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  • Species in news: Alligator Gar

    alligator-gar

    Central Idea: The Jammu and Kashmir Lake Conservation and Management Authority (LCMA) discovered a rare type of fish known as “Alligator Gar” for the first time during the ongoing cleaning of famous Dal Lake in Srinagar.

    Alligator Gar

    Information
    Scientific Name Atractosteus spatula
    Size and Weight Up to 8 feet in length, over 300 pounds
    Appearance Long, narrow body; crocodile-like head; sharp teeth
    Distribution Central and North America, freshwater habitats
    Fossil Record Traces back to the Early Cretaceous, over 100 million years ago
    Feeding Habits Voracious predator, feeds on fish, turtles, waterfowl, etc.
    Coloration Brown or olive on upper body, lighter underside
    Longevity Can live for several decades
    Conservation Status Least Concerned (IUCN)

     

     

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  • [EPW] Ladakhi Politics since the Formation of Union Territory

    [EPW] Ladakhi Politics since the Formation of Union Territory

    ladakh

    Central Idea

    • Ladakh’s political class has transformed its identity politics in just three and a half years.
    • The region has shifted from being fragmented along subregional and sectarian lines to a more inclusive approach representing the entire Ladakh.
    • The demands made by Ladakh-based bodies include full statehood, constitutional safeguards under the Sixth Schedule and increased representation in Parliament.

    About Ladakh

    • Ladakh is a region in the northernmost part of India, bordering China and Pakistan.
    • The region is home to several ethnic groups, including the Ladakhi people, who are predominantly Buddhist.

    Current administration in Ladakh

    • Ladakh was granted Union Territory status in 2019, following the bifurcation of the state of Jammu and Kashmir into two separate Union Territories.
    • The administration of Ladakh is currently governed by the Lieutenant Governor of Ladakh and an elected Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC).

    Why are such demands rising in Ladakh?

    • Changes in Ladakhi Identity Politics: Ladakh’s identity politics was divided along religious and subregional lines, with Leh and Kargil representing Buddhist and Muslim identities respectively, causing sectarian tensions. Now, Ladakhi identity politics has become inclusive, representing the entire region with a consensus on shared aspirations and demands.
    • Ladakhi Sense of Marginalization and Empowerment: Ladakh’s politics has transitioned to prioritize empowerment within a federal framework. Unlike the previous focus on separating from Kashmir, Ladakh’s politics now addresses specific issues like ecology, heritage, culture, and local needs, demonstrating a more comprehensive approach.
    • Broader considerations about Climate Vulnerability: Ladakh’s politics now emphasizes its fragile ecology. The pristine environment, including the high-altitude desert, Himalayan landscapes, and diverse flora and fauna, is highly valued. Ladakh’s political discourse centers on environmental sustainability, conservation, and preserving natural resources.

    Ladakhi Identity Politics Before 2019

    (1) Political Fragmentation

    • Based on religion: Ladakh’s identity politics was internally fragmented along religious and subregional lines.
    • Isolation from larger Kashmir: The demand for union territory status was rooted in the desire for separation from Kashmir, rather than empowerment.
    • Few voices for autonomy: Leh-based political parties strongly advocated for regional autonomy and union territory status.

    (2) Response to UT Declaration and After

    • Mixed response: The response to the formation of the union territory was divergent between Leh and Kargil.
    • Initial disperse: Leh’s political class welcomed the development, while Kargil (mostly non-buddhists) expressed despondency and opposed the decision.
    • Unified movement: Kargil’s leadership initially identified with Kashmir-based leadership but later focused on its future equation with Leh and Kargil’s empowerment.

    Ladakhi Concerns after the Formation of UT

    • Insecurity on lines with Kashmiri populations: After becoming a union territory, Ladakh faced concerns related to the protection of rights enjoyed as part of Jammu and Kashmir State.
    • New residential criteria: Insecurity arose regarding jobs and land rights due to the obsolescence of the Permanent Residence Certificate (PRC).
    • No representation at local level: Concerns about lack of political representation and the centralization of power in the new administrative system also emerged.

    Benefits of Sixth Schedule in Ladakh

    • Meeting tribal aspiration: The Parliamentary standing committee recommended including of Ladakh in the Sixth Schedule because its tribal communities account for 79.61% of its total population.
    • Autonomy and self-governance: The extension of the Sixth Schedule to Ladakh could provide greater autonomy and self-governance to the local tribal communities.
    • Cultural preservation: It could also help to protect the unique cultural identity of the local communities and preserve their traditional practices and customs.

    Reasons for such demands

    There are several reasons why Ladakh seeks inclusion in the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution:

    • Protection of Identity and Culture: It would enable the preservation of local customs, languages, and traditional practices that are integral to the region’s socio-cultural fabric.
    • Autonomy and Self-Governance: It would empower the local communities to make decisions regarding their socio-economic development, land use, resource management, and governance, thus ensuring greater control over their own affairs.
    • Preservation of Land and Resources: It would enable Ladakh to have a say in the management and utilization of its natural resources, protecting them from unsustainable practices and ensuring their sustainable use for the benefit of present and future generations.
    • Empowerment of Indigenous Communities: Inclusion would provide a framework for the empowerment of Ladakhi indigenous communities, allowing them to participate in decision-making processes and shape policies that affect their lives, culture, and well-being.
    • Strengthening Local Governance: It would promote grassroots democracy, enhance community participation, and strengthen institutions responsible for local administration and development.
    • Balancing Development with Cultural Preservation: Inclusion in the Sixth Schedule would facilitate a balanced approach to development that respects Ladakh’s unique cultural and ecological characteristics.

