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  • Why are the fisherfolk protesting over Vizhinjam Port Project?

    Vizhinjam near Thiruvananthapuram, is on the boil due to the under-construction Vizhinjam Port Project, from both sea and land.

    Vizhinjam Port Project

    • The Vizhinjam International Transhipment Deep-water Multipurpose Seaport is an ambitious project taken up by Government of Kerala.
    • It is designed primarily to cater container transhipment besides multi-purpose and break bulk cargo.
    • The port is being currently developed in landlord model with a Public Private Partnership component on a design, build, finance, operate and transfer (“DBFOT”) basis.

    Why protests are erupted?

    • The protestors have been opposing the construction work by the Adani Vizhinjam Port Private Limited.
    • Adani group is developing the port on DBFOT basis.

    What lies at the heart of the protest?

    • According to fisherfolk, the port work has aggravated the coastal erosion along the coast of Thiruvananthapuram.
    • A scientific study to assess the impact of the port work on the shoreline has to be conducted urgently by stopping the construction.
    • Further, around 300 families along the coastline were shifted to relief camps after their houses were destroyed due to high-intensity coastal erosion.
    • The protesters demand a comprehensive rehabilitation package, an assured minimum wage when the sea turns rough due to inclement weather and subsidised kerosene for boats.

    Why the Vizhinjam project is considered important?

    • The port is located on the southern tip of the Indian Peninsula, just 10 nautical miles from the major international sea route and east-west shipping axis.
    • It has a natural water depth of more than 20 m within a nautical mile from the coast.
    • The Vizhinjam port is likely to play a pivotal role in the maritime development of the country and Kerala.
    • The commissioning of the port is expected to leverage the growth of 17 minor ports in the State along with creating thousands of employment opportunities.

     

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  • Edible coating to prolong shelf life of fruits and vegetables

    A team of researchers at the IIT — Guwahati has developed an edible coating using marine alga that coated on vegetables and fruits, substantially extends their shelf-life.

    Dunaliella tertiolecta: The Edible coating

    • The team used a mix of an extract of a marine microalga called Dunaliella tertiolecta and polysaccharides to produce it.
    • The microalga is known for its antioxidant properties and has various bioactive compounds such as carotenoids and proteins.
    • It is also used to produce algal oil, a non-animal source of omega-3 fatty acid and is considered a good source of biofuel.
    • After the oil is extracted, the residue is usually discarded.
    • The researchers used extracts from this residue in formulating their film, in combination with chitosan, which is a carbohydrate.
    • It also has antimicrobial and antifungal properties and can be made into an edible film.

    Benefits of this Edible coating

    • The films displayed superior antioxidant activity, thermal stability, mechanical strength, total phenolic content and water vapour barrier property.
    • They also had excellent UV-Vis light-blocking properties.
    • The researchers also tested the biosafety of these coatings.

    Why is it viable?

    • The new coatings can be mass-produced.
    • They are very stable to light, heat, and temperature up to 40C, edible, and can be safely eaten as part of the product formulation and do not add unfavourable properties to it.
    • They retain texture, colour, appearance, flavour and nutritional value.
    • The material can be either directly coated on the vegetables and fruits or made into a vegetable storage pouch.
    • In both cases, the shelf-life of the vegetables can be extended.
    • It is a simple dip coating technique with no significant cost added to the post-harvest processing.

    Economic significance of Edible coating

    • According to the Indian Council of Agricultural Research, between 4.6 and 15.9 per cent of fruits and vegetables go waste post-harvest, partly due to poor storage conditions.
    • In fact, post-harvest loss in certain produce items like potato, onion, and tomato could even be as high as 19%, which results in high prices for this highly consumed commodity.

     

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  • Old age poverty is getting worse if not addressed soon

    old age povertyContext

    • India’s old age poverty will be big by 2050. Only 2% informal workers have invested in NPS.
    • Poverty is about not having enough money to meet basic needs including food, clothing and shelter. However, poverty is more, much more than just not having enough money.

