The Uttar Pradesh government has recently embarked upon a scheme to take the unique culture of its ethnic Tharu tribe across the world.
The Terai or Tarai is a lowland region in northern India and southern Nepal that lies south of the outer foothills of the Himalayas, the Sivalik Hills, and north of the Indo-Gangetic Plain. This lowland belt is characterized by tall grasslands, scrub savannah, sal forests and clay rich swamps.
Tharu Tribals
The community belongs to the Terai lowlands, amid the Shivaliks of lower Himalayas. Most of them are forest dwellers and some practised agriculture.
The word Tharu is believed to be derived from their, meaning followers of Theravada Buddhism.
The Tharus live in both India and Nepal. In the Indian Terai, they live mostly in Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, and Bihar.
According to the 2011 census, the Scheduled Tribe population in Uttar Pradesh was more than 11 lakh; this number is estimated to have crossed 20 lakh now.
The biggest chunk of this tribal population is made up of Tharus.
Members of the tribe survive on wheat, corn and vegetables are grown close to their homes. A majority still lives off the forest.
Tharu language, food, and culture
They speak various dialects of Tharu, a language of the Indo-Aryan subgroup, and variants of Hindi, Urdu, and Awadhi.
In central Nepal, they speak a variant of Bhojpuri, while in eastern Nepal, they speak a variant of Maithili.
Tharus worship Lord Shiva as Mahadev and call their supreme being “Narayan”, who they believe is the provider of sunshine, rain, and harvests.
Tharu women have stronger property rights than is allowed to women in mainstream North Indian Hindu custom.
Standard items on the Tharu plate are bagiya or dhikri – which is a steamed dish of rice flour that is eaten with chutney or curry – and ghonghi, an edible snail that is cooked in a curry made of coriander, chili, garlic, and onion.
What is this scheme about?
The UP government is working to connect Tharu villages in the districts of Balrampur, Bahraich, Lakhimpur and Pilibhit bordering Nepal, with the homestay scheme of the UP Forest Department.
The idea is to offer tourists an experience of living in the natural Tharu habitat, in traditional huts made of grass collected mainly from the forests.
Tharu homeowners will be able to charge tourists directly for the accommodation and home-cooked meals.
The government expects both domestic and international tourists to avail of the opportunity to obtain a taste of the special Tharu culture by staying with them, observing their lifestyle, food habits, and attire.
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Nearly four years after a mysterious neurological illness started to affect American diplomats in Cuba, China, and other countries, a report has found “directed” microwave radiation to be its “plausible” cause.
Q.Microwave warfare is the new nuke. Discuss.
The ‘Havana syndrome’
In late 2016, US diplomats in Havana reported feeling ill after hearing strange sounds and experiencing odd physical sensations in their hotel rooms or homes.
The symptoms included nausea, severe headaches, fatigue, dizziness, sleep problems, and hearing loss, which have since come to be known as “Havana Syndrome”.
Cuba had denied any knowledge of the illnesses even though the US had accused it of carrying out “sonic attacks”, leading to an increase in tensions.
Possible factor: Microwave Weapons
“Microwave weapons” are supposed to be a type of direct energy weapons, which aim highly focused energy in the form of sonic, laser, or microwaves, at a target.
People exposed to high-intensity microwave pulses have reported a clicking or buzzing sound as if seeming to be coming from within your head.
It can have both acute and long-term effects — without leaving signs of physical damage.
These weapons are considered to be the cause of the “syndrome” whose symptoms include nausea, dizziness, fatigue, and cognitive difficulties.
How did researchers deduce that?
The researchers have examined four possibilities to explain the symptoms — infection, chemicals, psychological factors and microwave energy.
The experts examined the symptoms of about 40 government employees.
The report concluded that directed pulsed RF (radio frequency) energy appears to be the most plausible mechanism in explaining these cases among those that the committee considered.