    Challenges

    • No further fragmentation: The demand to extend the Sixth Schedule to Ladakh has faced some opposition from certain quarters, who argue that it could lead to further fragmentation of the region and create new administrative challenges.
    • Losing political capital: There are also concerns over the potential impact of the demand on the political and administrative structure of the region.

    Why Ladakh deserves its said autonomy?

    • Talks for inclusiveness: Ladakh’s identity politics has transformed from being exclusive and divisive to more inclusive and focused on common Ladakhi issues.
    • Imbibes plurality: The strategy now emphasizes overcoming traditional differences and accommodating each other’s viewpoints.

    Way forward

    • Strengthening Political Collaboration: Foster a spirit of inclusivity and shared purpose among Ladakh’s political class, transcending historical divisions and working towards a common agenda.
    • Addressing Regional Disparities: Implement targeted programs and projects aimed at reducing inequalities, particularly in remote and marginalized areas of the region.
    • Constructive Dialogue with Central Government: Forge strong partnerships and channels of communication to effectively convey Ladakh’s concerns, aspirations, and development priorities to the central authorities.
    • Promoting Cultural Exchange and Tourism: Encourage cultural exchange programs and initiatives to foster understanding, appreciation, and respect for Ladakh’s diverse heritage among residents and visitors alike.
    • Harnessing Renewable Energy Sources: Capitalize on Ladakh’s abundant solar and wind resources to promote renewable energy generation and reduce dependency on fossil fuels.
    • Strengthening Local Governance Structures: Empower local governance bodies, such as the Autonomous Hill Development Councils, by enhancing their decision-making authority, financial resources, and administrative capabilities.
    • Preserving Traditional Knowledge and Practices: Recognize and preserve Ladakh’s traditional knowledge systems, indigenous practices, and local wisdom, integrating them into contemporary policies and strategies.
    • Strengthening Connectivity and Infrastructure: Invest in infrastructure projects that support economic growth, enhance access to essential services, and facilitate the movement of goods and people, while ensuring minimal ecological disruption.

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  • The Need for Marriage Equality in India

    Central Idea

    • As the Supreme Court examines the case for expanding the definition of marriage, it becomes evident that legal rights do not automatically translate into social acceptance. The discussion revolves around whether laws should reflect existing societal morality or push the envelope by making unions possible despite lacking social approval.

    Historical Context and Parliamentary Debates

    • During the parliamentary debate on the Special Marriage Bill, former Member of Parliament Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit advocated for the right to choose one’s partner. She foresaw that while the law may not have immediate takers, an emancipated next generation would demand this right.
    • Many women representatives believed the proposed law would improve the lives of women. However, concerns were raised about potential societal collapse and the proliferation of sexual desires, with even brief references to queer unions accompanied by homophobic remarks

    Challenges to Marriage Reform

    • Societal Resistance: One of the primary challenges to marriage reform is societal resistance rooted in deeply ingrained cultural, religious, and traditional beliefs. Changes to the institution of marriage are often met with resistance from those who fear the erosion of traditional values or view such reforms as a threat to established social norms.
    • Conservative Opposition: Conservative groups and individuals, driven by their ideological and religious beliefs, often vehemently oppose any modifications to the existing definition of marriage. They argue that altering the definition undermines the sanctity of marriage and may have far-reaching consequences for societal stability.
    • Lack of Political Consensus: Achieving political consensus on marriage reform can be challenging due to divergent viewpoints among lawmakers. Political parties may have different ideological positions or may be wary of alienating their voter base, leading to a lack of consensus and delayed progress in enacting comprehensive reforms.
    • Legal Complexities: Marriage reform often involves complex legal considerations, such as redefining legal frameworks, rights, and obligations associated with marriage. These complexities can pose challenges in drafting legislation that adequately addresses the concerns and rights of all stakeholders involved.
    • Institutional Resistance: Institutional resistance, including within bureaucratic systems, can hinder marriage reform efforts. Bureaucratic processes and administrative hurdles may impede the smooth implementation of new laws or regulations related to marriage equality.
    • Cultural and Religious Diversity: India’s diverse cultural and religious landscape presents challenges in enacting uniform marriage reforms. Different religious communities may have their own distinct laws and customs governing marriage, making it difficult to achieve consensus and uniformity across the country.
    • Lack of Public Awareness and Education: Limited public awareness and understanding about the importance of marriage reform can impede progress. Education and awareness campaigns can help dispel misconceptions, challenge prejudices, and promote a more inclusive understanding of marriage.
    • Legal Precedents and Interpretations: Existing legal precedents and interpretations can influence the trajectory of marriage reform. Courts’ interpretations of constitutional provisions and previous judgments may shape the scope and direction of reforms, posing challenges for those advocating for comprehensive changes.