    Why is age a cause of poverty?

    • The “oldest-old”, aged 80 years or over, are less able to work than younger older persons; are more likely to have spent their savings; and are most in need of age-appropriate health and long-term personal care services.

    How age induces poverty in India?

    • India has no legal provisions for income security of the elderly, making the impacts of ageing far harsher for those who are already economically vulnerable.
    • Deteriorating brain and muscle capacity are largely non-negotiable facts of life, limiting one’s ability to get a job or remain employed.

    Reasons for old age poverty

    old age poverty

    • Dependency: A large section of the senior population in India is still dependent on the joint family set up for their senior care and post-retirement needs, with financial planning for retirement taking a back seat.
    • High population: An increase in the number of seniors in India will reduce the percentage of India’s human resource capital and its ability to drive economic growth.
    • Low insurance penetration: This highlights the inadequacy and underscores the critical need to streamline retirement planning schemes and strengthen the pension programs in the country. There is a lacks of social security framework.

    Data to remember

    People employed in the unorganised sector form around 90 per cent of India’s workforce.

    How to assure wellness and dignity to elders?

    • Income security in the form of monthly pensions either state-assured or employment-linked has been one of the most prevalent modes of assuring continued wellness and dignity against the life-shock of ageing.

    old age povertyAddressing the roadblock

    • Universal pension program: Income security in later years stems from multiple sources such as pensions, insurances (medical and life), Investments. This provides an opportunity for India to create a universal pension program for its 1.3 billion people.
    • Financial incentives: There is a pressing need to promote and facilitate fiscal planning in the early years and supplement it with senior-friendly tax structures and integrated insurance products. Such measures can help provide multiple income options to seniors to help them embrace a lifestyle of their choice.
    • Regulatory mechanism: A regulatory mechanism will set a viable base rate for the interest accrued on senior citizen deposits and ensure market dips don’t affect retirement income and senior-specific saving plans.

    Case study

    • Rwanda has achieved roughly 2 million voluntary micro-pension enrolments (30 per cent of its adult population) within three years by making digital account activation easy and simple for informal workers.

     

    Government intervention to improve elderly wellness

    • A strong and sustained political commitment,
    • A statutory pension sector regulator,
    • A well-designed and low-cost NPS product architecture,
    • Credible and well-regulated NPS intermediaries,
    • Securities market capable of delivering high returns,
    • Near-universal banking and mobile penetration,
    • The India Stack infrastructure with Aadhaar for easy eKYC, and UPI for secure digital payments.

    Conclusion

    • The government, Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority (PFRDA) and the NPS industry now need to urgently put their heads together and address the obvious supply and demand side barriers. Every day is precious. After all, pension exclusion is akin to climate change. It needs immediate attention. By 2050, India’s problem of old age poverty will have become way too large, too late, too expensive and entirely irreversible.

    Mains question

    Q. Nearly 400 million young, economically active Indians are slowly walking towards extreme old age poverty in this context how will you explain and analyse the term old age poverty? Suggest some dynamic measures to address this problem.

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  • India’s tax-GDP ratio may be too high

    Context

    What the data conclusively show is that the debate on the Indian economy should shift away from simplistic notions (borrowed from the West?) of the tax-GDP ratio being low in India.

    India’s low tax-to-GDP ratio

    • One of the stylised beliefs in India, and amongst some leading economic commentators both in India and abroad, is that our tax/GDP ratio is lower than what it “should” be.
    • This low tax-to-GDP ratio is blamed for a lower rate of investment, a higher fiscal deficit, and lower GDP growth — and all because the tax ratio is too low.
    • There can be reasonable doubts about the presumed links.
    • There are three important fiscal variables in the economy — taxes, fiscal deficit, and debt.
    • They are inter-related — lower tax revenue means higher fiscal deficit, for the same level of expenditures, and higher deficit means higher debt.
    • All three, directly or indirectly, are assumed to affect growth and/or inflation.

