EU and India diversify their strategic value chains.
    • Increasing people’s mobility and connectivity is another area that can create opportunities for innovation and growth.

    Talks on FTA

    • Both sides need to move further on the Free Trade Agreement.
    • A new study from the European Parliament estimates the impact of an EU-India trade agreement between €8 billion and €8.5 billion.
    • The study also mentions additional potential gains from enhanced coordination on the provision of global public goods, such as environmental standards.

    Cooperation on climate change

    • Under the new industrial strategy, the Green Deal, the EU has set an ambitious target to be carbon-emission neutral by 2050.
    • If the EU and India succeed in transforming into carbon-neutral economies by 2050, we all would gain from the investment.

    Strategic partnership with EU

    • The Indo-Pacific region is becoming contentious, so India should capitalise on its geopolitical leverage there.
    • Cooperation with like-minded, democratic powers can support this effort, especially towards assertive competitors like China.
    • The EU as a whole offers more to India than the strongest bilateral relations with individual EU member state.
    • New Delhi must learn how to maximise benefits from this strategic partnership.
    • The disruption caused by COVID-19 has been the occasion for the EU to prove its worth.
    • “Next-generation EU proposal” submitted by the European Commission has economic as well as geopolitical implications.
    • The proposal shows that the ties that bind the EU extend well beyond treaties and individual members’ self-interest.
    • The EU champions the rules-based international order, so the EU and India must act to promote sustainable reform of multilateral institutions starting from the WTO.

    Consider the question “India-EU ties with many common interests assume significance as rule-based order is being challenged by the rise of exceptionalism. Comment.”

    Conclusion

    A strong partnership would help both the EU and India become global decision-makers and tackle the challenges caused by the disruption of global order collectively.

  • What is Non-Personal Data?

    A government committee headed by Infosys co-founder has suggested that non-personal data generated in the country be allowed to be harnessed by various domestic companies and entities.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.What is Non-Personal Data? Discuss its utility and various privacy concerns associated with it.

    What is non-personal data?

    • In its most basic form, non-personal data is any set of data which does not contain personally identifiable information.
    • This, in essence, means that no individual or living person can be identified by looking at such data.
    • For example, while order details collected by a food delivery service will become non-personal data if the identifiers such as name and contact information are taken out.
    • The government committee, which submitted its report, has classified non-personal data into three main categories, namely public non-personal data, community non-personal data and private non-personal data.

    Types of non-personal data

    Depending on the source of the data and whether it is anonymised in a way that no individual can be re-identified from the data set, the three categories have been divided:

    1) Public

    All the data collected by government and its agencies such as census, data collected by municipal corporations on the total tax receipts in a particular period or any information collected during execution of all publicly funded works have been kept under the umbrella of public non-personal data.

    2) Community

    Any data identifiers about a set of people who have the same geographic location, religion, job, or other common social interests will form the community non-personal data. For example, the metadata collected by ride-hailing apps, telecom companies, electricity distribution companies among others have been put under the community non-personal data category by the committee.

    3) Private

    Private non-personal data can be defined as those which are produced by individuals which can be derived from the application of proprietary software or knowledge.

    How sensitive can non-personal data be?

    • Unlike personal data, which contains explicit information about a person’s name, age, gender, sexual orientation, biometrics and other genetic details, non-personal data is more likely to be in an anonymised form.
    • However, in certain categories such as data related to national security or strategic interests such as locations of government laboratories or research facilities, even if provided in anonymised form can be dangerous.
    • Similarly, even if the data is about the health of a community or a group of communities, though it may be in anonymised form, it can still be dangerous, the committee opined.
    • Possibilities of such harm are obviously much higher if the original personal data is of a sensitive nature.
    • Therefore, the non-personal data arising from such sensitive personal data may be considered as sensitive non-personal data.

    What are the global standards on non-personal data?

    • In May 2019, the EU came out with a regulatory framework for the free flow of non-personal data.
    • It suggested that member states of the union would cooperate with each other when it came to data sharing.
    • Such data, the EU had then ruled would be shared by member states without any hindrances.
    • The authorities must inform the commission of any draft act which introduces a new data localisation requirement or makes changes to an existing data localisation requirement.
    • The regulation, however, had not defined what non-personal data constituted of and had simply said all data which is not personal would be under its category.

    What areas does India’s non-personal data draft miss?