The ongoing stand-off between the Union government and protesting farmers does not show any signs of a resolution at the moment. Farmers, especially in Punjab and Haryana, have been protesting against the three agriculture laws enacted by the central government.
The situation is extremely volatile since the farmers are determined not to leave Delhi and camp therein for months for further protests.
(1) Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020:
It expands the scope of trade areas of farmers produce from select areas to “any place of production, collection, and aggregation”. It allows electronic trading and e-commerce of scheduled farmers’ produce.
It prohibits state governments from levying any market fee, cess or levy on farmers, traders, and electronic trading platforms for trade of farmers’ produce conducted in an ‘outside trade area’.
(2) Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020:
It creates a national framework for contract farming through an agreement between a farmer and a buyer before the production or rearing of any farm produce.
It provides farmers engaging with Agri-business firms, processors, wholesalers, exporters or large retailers for farm services and sale of future farming produce by a mutually agreed price framework.
(3) Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act 2020:
It allows for the center to regulate food items through essential commodities.
It also requires that imposition of any stock limit on agricultural produce be based on price rise
Agitators at the forefront
Farmers in Punjab and Haryana are known for their adamant attitudes. They are heavily dependent on public procurement and assured price through MSP. Nearly 88% of the paddy production and 70% of the wheat production in Punjab and Haryana (in 2017-18 and 2018-19) has been absorbed through public procurement.
Why are farmers fuming over these laws?
Image source: TOI
These bills sought to bring much-needed reforms in the agricultural marketing system. However, farmers are apprehensive that the free market philosophy supported by these bills could undermine the Minimum Support Price (MSP) system and make farmers vulnerable to market forces.
Let us look at all their concerns one by one:
(1) Fear against the end of Mandi System
The APMC regulates the mandi (marketplace) where farmers bring their produce, and therefore, guarantees that they receive the MSP.
Since the state governments will not be able to regulate the trade outside the APMC markets, farmers believe the laws will gradually end the mandi system and leave farmers at the mercy of corporates.
(2) Fear over MSPs and procurement guarantee
Farmers believe that dismantling the mandi system will bring an end to the assured procurement of their crops at MSP.
Similarly, farmers believe the price assurance legislation may offer protection to farmers against price exploitation, but will not prescribe the mechanism for price fixation.
They are demanding the government guarantee MSP in writing, or else the free hand given to private corporate houses will lead to their exploitation.
(3) Fear of Arhatiyas
The arhatiyas (commission agents) and farmers enjoy a friendship and bonding that goes back decades.
On an average, at least 50-100 farmers are attached with each arhatiyas, who takes care of farmers’ financial loans and ensures timely procurement and adequate prices for their crop.
Farmers believe the new laws will end their relationship with these agents and corporates will not be as sympathetic towards them in times of need.
(4) Fear over the end of subsidised electricity
Farmers concerns are also fuelled by the proposed Electricity (Amendment) Bill 2020 which might end their access to subsidised electricity.
The bill seeks to create an Electricity Contract Enforcement Authority (ECEA), a move aimed to further centralization.
Another concern is the transfer of subsidies through DBT. Farmers will have to pay first from their own pocket, after which they will get subsidies.
(5) Fear over Contract Farming
The FAPA Act formalizes contract cultivation through a “national framework” and explicitly prohibits any sponsor firm from acquiring the land of farmers through purchase, lease or mortgage.
But farmers fear over the big corporate players’ monopoly over food processing industry and its supply chain dynamics.
They fear that their ownership rights would be at risk as the Act provides for debt instruments for the companies which have their own recovery mechanisms.
(6) Fear over dispute resolution
The FAPA Act provided for a three-level dispute settlement mechanism by the conciliation board, Sub-Divisional Magistrate and Appellate Authority.
Since the highest level of appeal for the farmer against any private entity was the Appellate Authority, the farmer is effectively prevented from moving the Court.
Thus, they claim that the Act was highly skewed in favor of private entity as the individual farmers did not have the resources that private companies had.