    Analysing India’s tax-to-GDP ratio

    • Two common observations on tax-to-GDP for India — first, it is low at around 10-11 per cent of GDP and it has stayed at close to that level for the last 20 years.
    • In 2019, it hit a decade low of 10 per cent of GDP, the same as in 2014.
    • Second, in comparison with our peers, it is much lower.
    • Hence, logic dictates that we should strive to increase it.
    • But which country should we compare India with?

    Issues with comparing tax-to-GDP with other countries

    • A common observation is to look at the tax-GDP ratio in G20 countries.
    • Function of average level of per capita income: This is the beginning of a set of misinterpretations committed either knowingly, or unknowingly.
    • Because simple logic dictates that tax collected is a function of the average level of per capita income.
    • Per capita income in the G20 varies from around $2,100 (India) to around $65,000 (US).
    • The 10-11 per cent figure for India is the tax/GDP ratio for taxes administered at the central level.
    • Challenges in data collection: Taxes in India, as in many other large, especially federal, countries, are collected at both a federal and state level.
    • And many economies have local (municipal) taxes as well. The tax collected is the sum of all these taxes.
    • Until now, collecting such disaggregated data for a large set of countries was challenging.
    • However, in a recent web publication, the IMF on their World Revenue Longitudinal Data set has published such data for all countries, from 1990-2019.
    • In this pre-pandemic year, among G20 economies, India’s tax-GDP (Xtax) ratio of 16.7 per cent was higher than that of China (15.9 per cent), Mexico (14.1 per cent), Indonesia (11.0 per cent), Saudi Arabia (5.9 per cent) and Turkey (15.9 per cent).
    • A more informative indicator of whether a country is taxing too much or too little in comparison with others is to look at the tax-GDP ratio adjusted for PPP per capita income.
    • Prediction via a simple regression of tax-to-GDP on log PPP per capita GDP can yield one estimate of the tax gap — the difference between actual and actual adjusted for level of income.
    • The world average tax gap is -1.3 per cent; India is +1.2 per cent for the nine years 2011-2019.
    • So, India’s tax GDP ratio averages 2.5 percentage points more than an average economy.
    • For every year for which data are available 1990-2019, India has had a positive tax gap — there is little evidence that a higher tax/GDP ratio helps growth.

    How corporate tax cut helped India

    • Corporate tax cut 2019: For years, the advocacy in India was to increase revenue from corporate tax which is one of three major components of tax revenue, the other being income and indirect taxes.
    • In September 2019, Finance Minister going well against Indian established conventional wisdom, lowered the corporate tax rate by around 10 percentage points.
    • Avoiding triple whammy: Opponents said that empirical evidence around the world (for example, the US) meant that if tax rates were lowered, revenues would decline, the fisc would increase, as would inequality.
    • A triple whammy that is best avoided.
    • However, now, three years later, we can assess the efficacy (or not) of this bold experiment.
    • For the three months April-June 2022, corporate tax revenues, y-o-y, are up 30 per cent.
    • Using fiscal 2019-20 as a base, corporate tax revenue has increased by 66 per cent, GDP by 33 per cent — an average tax buoyancy of 2.0 over three years.
    • The previous largest tax buoyancy was in 2006-7 when the world was buoyant.
    • Tentatively, the tax-GDP ratio in the fiscal year 2022-23 will average over 18 per cent in India, a level close to Japan and the US.

    Conclusion

    In India, the debate should shift to expenditures, and quality of expenditures (and perhaps to reform of the direct tax code). In this regard, suggestion that freebies be critically examined is most timely and welcome.