    Bureaucratic and vigilante challenges related to marriage reform

    • Bureaucratic Overreach: Bureaucratic challenges arise when officials, driven by personal biases or reflecting societal attitudes, go beyond their legal authority to obstruct or delay the implementation of marriage reform. This can include refusal to issue marriage licenses, unnecessary administrative hurdles, or arbitrary interpretations of existing laws that discriminate against certain individuals or couples.
    • Denial of Recognition: Bureaucratic systems may withhold recognition and legitimacy from marriages that fall outside traditional norms, such as inter-caste, interfaith, or same-sex marriages. This denial can perpetuate societal inequalities and limit access to legal rights and protections that married couples should enjoy.
    • Lack of Clarity in Legal Processes: The absence of clear guidelines or procedures for registering non-traditional marriages can create confusion and inconsistency in bureaucratic practices. This lack of clarity can lead to varying interpretations and implementation of the law, making it difficult for couples seeking marriage recognition.
    • Vigilante Groups and Social Stigma: Vigilante groups, driven by societal prejudices and intolerance, may take it upon themselves to enforce their own version of social morality by intimidating or threatening individuals involved in non-traditional marriages. Such groups can use extra-judicial methods to prevent unions and impose social sanctions on couples, creating an environment of fear and insecurity.
    • Exclusion and Discrimination: Bureaucratic and vigilante challenges can result in the exclusion and discrimination of individuals in non-traditional marriages. This can manifest in various forms, such as denial of legal rights, social ostracization, or lack of access to essential services and benefits that married couples typically enjoy.
    • Privacy Violations: Bureaucratic processes and vigilante actions can infringe upon the privacy of individuals seeking non-traditional marriages. Public notice requirements or invasive inquiries into personal details can violate citizens’ right to privacy and subject them to unwarranted scrutiny and judgment.

    What is the need of Reaffirming Rights and Transformations?

    • Upholding Equality: Reaffirming rights and promoting transformations in marriage laws is essential for upholding the principle of equality. It ensures that all individuals, regardless of their sexual orientation, gender identity, caste, or community, have equal access to the institution of marriage and the legal rights and protections associated with it.
    • Recognizing Individual Autonomy: Marriage reform recognizes and respects the autonomy of individuals to choose their life partners based on their own free will and preferences. It shifts the focus from societal expectations and norms to the fundamental principle of individual agency in making personal decisions related to marriage.
    • Overcoming Discrimination: Transforming marriage laws helps overcome discrimination and social biases that exist within the institution. It challenges societal prejudices based on gender, caste, and community, fostering a more inclusive and egalitarian society.
    • Empowering Marginalized Communities: Reaffirming rights through marriage reform empowers marginalized communities, including the LGBTQI+ community, by granting them legal recognition, rights, and protections. It provides an opportunity for historically marginalized groups to claim their rightful place in society and have their relationships acknowledged and respected.
    • Promoting Social Progress: Transformations in marriage laws contribute to broader social progress by challenging traditional norms and practices that perpetuate inequality and discrimination. It encourages a shift towards more inclusive and progressive attitudes, fostering a society that values diversity, individual choices, and human rights.
    • Strengthening Constitutional Principles: Reaffirming rights and transformations in marriage laws align with constitutional principles of equality, non-discrimination, and individual freedoms. It strengthens the foundation of a democratic society by ensuring that laws and policies reflect the core values enshrined in the constitution.
    • Encouraging Social Awareness and Acceptance: Marriage reform promotes social awareness and acceptance of diverse relationships and identities. It encourages dialogue, education, and engagement to challenge stereotypes and prejudices, fostering a more inclusive and tolerant society.
    • Building a Foundation for Future Generations: Reaffirming rights and transformations in marriage laws builds a solid foundation for future generations. It sets a precedent for a society that values equality, individual autonomy, and social progress, ensuring a more inclusive and just society for generations to come.

    Facts for prelims

    Special Marriage Act?

    • The Special Marriage Act is a law in India that allows individuals of different religions or nationalities to marry each other.
    • It was enacted in 1954 and came into effect from 1955.
    • The Special Marriage Act allows for inter-caste and inter-religious marriages, and couples who register under this act are not required to change their religion or follow any religious rites or rituals.
    • The act also provides for divorce on certain grounds and maintenance to the spouse and children.

    Conclusion

    • The debate on marriage equality in India necessitates a delicate balance between laws and societal morality. As the Supreme Court deliberates on expanding the definition of marriage, it is crucial to recognize that legal rights and social acceptance do not always align. While opposition and resistance persist, the law should strive to improve the lives of marginalized communities and reaffirm the rights of the citizenry as a whole. By moving towards marriage equality, India can create a more inclusive society that upholds individual choice and recognizes diverse identities.

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    Also Read:

    Perspective: Legalizing Same-Sex Marriage
  • India’s Unique Approach to Conflict Resolution in the Ukraine Crisis

    Central Idea

    • China’s recent mediation efforts in the Ukraine crisis have drawn attention to India’s distinct approach to conflict resolution. While China has positioned itself in opposition to the American approach, India has employed symbolic instruments of power to enhance its soft power appeal. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has projected India as the mother of democracies and a moral force for global peace.