(7) Fear over EC Amendment Act
The original EC Act de-regulated food items including cereals, pulses, potato, onion, edible oilseeds, and oils, and could only be regulated in the extraordinary circumstances.
The new law states that government regulation of stocks will be based on rising prices.
This stock-limiting puts farmers at the peril of the government and thus prevent them from making from any profit during any extra-ordinary circumstances as most of the time they only have to bear losses. (Ex. Onion farmers in Maharashtra).
What are the broader concerns?
Agriculture per se deals with everything that a farmer does — right from field preparation and cultivation to also the sale of his/her own produce.
(1) The centre has overreached
Article 246 of the Constitution places “agriculture” in entry 14 and “markets and fairs” in entry 28 of the State List.
But entry 42 of the Union List empowers the Centre to regulate “inter-State trade and commerce”.
While trade and commerce “within the State” are under entry 26 of the State List, it is subject to the provisions of entry 33 of the Concurrent List – under which the Centre can override.
The Centre, in other words, has passed a law that removes all impediments to both inter-and intra-state trade in farm produce, while also overriding the existing state APMC Acts. The FPTC Act does precisely that.
(2) States authority grossly surpassed
The act of primary sale at a mandi by the farmer is as much “agriculture” as production in the field.
“Trade” begins only after the product has been “marketed” by the farmer.
Going by this interpretation, the Centre is within its rights to frame laws that promote barrier-free trade of farm produce (inter-as well as intra-state) and do not allow stockholding or export restrictions.
But these can be only after the farmer has sold. Regulation of the first sale of agricultural produce is a “marketing” responsibility of the states, not the Centre.
(3) A totalitarian move
There is a debate around the constitutional provisions with regard to the respective domains of the State and the Union with regard to agricultural marketing,
However, issues affecting the farming community have a far greater bearing on the States relative to the Centre.
While enacting the Bills, the Centre extended little consideration to the sensitivity or consultations of the States who are busy fighting the pandemic this hour.
(4) Media insensitivity
Punjab and Haryana farmers have been at the forefront of this struggle and the other regions were slow to catch up.
The media terming it as a movement of ‘middlemen’ carried out by opposition parties and covertly supported by the ‘Khalistanis’ is the most distressing aspect.
This claim, for which no evidence has been offered, has been amplified by many news channels.
Wait! Before you make up your mind ….. Ever wonder, why did the govt intervene through these legislations?
(1) Flawed argument over MSP
These bills do not mention to do away with MSPs. Moreover APMCs have never assured that farmers get MSPs (which itself has no legal backings).
Over 80% of all land holdings were small and marginal with less than 2 hectares of farm land and hence, most of them, far from selling, end up buying food for even their own consumption.
In such cases, the rise in MSP actually hurts these farmers instead of helping them. The government assured price only helps a few large farmers.
(2) Food security is no more an issue
The roots of state intervention in agriculture, from government procurement to rationing and restrictions on private traders are to found in recurring food shortages in the period after Independence.
Many experts believe that these incentives are not needed today because India is a food-surplus country now.
This is what the current reforms seek to abolish. The sharp rise in India’s agriculture exports is often cited as evidence of this fact.
(3) An equalizing move for all
The average nutritional intakes in India are much lower than just developed countries and, the purported food surplus seems to be the result of inadequate food consumption due to affordability issues.
There still exists malnutrition as most of the public cannot afford good diets.
According to research by the International Food Policy Research Institute, 63.3% of people in rural India could not afford the Cost of a Recommended Diet (CoRD).
(4) Protesting farmers are better off than the rest
Data from a 2013 survey carried out by the National Statistical Office (NSO) shows that farmers from Punjab and Haryana had the highest incomes in the country.
The farmers who are protesting outside Delhi’s borders are among the richest among their peers in India.
A disproportional share in government procurement at MSP plays an important role in this.
States where there are no large-scale MSP operations tend to have lower prices in private markets as well. That incentivizes the richer farmers to lobby for the continuation of the status quo.