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     Back2Basics: Tax buoyancy and tax elasticity

    • Tax buoyancy: The buoyancy of a tax system measures the total response of tax revenue both to changes innational income and to discretionary changes in tax policies over time, and it is traditionally interpreted as the percentage change in revenue associated to a one percent change in income.
    • Tax elasticity: It refers to changes in tax revenue in response to changes in tax rate.
    • For example, how tax revenue changes if the government reduces corporate income tax from 30 per cent to 25 per cent indicate tax elasticity.
  • Personal Data Protection Bill

    Context

    In a surprise development last week, the Government withdrew the Personal Data Protection (PDP) Bill, 2019, thereby abruptly halting the country’s quest for a national data protection law that had been in the works for over five years.

    Reasons for withdrawal of the Bill

    • The short circular issued by the Minister of Electronics and Information Technology states that considering the report of the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) — it had proposed 81 amendments and made 12 recommendations — “a comprehensive legal framework is being worked on”. 
    • There is no elaboration on what such a “comprehensive legal framework” entails.
    • Possible plan of action: The Government could enact a fresh privacy legislation or a comprehensive data protection law (covering both personal and non-personal data).
    • Subsuming data protection in IT Act: Alternatively, it could subsume data protection under its ongoing attempts at revising the existing Information Technology Act, 2000.
    • Digital markets law: It could also enact a digital markets law, along the lines of the European Union’s Digital Services Act, focusing on competition and innovation in the digital space.

    Background of the introduction of Personal Data Protection Bill

    • When the Supreme Court of India affirmed the right to privacy in  K.S. Puttaswamy judgment in 2017, the nine-judge Bench of the Court referred to the Government’s Office Memorandum constituting the B.N. Srikrishna Committee to suggest a draft Data Protection Bill.
    • The committee released its draft Personal Data Protection Bill in 2018, which was the first public articulation of a data protection law in India.
    • When the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Aadhaar Act, the majority emphasised that it believed that “there is a need for a proper legislative mechanism for data protection”.
    • In December 2019, the Government introduced the PDP Bill, 2019 in the Lok Sabha as a comprehensive personal data protection regime.
    • The Bill was referred to the JPC for its recommendations.

    What were the issues with the Bill?

    • Power to exemption with state: The Bill’s expansive exemptions allowed the state to exempt the entire application of the law simply as if it was “expedient” to do so in the interest of national security or public order.
    • Powers without accountability: The PDP Bill, 2019 as well as the JPC’s version established a strong regulator (the Data Protection Authority) with a lot of power, but very little independence or accountability.
    • Data localisation: The Bill imposed a strong data localisation mandate, requiring companies to store all sensitive personal data and critical personal data (which was not defined) in India.
    • Subsuming the personal and non-personal data: The JPC recommended subsuming the regulation of personal data and non-personal data within a single legislation, even though it undermined the Puttaswamy mandate to ensure protection of personal data.

    Why we need data protection law?

    • Increasing internet use: India currently has over 750 million Internet users, with the number only expected to increase in the future.
    • The Government is also making a strong push for a ‘Digital India’, with increased focus on digitisation of access to health, ration, banking, insurance, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic.
    • There is a greater focus on the inter-linking of data, whether through facial recognition, Aadhaar, or the Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022.
    • Data breaches: At the same time, India has among the highest data breaches in the world.
    • Without a data protection law in place, the data of millions of Indians continues to be at risk of being exploited, sold, and misused without their consent.
    • Lack of writ proceeding against corporate action: Unlike state action, corporate action or misconduct is not subject to writ proceedings in India.
    • This is because fundamental rights are, by and large, not enforceable against private non-state entities.
    • This leaves individuals with limited remedies against private actors.
    • A personal data protection legislation would remedy this lacuna by providing individuals with proper grievance redress options and creating sufficient deterrence among private actors.

    Conclusion

    It is imperative that the Government soon introduces a fresh data protection legislation, drawn after proper public consultation. Such a law should take into consideration the criticisms that have been raised by civil society as well as the private sector.

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  • Using a rupee route to get around a dominating dollar

    Context

    A number of countries, including India, are now considering the use of other currencies to avoid the U.S. dollar and its hegemonic role in settling international transactions.