    India’s engagement with Ukraine in the context of the Ukraine crisis

    • Expressions of Solidarity: Through various statements and interactions, India has conveyed its support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
    • Direct Communication: Prime Minister Modi has engaged in telephonic conversations with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on multiple occasions. This direct communications underline India’s commitment to engaging with Ukraine at the highest level and addressing the crisis.
    • Support for Peace Efforts: India has extended support for peace efforts in Ukraine. Prime Minister Modi has conveyed India’s commitment to peace and stability in the region, emphasizing the importance of resolving the conflict through diplomatic means.
    • Alignment with Global Players: India’s engagement with Ukraine aligns its response to the crisis with that of other global players, such as the United States. Recognizing the interconnectedness of geopolitical dynamics, India seeks to bring its stance into alignment with key stakeholders involved in conflict resolution.
    • Balancing Act: India’s engagement with Ukraine does not indicate a complete shift in its historical ties with Russia. While expressing solidarity with Ukraine, India also acknowledges Russia’s military and geopolitical importance, considering it in the context of its own military preparedness and regional stability.
    • Rising Stature: India’s active involvement in the Ukraine crisis highlights its growing stature and recognition in the international arena. By engaging with Ukraine, India positions itself as a relevant player in resolving global conflicts and reinforces its commitment to global peace and stability.
    • Aspirations for Global Role: India’s engagement with Ukraine reflects its aspirations to play a constructive role in shaping international relations. By expressing support for Ukraine and actively engaging in conflict resolution efforts, India aims to contribute to a peaceful resolution and assert its position as a responsible global actor.

    India’s ambiguity in the Ukraine conflict

    • Evasive Position in UN Resolutions: India has been criticized for taking an ambiguous stance in many UN resolutions concerning the Ukraine conflict. While expressing disapproval of the war, India has avoided taking a clear position, particularly in conflicts involving its traditional allies. This ambiguity raises concerns, especially considering India’s aspiration to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.
    • Lack of Condemnation: Despite expressions of solidarity and support for peace efforts, India has refrained from explicitly condemning Russian belligerence in Ukraine. This reluctance to condemn Russia’s actions contradicts India’s commitment to opposing territorial aggression and rights violations, which is expected of a nation aspiring to be a global voice for peace and stability.
    • Historical Ties with Russia: India’s historical ties with Russia, rooted in military and geopolitical importance, contribute to its ambiguity in the Ukraine conflict. India’s military dependence on Moscow and its traditional alliance with Russia create a complex dynamic that influences India’s stance and makes it hesitant to take a clear position against Russian aggression.
    • Strategic Autonomy Doctrine: India’s strategic autonomy doctrine, which emphasizes the pursuit of an independent foreign policy, further adds to its ambiguity in the Ukraine conflict. India’s focus on balancing multiple alignments and preserving its strategic interests may limit its willingness to take a firm and unequivocal position on the conflict.
    • Challenges in Matching China’s Influence: India’s limited material resources and comparatively lower economic and military potential pose challenges in matching China’s influence in the Ukraine conflict. This may result in a cautious approach, as India navigates its own geopolitical considerations and seeks diplomatic space in the emerging nexus between Russia and China.
    • Soft Power Considerations: India’s ambiguity in the Ukraine conflict can also be attributed to soft power considerations. While India sympathizes with Ukraine as a victim of aggression, it seeks to maintain its historical ties with Russia. Balancing these considerations may lead to a nuanced and ambiguous position that prioritizes maintaining relations with both parties involved in the conflict.

    India’s soft power and its role in foreign policy at present

    • Cultural Heritage and Diversity: India’s rich cultural heritage, diverse traditions, and ancient civilizational history contribute to its soft power appeal. The promotion of Indian culture, including yoga, Ayurveda, cuisine, music, and dance, enhances India’s global influence and attracts people from around the world.
    • Diaspora and Indian Community: India’s large diaspora and the presence of Indian communities around the world contribute to its soft power. The Indian diaspora serves as a bridge between India and other nations, fostering cultural exchanges, economic ties, and people-to-people connections.
    • Economic Growth and Technological Advancements: India’s emergence as a global economic power and advancements in technology have bolstered its soft power. India’s success in sectors such as information technology, space exploration, and pharmaceuticals enhances its reputation and attractiveness as a partner in various fields.
    • Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Assistance: India’s active engagement in development cooperation and humanitarian assistance initiatives in various countries elevates its soft power. Through projects like capacity-building programs, infrastructure development, and assistance during crises, India promotes goodwill and strengthens relationships with partner nations
    • Global Leadership and Multilateral Engagement: India’s active participation in global forums, such as the United Nations, G20, and BRICS, showcases its commitment to global problem-solving and its aspiration to play a leadership role. India’s voice on international platforms amplifies its soft power and contributes to shaping global narratives.
    • Public Diplomacy and Cultural Exchanges: India’s emphasis on public diplomacy, cultural exchanges, and people-to-people interactions fosters mutual understanding and strengthens diplomatic ties. Initiatives like cultural festivals, exchange programs, and scholarships enable greater engagement and create lasting connections between India and other nations.
    • Bollywood and Indian Cinema: The popularity of Indian cinema, particularly Bollywood, has a significant impact on India’s soft power. Indian films, with their colourful storytelling, music, and dance sequences, have a wide international audience, contributing to India’s cultural influence and positive image abroad.
    • Yoga and Spiritual Practices: India’s promotion of yoga and spiritual practices has gained global recognition and has become a prominent aspect of its soft power diplomacy. Yoga has been embraced by people worldwide, leading to the establishment of International Yoga Day and numerous yoga centres across the globe