(5) Contract farming was a long pending issue
Contract farming in India has shown that marginal and small farmers are generally excluded.
The problems they face include the following- highly one-sided i.e. pro-contracting agency contracts, delayed payments, undue rejections and outright cheating among others.
Hence it was necessary for the govt. to bring legislation.
Much of government procurement at MSPs — of paddy, wheat and increasingly pulses, cotton, groundnut and mustard — happens in APMC mandis. In a scenario where more and more trading moves out of the APMCs, these regulated market yards will lose revenues. “They may not formally shut, but it would become like BSNL versus Jio. And if the government stops buying, we will be left with only the big corporates to sell to….
Govt and farmers at crossroads: A timeline
In its first term, the government was forced to retract its proposal to ease the 2014-15 land acquisition norms fearing a political backlash, following massive protests across the country. But the peace it bought with the farmers was short-lived.
Farmers’ angst in nooks and corners of rural India had been simmering, bursting out in spurts of violence like the one witnessed in Madhya Pradesh’s Mandsaur in 2017 where farmers were protesting, demanding loan waiver and higher crop prices.
This was followed by the 2018 farmers’ agitation in Maharashtra. Moved by the poor implementation of the loan waivers, thousands of farmers undertook a march from Nashik to Mumbai demanding redressal. Though then the government decided to fulfil the demands, it, however, retreated.
Why do farmers get on the streets?
It’s not that farmers’ agitation has picked pace only since 2014. But agriculture sector experts say farmers’ grievances have mostly remained unaddressed.
Rural distress has been on the rise, stoking farmers’ anger. Politics has added fuel, making a lethal cocktail.
Even though Punjab and Haryana are not as critical to the country’s food security as they were a few decades ago, they are extremely important in India’s farm economy.
Decades of high farm earnings also mean that the peasantry in these two states has much more in terms of material wherewithal to fight for its interests.
Therefore, the fact that the government’s attempts to undermine their interests by enacting the recent farm laws have triggered a sharp political backlash is hardly surprising.
What do they want?
Farmers would want no restrictions on the movement, stocking and export of their produce.
For example, Maharashtra’s onion growers have vehemently opposed the Centre’s resort to banning on exports and imposition of stock limits whenever retail prices have tended to go up.
But these restrictions relate to “trade”.
When it comes to “marketing” — especially dismantling of the monopoly of APMCs — farmers, especially in Punjab and Haryana, aren’t very convinced about the “freedom of choice to sell to anyone and anywhere” argument.
From the government’s standpoint, the elephant in the room would be if the farmers insist on an additional demand: Making MSP a legal right. That would be impossible to meet, even if the three farm laws get repealed.
What options does the government have?
While the farmers want the three farm laws to be repealed and a new law with a provision that ensures the MSP is not tinkered with, the government has maintained that MSP is not being done away with.
These may be just fears, but they aren’t small.
(1) Repealing the laws
Punjab farmer leaders, including two major political parties, demand repeal of these laws.
Overall, almost 90 per cent of the agri-produce is sold to the private sector. However, repealing would mean bringing back controls, licence raj and the resultant rent-seeking.
Milk, poultry, fishery, etc. don’t go through the mandi system and their growth rates are 3 to 5 times higher than that of wheat and rice.
(2) Legally enforcing the MSPs
Another demand is making the MSP statutory and legally binding even on the private sector.
This is impractical as there are 23 commodities for which MSPs are announced, but in actual practice only wheat and rice enjoy MSPs in any meaningful manner and that too only in 6-7 states.
The FCI is overloaded with grain stocks that are more than 2.5 times the buffer stock norms.
If the government cannot cope up with excess production of just wheat and rice in any meaningful way, think of how it will handle 23 commodities under MSP.
(3) Implementing Price Stabilization Scheme
The third policy option is to use the Price Stabilization Scheme to give a lift to market prices by pro-actively buying a part of the surplus whenever market prices crash.