    Currency hierarchy

    • For India, currency hierarchy goes back to colonial times when the Indian rupee was virtually linked to the British pound rather than to gold which it earned through exports.
    • In the post-War period, the neo-colonial currency hierarchy has been clubbed with the continued use, primarily of the U.S. dollar, for the majority of international transactions.

    Rupee settlement of trade

    • In recent times, India has been taking an active interest in having the rupee used for trade and the settlement of payments with other countries, which include Russia, now facing sanctions.
    • The Reserve Bank of India has recently taken a proactive stand to have rupee settlement of trade (circular dated July 11, 2022).
    • While options for invoicing in rupees were already legal in terms of Regulation 7(1) of the Foreign Exchange Management (Deposit) Regulations, 2016, the current circular aims to operationalise the special Vostro accounts with Russian banks in India, in a bid to promote trade and also gain a better status for the rupee as an international currency.

    Opportunities for India

    • The advantages India is currently seeking in these arrangements include avoidance of transactions in the highly priced dollar which has an exchange value of ₹80, impacting the Indian economy with inflation, capital flight and the drop in foreign exchange reserves by $70 billion since September 2021.
    •  Buying oil with a depreciated ruble, and at discounts, is not only cost-saving but also saves transport time with the use of multi-modal routes using land, sea and air routes.
    • In addition, India is looking forward to trade expansion in sanctions-affected Russia.
    • With India having a trade deficit with Russia, which has been around $3.52 billion on average over the last two financial years, India’s opportunities include the possible use, by Russia, of the surpluses in the Vostro rupee account in Russian banks for additional purchases from India.
    • Past attempts: Attempts to use the rupee for invoicing and trading is, however, not new to India.
    • A comprehensive bilateral trade and payments agreement was signed by India in 1953 with the Soviet bloc countries.

    Challenges

    • There are quite a few problems that may prevail in implementing the desired rupee payments and avoiding dollar transactions.
    • Willingness of banks and private parties: Apart from issues that concern an agreed exchange rate between the rupee and the ruble (R-R), two volatile currencies, there is also the question of the willingness of private parties (companies, banks) to accept the rupee for trade and settlements.
    •  If Russia opens its door for exports from India, the ‘R-R’ route may prove attractive for Indian exporters.
    • Concerns of the US: There are official concerns for reactions, particularly from the U.S., to deals, especially for purchase of the S-400 defence equipment.
    • Reaction of the Europe: Moreover, the deals between India and Russia, especially on oil, can be considered by the West as ‘indirect back door support’ — as India is importing Russian crude at 30% discount, processing at refineries in Gujarat which include Reliance, and then exporting those to the West.
    • Trade deficit: There were attempts even before the novel coronavirus pandemic to initiate a clearing account on the BRICS platform.
    • The quantitative implications indicate a skewed pattern of transactions — with China having most of the trade surplus.
    • It is a pattern similar to what is happening in India-Russia trade at the moment.

    Conclusion

    The India-Soviet agreements of the past may provide a clue on how the current ‘R-R’ trade and the problems can be managed by initiating a push for Indian exports to Russia and, of course, avoiding all deals in dollars — benefiting both trade partners and countering, globally, the on-going currency hierarchy.

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  • RBI, government must act in coordination during an economically challenging period

    Context

    In the recent MPC meeting, the policy rate hike was widely expected, more anticipated were the MPC and the RBI Governor’s forward guidance on the trajectory of policy — on both monetary policy and liquidity instruments. So, how do we see monetary policy evolve over the rest of the year and beyond?

    Tightening of monetary policy

    • Repo rate at 5.4 per cent: In its latest meeting, the members of the monetary policy committee voted unanimously to increase the policy repo rate by 50 basis points to 5.4 per cent.
    • The repo rate was 5.15 per cent in February 2020.
    • So, in effect, the RBI’s policy has not only been normalised, but has actually tightened compared to the pre-pandemic level.
    •  Even the lower bound of the rate corridor, the Standing Deposit Facility (SDF) rate, at 5.25 per cent is now above the pre-pandemic repo rate.