    • Though the non-personal data draft is a pioneer in identifying the power, role, and usage of anonymised data, there are certain aspects such as community non-personal data, where the draft could have been clearer.
    • Non-personal data often constitute protected trade secrets and often raises significant privacy concerns.
    • The paper proposes the nebulous concept of community data while failing to adequately provide for community rights.
    • Other experts also believe that the final draft of the non-personal data governance framework must clearly define the roles for all participants, such as the data principal, the data custodian, and data trustees.

    Conclusion

    • Regulation must be clear, and concise to provide certainty to its market participants, and must demarcate the roles and responsibilities of participants in the regulatory framework.
    • The report is unclear on these counts and requires public consultation and more deliberation.

  • No medical examination for Trans Persons

    After facing flak from the transgender community, the Centre has done away with the requirement of a medical examination for trans persons applying for a certificate of identity in its latest draft rules framed under the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.What are the salient features of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019? Also, discuss the loopholes.

    What are the new rules?

    • The draft of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Rules, 2020, published stated that a District Magistrate would issue a transgender identity certificate and card based on an affidavit by the applicant, but without any medical examination.

    Issue with the earlier draft

    • An earlier draft of the rules had mandated a report from a psychologist along with the affidavit for the application.
    • The transgender rights movement had opposed this, as it was seen as going against a trans person’s right to self-identification, which was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2014.

    Change of gender is permissible

    • In case of change of gender, the application for new identification would require a certificate from the medical superintendent or chief medical officer of the medical institution where the applicant the surgery.
    • For this, the Centre has proposed a series of welfare schemes, including making at least one hospital in each State equipped to provide safe and free gender-affirming surgery and counselling and hormone replacement therapy among others.

    Back2Basics: The 2014 Judgement on Trans-persons Rights

    • The Supreme Court in 2014 recognized transgenders as the third gender in a landmark ruling, saying it was addressing a “human rights issue”.
    • The ruling came after it heard a PIL filed by National Legal Services Authority (Nalsa) demanding equal rights.
    • The judgements said that non-recognition of gender identity amounts to discrimination under Article 15, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex.
    • The spirit of the constitution is to provide equal opportunity to every citizen to grow and attain their potential, irrespective of caste, religion or gender said justices K.S. Radhakrishnan and A.K. Sikri in their ruling.
    • Self-identification as man or woman, irrespective of sexual reassignment surgery, was now protected by law.
    • The judges said rights such as the right to vote, own property, marry and to “claim a formal identity” would be made available “more meaningfully” to the transgender community as a result of the ruling.

    Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2019

    The Parliament passed the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2019.

    Key Features

    • Definition of a transgender person: The Bill defines a transgender person as one whose gender does not match the gender assigned at birth. It includes transmen and trans-women, persons with intersex variations, gender-queers, and persons with socio-cultural identities, such as kinnar and hijra.
    • Certificate of identity: A transgender person may make an application to the District Magistrate for a certificate of identity, indicating the gender as ‘transgender’.
    • Prohibition against discrimination: The Bill prohibits discrimination against a transgender person, including denial of service or unfair treatment in relation to:
      • Education, employment, healthcare.
      • Access to or enjoyment of goods, facilities, opportunities available to the public.
      • Right to movement, right to reside, rent, or otherwise occupy property.
      • Opportunity to hold public or private office.
      • Access to a government or private establishment in whose care or custody a transgender person is.
    • Health care
      • The Bill also seeks to provide rights of health facilities to transgender persons including separate HIV surveillance centres, and sex reassignment surgeries.
      • It also states that the government shall review medical curriculum to address health issues of transgender persons, and provide comprehensive medical insurance schemes for them.
    • It calls for establishing a National Council for Transgender persons (NCT).
    • Punishment: It states that the offences against transgender persons will attract imprisonment between six months and two years, in addition to a fine.

  • Azad Pattan Hydel Project

    Pakistan and China have signed an agreement for the 700 MW Azad Pattan hydel power project on the Jhelum River in Sudhoti district of PoK.

    Try this question from CSP 2019:

    Q.What is common to the places known as Aliyar, Isapur and Kangsabati?