Farmers can use Commodity Derivatives Exchanges where farmers can buy “put options” at MSP before they even sow their crops.
If the market prices at the time of harvest turn out to be below MSP, government can compensate them partly for lower market prices (which again aren’t feasible for the govt.)
(4) Decentralizing MSPs and other subsidies
Another option is to totally decentralize the MSP, procurement, stocking, and public distribution system (PDS).
The Centre can get off from MSP, PDS, fertilizer subsidy, and MGNREGA and let the states decide it.
So, the whole money on food subsidy can be allocated to states on the basis of their share in all-India poverty/proportion of vulnerable population.
A bigger challenge at the moment
Several farmers said that they had come prepared to dig in for a prolonged struggle.
Farmers are carrying ration that can last months and are in no mood to turn back. Any use of force by the state may lead to a major law and order disruption.
In the current situation, the police have already used water cannons and tear gas to disperse the agitated farmers — but both methods have failed.
This could lead to a severe law and order crisis.
Moreover, international voices are also rising on the credibility of the government to address the farmers concerns, which is not a healthy sign.
Way forward: Give reforms a chance
Reforms in agriculture have been overdue. There has been rhetoric in last 10 years in favour of agricultural but very few concrete steps have been taken.
One rhetoric is very clear now. The APMC mandis were never filled with good samaritans and neither is the MSP religiously enforced everywhere.
Just passing these laws won’t be enough. The success of liberalizing the farm market will hinge on effective implementation, constant monitoring and timely action.
Accelerating research and academic excellence could bring in the ‘best in class’ technologies and can multiply farmers’ incomes.
As far as the APMCs and commission agents are concerned, the governments should work on a clear roadmap to modernize them by facilitating them in providing value-added services.
They could be leveraged to set-up grading and sorting, warehousing, cold chains and food processing infrastructure. This way, it is a win-win-win for the state government, farmers and the commission agents.
While taking the control away from these agents, the government must also ensure that the gap is filled with foolproof mechanisms to ensure timely payments to farmers to avoid any cash crunch.
Don’t fear the competition
When we create competition for their produce, the price improves. There are more buyers, more choices. Farmers can reap the benefits of that.
The COVID-19 crisis opened a window of opportunity to reform the agri-marketing system. Patience and professionalism will bring rich rewards in due course, not noisy politics.
Conclusion
The governments must try to allay the fears of farmers over the Farm Bills and it is never too late to rethink. Unconditional talks with farmers would be an appropriate starting point.
There is genuine uncertainty over what private procurement will mean. Will it mean greater corporate power over farmers, possibly unhealthy monopolies or duopolies?
Leveraging the reforms and moving forward rather is the most feasible solution than to protest amid the pandemic.
What farmers need and are asking for is legally guaranteed remunerative prices. If the Bills are perceived of good intent, then the government should not shy away from proper parliamentary scrutiny of all its details.
Political parties that are opposing these Bills should coordinate better keeping farmers’ interests in the forefront, and not their party politics.
The article is based on the book by Daniel Yergin, titled ” The New Map: Energy, Climate and the Clash of Nations”. The book throws some questions to countries dependent on oil and suggests the framework for their transition to renewable.
Six broad themes underlying the energy transition
The first is the US shale revolution, which transformed the US from a major importer of oil and gas to a significant exporter.
The second is the leveraging by Russia of its gas exports to compel former members of the Soviet Union to stay within its sphere of influence and to embrace China into an energy partnership.
The third is China’s assertion of its rights over the South China Seas — a critical maritime route for its energy imports and the Belt and Road initiative;
The fourth is sectarian strife (Sunni/Shia) in the Middle East which, compounded by volatile and falling oil prices, has brought the region to the edge;
The fifth is the Paris climate summit and its impact on public sentiment, investment decisions, corporate governance and regulatory norms.
Sixth is the consequential impact of the manifold and impressive advancement of clean energy technologies.