    Forward guidance on stance

    • The MPS indicated the retaining the policy stance rather than shifting to “neutral”.
    • This retention of stance might be interpreted as being a bit more hawkish than “neutral”, which implies that rates might be both increased or cut, depending on economic conditions.
    • Now that policy is largely normalised, the pace of tightening is likely to moderate.
    • The urgency of aggressive rate hikes and tightening of liquidity has somewhat moderated, although risks remain.
    • RBI’s research suggests that the “real natural rate” — the rate at which policy is neither loose nor tight – is 0.8-1 per cent.
    • This operative interest rate is usually the three-month T-bill rate, which in “normal” times averages 10-15 basis points above the repo rate.
    • Considering that monetary policy is calibrated over a one-year horizon and using the RBI’s inflation forecast of 5 per cent for the first quarter of 2023-24, the “natural” repo rate will be around 5.85 per cent.

    Inflation and growth conditions

    • The RBI’s growth projection for 2022-23 has been retained at 7.2 per cent, with growth frontloaded in the first half.
    • CPI inflation is still forecast to average 6.7 per cent.
    • Inflationary pressures are likely to wane in the second half of 2022-23, particularly if the recent drop in industrial metals prices persists over the next few months.
    • A more or less normal monsoon might help in keeping food prices stable. However, risks remain.
    • Robust growth prospects: Demand for consumption goods seems to be resilient, enabling some further pass-through of input costs.
    • Combine this with tight labour markets and rising wage costs in some tech-oriented sectors.
    • High frequency indicators of economic activity have recovered after some weakness in June.
    • In addition to resilient demand, there is evidence of a closing of the “output gap”.
    • Global growth: Global growth and trade are forecast to significantly slow down in 2022 and 2023, largely due to aggressive tightening by G-10 central banks and a slowdown in China.
    • The IMF predicts global trade volume (both merchandise and services) to slow to 4.1 per cent and 3.2 per cent in 2022 and 2023, down from 10.1 per cent in 2021.
    • With world growth and trade flows moderating, along with a drop in commodities prices, India’s export growth is likely to be lower than last year.

    External financial condition

    • The current account deficit remains a concern.
    • India’s external balance sheet remains quite robust, as is evident from various balance of payments and debt metrics, and reportedly low unhedged foreign currency borrowings.
    • Continued tightening by global central banks, particularly the US Federal Reserve over the rest of 2022, will keep India’s external financial conditions tight and likely limit portfolio capital flows.
    • However, there are some signs emanating from these central banks that the hitherto front-loaded tightening might moderate going forward.
    • This will take some pressure off the rupee, though, exchange rate volatility management will remain a part of the overall monetary policy management framework.

    Challenge of surplus liquidity

    • During the earlier phase of policy normalisation and the recent tightening, liquidity management has played an important role in influencing short-term money market interest rates.
    • The current latent surplus liquidity — the existing funds with banks and the Union government’s unspent revenues parked with RBI — is over Rs 5 lakh crore.
    • While the extent of liquidity surplus during the Covid months has come down, these levels are still much higher than RBI estimates of non-inflationary levels of surplus, which is around Rs 1.8-2.4 lakh crore.
    • This will gradually fall with cash withdrawals and some potential RBI dollar sales in the coming months.

    Conclusion

    The central bank, in coordination with the government, has ensured an orderly evolution of economic conditions during a very complex and challenging environment. The exit process now will also need the same adroit use of policy instruments.