    (a) Recently discovered uranium deposits

    (b) Tropical rain forests

    (c) Underground cave systems

    (d) Water reservoirs

    Azad Pattan hydel project

    • The project is a run-of-the-river scheme with a reservoir located near Muslimabad village, 7 km upstream from the Azad Pattan bridge, in district Sudhnoti, one of the eight districts of PoK.
    • It is one of five hydropower schemes on the Jhelum.
    • Upstream from Azad Pattan are the Mahl, Kohala, and Chakothi Hattian projects; Karot is downstream. Like Kohala and Azad Pattan, Karot too is being developed under the CPEC framework.
    • The project will comprise a 90-metre-high dam, with a 3.8 sq km reservoir.
    • The $ 1.5-billion project is the second power project under the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

    Other projects in PoK

    • Kohala project is a 1,124 MW hydel project that will come upon the Jhelum near Muzaffarabad. This project is one of the biggest investments by China in PoK.
    • The Karot Hydropower station, the third project being executed by China on the Jhelum is on the boundaries of Kotli district in PoK and Rawalpindi district in Pakistan’s Punjab province.
    • Two hydel projects are planned in Gilgit Baltistan – Phandar Hydro Power, and Gilgit KIU.
    • Most recent in the news was Diamer-Bhasha dam in the PoK.

  • [pib] PRAGYATA Guidelines on Digital Education

    Union HRD Ministry has released PRAGYATA Guidelines on Digital Education through online medium.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.Discuss the impact of the COVID induced lockdowns on the education system in India. Give some solutions for it.

    PRAGYATA guidelines

    • The guidelines include eight steps of online/ digital learning that is, Plan- Review- Arrange- Guide- Yak(talk)- Assign- Track- Appreciate.
    • These guidelines have been developed from the perspective of learners, with a focus on online/blended/digital education for students who are presently at home due to lockdown.
    • It provides a roadmap or pointers for carrying forward online education to enhance the quality of education.
    • The guidelines will be relevant and useful for a diverse set of stakeholders including school heads, teachers, parents, teacher educators and students.
    • It stresses upon the use of an alternative academic calendar of NCERT, for both, learners having access to digital devices and learners having limited or no access.

     Major highlights

    The guidelines highlight 3 modes of online education:

    The guidelines outline suggestions for administrators, school heads, teachers, parents and students in the following areas:

    • Need assessment
    • Concerns while planning online and digital education like duration, screen time, inclusiveness, balanced online and offline activities etc level-wise
    • Modalities of intervention including resource curation, level-wise delivery etc.
    • Physical, mental health and wellbeing during digital education
    • Cyber safety and ethical practices including precautions and measures for maintaining cyber safety
    • Collaboration and convergence with various initiatives

    Recommended screen time

    Class Recommendation
    Pre Primary Not more than 30 minutes.
    Classes 1 to 12 Recommended to adopt/adapt the alternative academic calendar of NCERT
    Classes 1 to 8 Not more than two sessions of 30-45 minutes each on the days
    Classes 9 to 12 Not more than four sessions of 30-45 minutes each on the days

    Guidelines for parents

    • For parents, the guideline helps to understand the need for physical, mental health and wellbeing along with the cyber safety measures for children at home.
    • Guidelines for physical health and mental wellness is stressed so that children do not get overly stretched or stressed, or get affected owing to prolonged use of digital devices.
    • Also, it provides sufficient Dos and Don’ts regarding ergonomics and cyber safety.

  • [pib] India’s Voluntary National Review (VNR) of SDGs

    The NITI Aayog has recently presented India’s second Voluntary National Review at the UN’s High-Level Political Forum (HLPF) on Sustainable Development, 2020.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.Discuss the institutional approach adopted by NITI Aayog for the 2030 Agenda of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations.

    About the UN Forum on SDGs

    • The HLPF is the foremost international platform for follow-up and review of progress on the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
    • The HLPF meets annually in July for eight days under the auspices of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the UN.
    • The VNRs presented by the Member States at the HLPF are a critical component of the review of progress and implementation of the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs.
    • The reviews are voluntary and state-led and are aimed at facilitating the sharing of experiences, including successes, challenges and lessons learned.

    India VNR 2020

    • NITI Aayog prepared and presented India’s first VNR in 2017.
    • The report is a comprehensive account of the adoption and implementation of the 2030 Agenda in India.
    • India’s VNR this year has undertaken a paradigm shift in terms of embodying a “whole-of-society” approach in letter and spirit.
    • Apart from presenting a review of progress on the 17 SDGs, the report discusses at length the policy and enabling environment, India’s approach to localizing SDGs, and strengthening means of implementation.
    • Leveraging science, technology and innovation for SDGs, and costing and financing of SDGs are the two levers of strengthening means of implementation which have been introduced this year.

    Consultations made for the VNR 2020

    From Global to Local -key steps of localisation of SDGs in India