Questions for India
The ongoing transition in the energy world raises several questions for India.
How might they impact its objective to provide reliable, affordable, clean and universal access to energy?
Who will bear the costs of the transition — in particular, the costs of retrofitting industrial infrastructure and upgrading the power grids.
How can it prevent the “perfect storm” of high unemployment due to laid-off coal workers and stranded assets thermal power plants, slowed economic growth and environmental degradation?
How realistic is a green transition for an economy almost totally dependent on fossil fuels?
Three policy initiatives for the government
1) Securing favourable terms with oil suppliers
The government leverage its buyer strength to secure “most favoured” terms of trade for crude supplies.
In this regard, they bring out one development that plays to India’s advantage — the onset of “peak oil demand” (that is, demand will plateau before supply depletes).
However, there is no consensus on the timing of peak demand.
2) Develop own systems for photovoltaics (PVs) and batteries
India must develop its own world-scale, competitive, manufacturing systems for photovoltaics (PVs) and battery storage.
Otherwise, India will not be able to provide affordable solar units unless it accepts the further deepening of dependence on Chinese imports.
Currently, China manufactures 75 per cent of the world’s lithium batteries; 70 per cent of solar cells; 95 per cent of solar wafers and it controls 60 per cent of the production of poly silica.
China is also looking to secure a chokehold over several strategic minerals (cobalt, nickel).
3) Prepare a clean energy technology strategy
Technology is the answer to the energy transition.
That is what will bring the system to the tipping point of radical change.
China has placed clean energy R&D at the forefront of its “Plan 2025”.
The India strategy should identify relevant “breakthrough technologies”, establish the funding mechanisms and create the ecosystem for partnerships (domestic and international).
Conclusion
As an economy which is energy import-dependent, fossil-fuel-based India must balance between the rising demand for energy and an unhealthily strong linkage between this demand and environmental pollution.
The article analyses the state of agriculture in Punjab and the its dependace on the MSP regime and suggest the diversification as a solution to the MSP trap.
Punjab’s role in Green Revolution
India was desperately short of grains in 1965, and heavily dependent on PL 480 imports from the US against rupee payments, as the country did not have enough foreign exchange to buy wheat at global markets.
The entire foreign exchange reserves of the country at the time could not help it purchase more than 7 MMT of grains.
It is against this backdrop that the minimum support price (MSP) system was devised in 1965.
India’s current grains management system: Issue of excess grains
Today, the Food Corporation of India (FCI) stocks grains touched 97 MMT in June this year against a buffer stock norm of 41.2 MMT.
The economic cost of that excess grain, beyond the buffer stock norm, was more than Rs 1,80,000 crore, a dead capital locked in without much purpose.
That’s the situation of the current grain management system based on MSP and open ended procurement.
Decline in Punjab’s economic level
In 1966 Punjab had the highest per capita income.
Punjab’s position fell to 13th in 2018-19.
There are several reasons behind this deterioration, ranging from lack of industrialisation to not catching up even with respect to the modern services sector like IT, financial services.
What explains Punjab’s prosperity
Punjab’s agriculture is blessed with almost 99 per cent irrigation against an all-India average of little less than 50 per cent.
The average landholding in Punjab is 3.62 hectare (ha) as against an all-India average of 1.08 ha.
Punjab’s fertiliser consumption per ha is about 212 kg vis-à-vis an all-India level of 135 kg/ha.
The productivity levels of wheat and rice in Punjab stand at 5 tonnes/ha and 4 tonnes/ha respectively, against an all-India average of 3.5t/ha and 2.6t/ha.
Assesing Punjab’s real contribution to income and agriculture
In Punjab, the total farm families are just 1.09 million, a fraction of the all-India total of 146.45 million.
The overall subsidy, from just power and fertilisers would amount to roughly Rs 13,275 crores.
That means each farm household in Punjab got a subsidy of about Rs 1.22 lakh in 2019-20.