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    Back2Basics: Standing Deposit Facility rate

    • The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in April 2022 introduced the Standing Deposit Facility (SDF), an additional tool for absorbing liquidity, at an interest rate of 3.75 per cent.
    • The main purpose of SDF is to reduce the excess liquidity  in the system, and control inflation.
    • In 2018, the amended Section 17 of the RBI Act empowered the Reserve Bank to introduce the SDF – an additional tool for absorbing liquidity without any collateral.
    • By removing the binding collateral constraint on the RBI, the SDF strengthens the operating framework of monetary policy.
    • The SDF is also a financial stability tool in addition to its role in liquidity management.
    • The SDF replaced the fixed rate reverse repo (FRRR) as the floor of the liquidity adjustment facility corridor.
    • The SDF rate will be 25 bps below the policy rate (Repo rate), and it will be applicable to overnight deposits at this stage.
    • It would, however, retain the flexibility to absorb liquidity of longer tenors as and when the need arises, with appropriate pricing.
  • India’s ‘wheat waiver’ WTO demand is risk-fraught

    Context

    The WTO ministerial meeting in June at Geneva did precious little to address the issue of public stockholding of food.

    Public stockholding issue at WTO

    • India’s PSH policy is based on procuring food from farmers at an administered price (minimum support price or MSP), which is generally higher than the market price.
    • PSH’s’ twin objectives: The PSH policy serves the twin objectives of offering remunerative prices to farmers and providing subsidised food to the underprivileged.
    • Trade distortion subsidy: Under WTO law, such price support-based procurement from farmers is counted as a trade-distorting subsidy, and if given beyond the permissible limit, breaches WTO law.
    • India in the World Trade Organization (WTO) — and rightly so — has been to find a permanent solution to the issue of public stockholding (PSH) of food to protect India’s food security (PSH policy).
    • Peace clause: Currently, India has temporary relief due to a ‘peace clause’ which bars countries from bringing legal challenges against price support-based procurement for food security purposes.
    • The WTO ministerial meeting in June at Geneva did precious little to address this issue.
    •  India’s concerns about the PSH issue have been taken on board.

    India’s concerns

    • For India, the real issue is not about maintaining adequate food stocks, which WTO rules do not prohibit, provided food is stocked by employing non-trade distorting instruments such as providing income support to farmers (cash transfers independent of crop production).
    • Use of MSP: India’s concern is that it should have the policy space to hold public food stocks using the MSP, which is a price support instrument.
    • However, there is no mention of price support in the Geneva declaration.
    • India’s demand for a permanent solution to the PSH policy has acquired a new dimension.
    • India insists that it should also be allowed to export food, most notably wheat, from the pool of the foodgrain procured under the MSP.
    • However, WTO law proscribes countries from exporting foodgrain procured at subsidised prices.
    • Paragraph 4 of the 2013 WTO decision on PSH for food security purposes, clearly states that countries procuring food for food-security purposes shall ensure that such procured food does not “distort trade or adversely affect the food security of other Members”.
    • The same spirit is reflected in paragraph 10 of the Geneva ministerial food security declaration, which states that countries may release surplus food stocks in the international market in accordance with WTO law.
    •  However, it is very unlikely that such a request will be acceded to.
    • As per Article IX.3 of the WTO Agreement, waivers can be adopted only in “exceptional circumstances”.

    Way forward

    • Developed countries have historically opposed India’s PSH programme as they apprehend that India might divert some of its public stock to the international market, thus depressing global prices.
    • India actively pushing for exporting food from its official granaries gives fresh ammunition to the PSH solution opponents.
    • Thus, India should revisit its stand on asking for a waiver for wheat exports from its public stockholding, which, in any case, was not a part of India’s PSH policy.
    • Spending scarce negotiating capital on this issue might dilute India’s core agenda of pushing for a permanent solution for its PSH programme to attain the goal of food security and providing remunerative prices to the farmers.
    • Negotiations at the WTO require crystal clarity of the core objectives that should be relentlessly pursued.
    • Adding newer objectives and shifting goalposts might result in falling between two stools.

    Conclusion

    Instead of asking for the waiver to export wheat from public stockholding, the laudable objective of helping countries facing food crises can be accomplished by strengthening India’s commitment to the United Nations World Food Programme.

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