    India’s approach to conflict resolution in the Ukraine crisis: Challenges

    • Limited Influence: India’s influence in the Ukraine crisis is relatively limited compared to major global powers involved in the conflict, such as the United States, Russia, and European Union. As a result, India may find it challenging to have a significant impact on the resolution process.
    • Geographical Distance: India’s geographical distance from the conflict zone poses a challenge in actively engaging and mediating in the Ukraine crisis. Physical proximity and regional dynamics often play a crucial role in conflict resolution efforts.
    • Resource Constraints: India’s resource constraints, both in terms of economic and military capabilities, limit its ability to exert significant pressure or provide substantial assistance to the parties involved in the conflict. This constraint may hinder India’s effectiveness in playing a direct role in resolving the crisis.
    • Balancing Multiple Interests: India faces the challenge of balancing its relationships with key actors in the Ukraine crisis, particularly Russia and Ukraine. India has historically maintained close ties with Russia, while also seeking to strengthen relations with other global powers. Striking a delicate balance without jeopardizing its strategic interests can be complex.
    • Competing Priorities: India has a diverse range of domestic and international priorities that demand attention and resources. These competing priorities may divert attention and resources away from active engagement and conflict resolution efforts in the Ukraine crisis.
    • Regional Implications: India’s approach to conflict resolution in the Ukraine crisis needs to consider the broader regional implications, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region. India’s strategic considerations related to China, the United States, and other regional dynamics may influence its approach to the crisis.
    • International Consensus: Building consensus among the international community on the way forward in resolving the Ukraine crisis can be challenging. Diverse perspectives, conflicting interests, and differing approaches to the conflict among global powers may complicate India’s efforts to find a common ground for conflict resolution.

    Conclusion

    • India’s approach to conflict resolution in the Ukraine crisis stands apart from China’s mediation efforts. India’s engagement with Ukraine, symbolic projection of soft power, and balancing act between Russia and the West highlight its unique position in the global order. While India faces challenges in matching China’s influence, its commitment to global peace and stability remains steadfast

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    Also Read:

    India’s role in Russia-Ukraine war

     

  • Key Takeaways of SC’s Maharashtra Verdict

    The Supreme Court issued a unanimous judgment on various issues related to the split in a political party in Maharashtra in June 2022.

    Key Takeaways

    Here are the key takeaways from the verdict:

    (1) Disqualification

    • MLA disqualifications upheld: The Supreme Court did not interfere with the proceedings related to the disqualification of 16 MLAs (who had gone to Dehradun) including Chief Minister.
    • Onus on Speaker: The court stated that the issue of disqualification should be decided by the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly as per established procedures in law.

    (2) Consideration of Party Constitution

    • Political party constitution: The court emphasized that while deciding disqualification pleas, the Speaker must consider the constitution of the political party, which was submitted to the Election Commission (EC) with the consent of both factions.
    • Split occurred later: The court clarified that the “split” in the party would no longer be a defense available to MLAs facing disqualification.

    (3) Governor’s Role

    • Issue over floor test circumstances: The court criticized the then Governor for calling a floor test without sufficient objective material to show that the incumbent government had lost the confidence of the House.
    • Must remain politically neutral: The court stated that the Governor should exercise their power within the limits of the law and should not enter the political arena nor interfere in intra-party disputes.

    (4) Former CM Resignation

    • Should have faced floor test: The court mentioned that erstwhile CM of tripartite government, who led one of the factions, had resigned and did not face the floor test.
    • Re-instation was possible: The court held that it could not quash a resignation submitted voluntarily, but if ex-CM had refrained from resigning, the court could have considered a remedy to reinstate his government.

    (5) Illegal Appointment of Whip

    • The court deemed the appointment of the whip by the split-led faction to be illegal.
    • The Speaker should have conducted an independent inquiry to verify the decision of the political party regarding the appointment of the whip.

    (6) Distinction between Legislature Party and Political Party

    • The court clarified that the legislature party and the political party cannot be conflated.
    • The court stated that a political party must be registered with the Election Commission, while the legislature party has independent existence to provide defense to legislators’ actions within the political party.

    (7) Concurrent Jurisdiction of Speaker and EC

    • The court rejected the contention that the Election Commission was barred from deciding on the party symbol dispute until the Speaker decided the disqualification pleas.
    • The court stated that both the Speaker and the EC can adjudicate issues concurrently.

    (8) Others

    • Nabam Rebia Case, 2016: Additionally, the court referred certain issues related to its judgment in the Nabam Rebia Case to a larger Bench.
    • Restrictions on the ousted Speaker: This included the restriction of the Speaker’s powers in issuing disqualification notices to MLAs in the presence of a notice for the Speaker’s removal.

     

     

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  • Nikaalo Prelims Spotlight || Civil service reforms, H N Sanyal Committee, First ARC, Rajamannar Committee, Sarkaria Commission, National Commission to Review the working of the constitution and Singhvi Committee

    Dear Aspirants,

    This Spotlight is a part of our Mission Nikaalo Prelims-2023.

    You can check the broad timetable of Nikaalo Prelims here

    Session Details

    YouTube LIVE with Parth sir – 7 PM  – Prelims Spotlight Session

    Evening 04 PM  – Daily Mini Tests

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    12th May 2023

    Civil service reforms, H N Sanyal Committee, First ARC, Rajamannar Committee, Sarkaria Commission, National Commission to Review the working of the constitution and Singhvi Committee

    ARC Report

    Administrative Reforms Commission (employed by the Government of India) publishes some reports, known as ARC reports. ARC’s reports are crucial documents for public administration, effective governance, and much more.