This is the highest subsidy for a farm household in India.
Let’s not forget that the average income of the Punjab farm household is the highest in India.[2.5 time’s the India’s average].
But to assess the real contribution of farmers/states to agriculture and incomes, the metric is the agri-GDP per ha of gross cropped area of the state in question.
This is an important catch-all indicator, as it captures the impact of productivity, diversification, prices of outputs and inputs and subsidies.
On that indicator, unfortunately, Punjab has the 11th rank amongst major agri-states.
Way forward: Diversification of crops
States in south India like Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Kerala have a much more diversified crop pattern tending towards high-value crops/livestock — poultry, dairy, fruits, vegetables, spices, fisheries.
If Punjab farmers want to increase their incomes significantly, double or even triple, they need to gradually move away from MSP-based wheat and rice to high-value crops and livestock, the demand for which is increasing at three to five times that of cereals.
Punjab needs a package to diversify its agriculture — say a Rs 10,000 crore package spread over five years.
Conclusion
Once farmers diversify their farm output and double their incomes, they will not be stuck in the MSP trap.
Last month, a government notification listed out specific surgical procedures that a postgraduate medical student of Ayurveda must be “practically trained to acquaint with, as well as to independently perform”.
Q.Allowing modern surgeries to Ayurveda professionals is a mixopathy and an encroachment into the jurisdiction and competencies of modern medicine. Critically analyse.
What is the notification?
The notification mentions 58 surgical procedures that postgraduate students must train themselves in and acquires skills to perform independently.
These include procedures in general surgery, urology, surgical gastroenterology, and ophthalmology.
The issue
The notification has invited sharp criticism from the Indian Medical Association, which questioned the competence of Ayurveda practitioners to carry out these procedures.
They have called the notification as an attempt at “mixopathy”.
The IMA has planned nationwide protests against this notification and has threatened to withdraw all non-essential and non-Covid services.
Surgery as a part of Ayurveda
It is not that Ayurveda practitioners are not trained in surgeries, or do not perform them.
In fact, they take pride in the fact that their methods and practices trace their origins to Sushruta, an ancient Indian sage and physician.
The comprehensive medical treatise Sushruta Samhita has, apart from descriptions of illnesses and cures, detailed accounts of surgical procedures and instruments.
There are two branches of surgery in Ayurveda — Shalya Tantra, which refers to general surgery, and Shalakya Tantra which pertains to surgeries related to the eyes, ears, nose, throat and teeth.
All postgraduate students of Ayurveda have to study these courses, and some go on to specialize in these and become Ayurveda surgeons.
Distinctions in surgical procedures
For several surgeries Ayurvedic procedures almost exactly match those of modern medicine about how or where to make a cut or incision, and how to perform the operation.
There are significant divergences in post-operative care, however.
The only thing that Ayurveda does not do is super-speciality surgeries, like neurosurgery or open-heart surgeries.
For most other needs, there are surgical procedures in Ayurveda. It is not very different from allopathic medicine.
Ayurvedic surgeries before the notification
PG education in Ayurveda is guided by the Indian Medical Central Council (Post Graduate Education) Regulations framed from time to time.
Currently, the regulations formulated in 2016 are in force. The latest notification of last month is an amendment to the 2016 regulations.
The 2016 regulations allow postgraduate students to specialise in Shalya Tantra, Shalakya Tantra, and Prasuti evam Stree Roga (Obstetrics and Gynecology), the three disciplines involving major surgical interventions.
Students of these three disciplines are granted MS (Master in Surgery in Ayurveda) degrees.
Arguments in favour
Ayurveda practitioners point out that students enrolling in Ayurveda courses have to pass the same NEET (National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test).
Ayurveda institutions prescribe textbooks from modern medicine, or that they carry out surgeries with the help of practitioners of modern medicine.
Their course, internship and practice also run parallel to the MBBS courses.