    Mainly there are two ARC reports, the first ARC report (published by the 1st ARC started in 1966) and the second ARC report (published by the 2nd ARC set up in 2005). The 1st ARC Report had provided 537 primary recommendations in about 20 reports before it was winded up in the 1970s.
    • Conversely, the 2nd ARC published 15 reports encompassing various public administration sectors.
    • Though both the ARC Report recommended effective reforms, the 2nd ARC is considered essential for the study of public administrations.

    ARC (Administrative Reforms Commission) Report for UPSC

    The Government of India has appointed an organization or body known as the Administrative Reforms Commission that provides recommendations for evaluating India’s public administration system. India’s ARC was set up twice.

    1st Arc (Administrative Reforms Commission)

    The Indian Government established the first Administrative Reforms Commission on 5 January 1966 under revolution number 40/3/65-AR(P). In the beginning, Morarji Desai managed the ARC, but after he got appointed as India’s Deputy Prime Minister, K. Hanumanthaiah managed it as the chairperson.

    • This ARC declaration described the ARC configuration, the authorization of the commission, and the practices to be ensured.
    • The first ARC was authorized to provide thoughtfulness to certify the premium standards of proficiency and integrity in public services.
    • The ARC was mandated to make public administration the perfect equipment for implementing the Indian Government’s various socioeconomic policies and socio-economic development.
    • It had provided 537 primary recommendations in about 20 reports before it was wound up in the 1970s.

    2nd Arc (Administrative Reforms Commission)

    The Government of India founded the 2nd ARC on 31 August 2005 under the resolution K-11022/9/2004-RC. It was established to make a comprehensive scheme to revamp the public administration system in India.

    Initially, Veerappa Moily managed the commission as the chairperson. However, after his resignation in 2009, V. Ramachandran took responsibility as the new chairperson.

    • The second ARC was authorized to propose some effective measures to attain a practical, responsive, responsible, sustainable, and proficient public administration at all the government levels in India.
    • The 2nd Administrative Reforms Commission also published 15 reports encompassing various public administration sectors.

    The 2nd ARC Report comprised reforms such as the Indian Government’s organizational structure, integrity in governance, Revamping of Personnel Administration, Reinforcement of Financial Management Systems, Local Self-Government, Citizen-centric, Problems in Federal Polity, Promoting e-governance, Crisis Management, RTI, Unlocking Human Capital, and many more.

    • The first-ever report from the 2nd ARC was Right to information, considered a principal means for Good Governance in India.
    • The Government of India excluded sectors like Military defense, security, and intelligence, etc., and subjects like judicial reforms and relations between central and State governments from the 2nd ARC’s recommendations.

    Rajamannar Committee

    • In 1969, the Tamil Nadu Government (DMK) appointed a three-member committee, chaired by Dr. P.V. Rajamannar, to investigate the entire issue of Centre-state relations.
    • It wanted the committee to propose constitutional amendments to ensure the states’ maximum autonomy.
    • In 1971, the committee delivered its report to the Tamil Nadu government.

    Recommendations

    The committee’s key recommendations are as follows:

    • An Inter-State Council should be formed immediately.
    • The Finance Commission should be made permanent.
    • The Planning Commission should be disbanded and replaced by a statutory body.
    • Articles 356, 357, and 365 (concerning President’s Rule) should be deleted entirely.
    • The provision stating that the state ministry holds office at the pleasure of the governor should be removed.
    • Certain subjects from the Union List and the Concurrent List should be transferred to the State List.
    • Residuary powers should be devolved to the states.
    • All-India services such as IAS, IPS, and IFS should be phased out.

    Sarkaria Commission

    Background

    • The agitation for State autonomy led to the creation of the Sarkaria Commission by the Central Government to recommend changes in the Centre-State relationship. 
    • The Commission submitted its report in 1988. 
    • The founding fathers of the Indian Constitution were deeply concerned about ensuring the unity and integrity of the country. They were aware of the forces of disruption and disunity working within the country. These dangers at the time of independence could be handled only by a strong government at the Centre. 
    • Therefore, the framers of the Constitution assigned a predominant role to the Centre. 
    • At the same time, they made provisions for the establishment of cooperative federalism.
    • The working of the Indian federation during the last five decades clearly shows that the relations between the Centre and the States have not always been cordial. 
    • The Administrative Reforms Commission and several other Commissions were appointed by the Government of India from time to time to regulate Centre-State relations. 
    • The Union Government appointed the Sarkaria Commission to suggest ways and means to improve Centre-State relations. 
    • The clamour for more autonomy led to the constitution of the Sarkaria Commission in 1983 which was asked to examine and review existing arrangements between the Centres and the States in all spheres and recommend appropriate changes and measures. 
    • An extraordinary situation, the need to defeat the emergency regime of Indira Gandhi, brought them together. With the return of the Congress party under Indira Gandhi’s leadership with a secure majority, the movements for state autonomy slowly receded in the background. 
    • At the present moment, there is no movement for state autonomy like earlier, even though the struggle to get more financial resources for the state continues. 
    • In 1990 a visible change came in the correlation of forces active in Indian politics.

    Major Recommendations of Sarkaria Commission

    The Sarkaria Commission finally submitted its report in the year 1988. The Sarkaria Commission’s charter was to examine the relationship and balance of power between state and central governments in the country and suggest changes within the framework of the Constitution of India. Despite the large size of its reports – the Commission recommended, by and large, status quo in the Centre-State relations, especially in the areas, relating to legislative matters, the role of Governors, and the use of Article 356.


    National Commission to Review the Working of Constitution (NCRWC)
    • The National Commission to Review the Workings of the Constitution was established by Government Resolution on February 22, 2000, and is chaired by Justice M.N. Venkatachaliah.
    • According to the terms of reference, the Commission shall examine, in light of the past 50 years’ experience, how best the Constitution can respond to the changing needs of modern India’s efficient, smooth, and effective system of governance and socio-economic development within the framework of Parliamentary democracy, and to recommend changes.
    • If any, that is required in the Constitution’s provisions without interfering with its basic structure or features On March 31, 2002, the Commission delivered its findings to the government in two volumes.
    • The mission of the NCRWC is to recommend amendments to the “Indian Constitution.”
    • The Commission concluded that Article 263 of the Constitution had enormous potential that has not been properly used in resolving numerous difficulties involving more than one State.
    • The Commission observed that when the Union Government enters into a treaty touching an issue on the State List that is crucial to the interests of the states, no previous consultation is undertaken with them.

    Recommendation of the Commission

    • There were 249 recommendations in total from the commission. 58 of them call for constitutional amendments86 for legislative action, and the remaining 105 for executive action. Following is a list of the commission’s major recommendations:

    Fundamental Rights:

    • Under Article 15 and 16, discrimination should be prohibited on the basis of “ethnic or social origin, political or other viewpoint, property, or birth”.
    • Article 19’s freedom of speech and expression should be expanded to expressly include “the freedom of the press and other media, etc.”
    • Article 21-A, the right to education, should be expanded.
    In terms of preventive detention two adjustments should be made:
    • The maximum length should be six months; and
    • The advisory board should be composed of a chairman and two other members who should be serving judges of any high court.
    • Sikhism, Jainism, and Buddhism should be considered as independent religions from Hinduism, and the clauses combining them under Article 25 should be removed.
    • During the operation of a national emergency, the enforcement of the Fundamental Rights under Articles 17, 23, 24, 25, and 32, as well as those under Articles 20 and 21, will not be suspended.

    On Comptroller and Auditor General of India (Lack of quality of report):

    According to the National Commission to Review the Constitution’s Workings, “administrative departments frequently criticize the audit department’s operation.” They point out that audits frequently focus on minor concerns and a negative fault-finding approach rather than finding a solution to the administration’s problem.

    On Directive Principles:

    • Part IV of the Constitution’s heading should be changed to ‘Directive Principles of State Policy and Action.’
    • A new Directive Principle on Population Control should be added to the list.
    • Every five years, an independent National Education Commission should be established.
    • To promote inter-religious harmony and social solidarity, an Inter-Faith Commission should be constituted.

    On Fundamental Duties:

    • The ways and mechanisms by which Fundamental Duties could be publicized and made effective should be considered.
    • The Justice Verma Committee’s suggestions on the operationalization of Fundamental Duties should be adopted as soon as possible.
    • Article 51-A should add the following new essential responsibilities:
    • The responsibility to vote in elections, participate actively in the democratic process of governance and pay taxes.
    • To promote a sense of family values and responsible parenting in matters of children’s education, physical, and moral well-being.

    On State funding of election:

    The National Commission to Review the Constitution’s Workings did not support state funding of elections but agreed with the 1999 law commission report that an appropriate framework for regulating political parties would need to be put in place before state funding could be considered.

    On Anti-Defection Law:

    • All individuals who defect (individually or in groups) from the party or alliance of parties on whose ticket they were elected must renounce their parliamentary or assembly seats and run in new elections.
    • The defectors should be forbidden from holding any public office, including ministerial positions, or any other remunerative political position, for at least the remainder of the current legislature’s term or until the next elections, whichever comes first.
    • A vote cast by a defector to overthrow a government should be considered void.
    • The Election Commission, rather than the Speaker or Chairman of the House concerned, should have the authority to determine on questions of defection disqualification.

    On Center-State Relations:

    The National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution made recommendations, many of which were similar to those made by the Sarkaria Commission. The following few of the novel recommendations:

    • According to Article 307, a legislative organization named the Inter-State Trade and Commerce Commission should be constituted.
    • A committee consisting of the Prime Minister, Home Minister, Speaker of the Lok Sabha, and the Chief Minister of the state in question shall nominate the Governor.
    • The Concurrent List of the Seventh Schedule should cover disaster and emergency management.
    • In the event of a political breakdown in a state, the state should be given an opportunity to explain its position and correct the situation before invoking Article 356, to the extent possible.
    • The 1990 Inter-State Council directive should explicitly outline the topics that should be discussed during the discussions.

    L M Singhvi Committee

    Recommendations of L M Singhvi Committee

    • Local self-government should be acknowledged by the Constitution.
    • Panchayat elections should be held on a regular basis and without delay.
    • Every state should establish a Panchayati Raj judicial tribunal to deal with issues relating to the administration of Panchayati Raj.
    • Adequate financial resources are required to guarantee that panchayats function effectively.
    • Individuals affiliated with political parties should be discouraged from participating.
    • The Nyaya Panchayat should be tasked with mediating and resolving disputes.
    • The Gram Sabha represents direct democracy, and rural Panchayats should be better organized. Gram Sabha should be prioritized.

    Significance

    Significance

    • It recommended constitutional status for the Panchayat System.
    • Establishment of the Nyaya Panchayats to mediate and resolve disputes.
    • Gave more emphasis to Gram Sabhas.
    • It provided for a plan to gain financial autonomy for the local bodies.
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  • Delhi vs. Centre: Key takeaways of SC’s verdict

    Central Idea

    Key takeaways

    (1) Disagreement with Justice Bhushan’s Judgment

    • The Supreme Court stated that it does not agree with Justice Ashok Bhushan’s judgment that the Delhi government has no power over services.

    (2) Article 239A and Legislative Assembly for NCT

    • The Supreme Court highlighted that Article 239A establishes a legislative assembly for the National Capital Territory of Delhi.
    • The members of the legislative assembly are elected by the electorate of Delhi, and the interpretation of Article 239A should support representative democracy.

    (3) Limits of Power

    • The court clarified that the control over services does not extend to areas related to public order, police, and land.

    (4) Delhi Government Represents Representative Form of Government

    • According to the Supreme Court, the Delhi government, like other states, represents the representative form of government.
    • Any expansion of the central government’s power would contradict the Constitutional scheme.

    (5) Impact on Ministers’ Control

    • The court noted that if administrative services are excluded from the legislative and executive domains, ministers would be excluded from controlling civil servants responsible for implementing executive decisions.

    (6) Executive Power and Existing Law

    • The court clarified that the executive power of the state is subject to existing union laws.

    (7) Principle of Collective Responsibility

    • The Supreme Court emphasized that if officers do not report to ministers or fail to follow their instructions, the principle of collective responsibility will be affected.

    (8) Triple Chain of Accountability

    • Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud highlighted that denying democratically elected governments the power to control officers would render the principle of the triple chain of accountability redundant.

    Back2Basics: Article 239AA

    • Article 239AA granted Special Status to Delhi among Union Territories (UTs) in the year 1991 through the 69th Constitutional Amendment.
    • It provided a Legislative Assembly and a Council of Ministers responsible to such Assembly with appropriate powers.
    • That’s when Delhi was named as the National Capital Region (NCT) of Delhi.
    • As per this article – Public Order, Police & Land in NCT of Delhi fall within the domain and control of Central Government which shall have the power to make laws on these matters.
    • For remaining matters of State List or Concurrent List, in so far as any such matter is applicable to UTs, the Legislative Assembly shall have the power to make laws for NCT of Delhi.

     

     

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  • 25th anniversary of Pokhran-II

    pokhran

    Central Idea: The article provides a historical context for India’s nuclear program and focuses specifically on the Pokhran-II nuclear tests conducted in 1998. This year is special, marking 25 years since we started celebrating National Technology Day.

    India’s Nuclear Journey: A quick recap

    • India conducted nuclear bomb test explosions at Pokhran Test Range in 1998.
    • Codenamed Operation Shakti, these tests showcased India’s capability to build nuclear weapons.
    • The tests marked the culmination of a long journey that began in the 1940s-50s.
    • Physicist Homi J Bhaba played a crucial role in laying the foundations of India’s nuclear program.
    • Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru supported Bhaba’s efforts and established the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) in 1954.

    Reasons: Threat of China and Pakistan

    • India’s perspective on nuclear weapons changed after the 1962 Sino-Indian War and China’s nuclear bomb test in 1964.
    • The political establishment realized the need for self-sufficiency in the face of an unfriendly China and Pakistan.
    • India sought nuclear guarantees from established nuclear weapons states but was unsuccessful.
    • The path to obtaining nuclear weapons became a priority for India.

    The “Discriminatory” NPT

    • The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was established in 1968, creating a divide between nuclear-weapon states and non-nuclear states.
    • India refused to sign the treaty, as it felt it did not address its concerns about reciprocal obligations from nuclear weapons states.
    • The NPT gained widespread international acceptance, but India remained one of the few non-signatories.

    Pokhran-I and its Aftermath

    • In 1974, India conducted its first nuclear test at Pokhran, known as Pokhran-I or Operation Smiling Buddha.
    • The test was described as a “peaceful nuclear explosion” but faced international condemnation and sanctions.
    • Political instability, including the Emergency in 1975, hindered India’s nuclear program’s progress.
    • Clamor for nuclear weapons resurfaced in the 1980s due to Pakistan’s advancing nuclear capabilities.

    The Period between the Two Tests

    • India faced challenges due to domestic political instability and changing international dynamics.
    • The fall of the USSR in 1991 weakened India’s military alliances.
    • The US continued to support Pakistan despite concerns about its nuclear program.
    • India faced pressure to quickly develop nuclear weapons as the window of opportunity appeared to be closing.

    Pokhran-II: Projecting India’s Strength

    • In 1998, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) came to power under Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
    • Operation Shakti, conducted as a response to Pakistan’s missile launch, marked the culmination of India’s nuclear weaponization.
    • India declared itself a nuclear weapons state following Pokhran-II.
    • The tests faced some sanctions, but India’s growing economy and market potential helped it withstand international pressure.

     

     

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