Postgraduate courses require another three years of study. They also have to undergo clinical postings in the outpatient and In-patient departments at hospitals apart from getting hands-on training.
Medico-legal issues, surgical ethics and informed consent is also part of the course apart from teaching Sushruta’s surgical principles and practices.
So, what is new?
Ayurveda practitioners say the latest notification just brings clarity to the skills that an Ayurveda practitioner possesses.
The surgeries that have been mentioned in the notification are all that are already part of the Ayurveda course. But there is little awareness about these.
A patient is usually not clear whether an Ayurvedic practitioner has the necessary skill to perform one of these operations.
Now, they know exactly what an Ayurveda doctor is capable of. The skill sets have been defined. This will remove question marks on the ability of an Ayurveda practitioner.
What are the IMA’s objections?
IMA doctors insist that they are not opposed to the practitioners of the ancient system of medicine.
But they say the new notification somehow gives the impression that the skills or training of the Ayurveda doctor in performing modern surgeries are the same as those practising modern medicine.
This, they say, is misleading, and an “encroachment into the jurisdiction and competencies of modern medicine”.
The IMA has condemned the move calling it predatory poaching on modern medicine and its surgical disciplines.
The IMA has demanded that the notification, as well as the NITI Aayog, move towards ‘One Nation One System’ (of AYUSH) be withdrawn.
The Tamil Nadu government has decided to appoint a commission to formulate a methodology to collect caste-wise particulars of its population and use that to come up with a report.
Q.India’s caste system is perhaps the world’s longest surviving social hierarchy. Critically analyse.
The issue
The Centre conducted a ‘Socio-Economic Caste Census’ (SECC) in 2011 throughout the country, but it did not make public the caste component of the findings.
In Karnataka, the outcome of a similar exercise has not been disclosed to the public.
Caste details as a part of the census
Caste was among the details collected by enumerators during the decennial Census of India until 1931.
It was given up in 1941, a year in which the census operation was partially affected by World War II.
In his report on the 1941 exercise, then Census Commissioner of India, M.W.M. Yeatts, indicated that tabulation of caste details separately involved additional costs.
However, at the time of sorting the details, some provinces or States that wanted a caste record for administrative reasons were given some data on payment.
Issues with caste in the census
H. Hutton, the Census Commissioner in 1931, notes that on the occasion of each successive census since 1901, some criticism had been raised about taking any note of the fact of caste.
It has been alleged that the mere act of labelling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system.
Some argue that there is nothing wrong in recording a fact and ignoring its existence.
View after Independence
The 1951 census did not concern itself with questions regarding castes, races and tribes, except insofar as the necessary statistical material related to ‘special groups’.
It created certain other material relating to backward classes collected and made over to the Backward Classes Commission.
‘Special Groups’ has been explained as referring to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Anglo-Indians and certain castes treated provisionally as ‘backward’ for the purposes of the census.
This implies that BC data were collected, but not compiled or published.
How have caste details been collected so far?
While SC/ST details are collected as part of the census, details of other castes are not collected by the enumerators.
The main method is by self-declaration to the enumerator.
So far, backward classes commissions in various States have been conducting their own counts to ascertain the population of backward castes.
The methodology may vary from State to State.
What about SECC 2011?
The Socio-Economic Caste Census of 2011 was a major exercise to obtain data about the socio-economic status of various communities.
It had two components: a survey of the rural and urban households and ranking of these households based on pre-set parameters, and a caste census.
However, only the details of the economic conditions of the people in rural and urban households were released. The caste data have not been released till now.
While a precise reason is yet to be disclosed, it is surmised that the data were considered too politically sensitive.
Fear of antagonizing dominant and powerful castes that may find that their projected strength in the population is not as high as claimed may be an important reason.
Legal imperative for a caste count
The Supreme Court has been raising questions about the basis for reservation levels being high in various States.
In particular, it has laid down that there should be quantifiable data to justify the presence of a caste in the backward class list, as well as evidence of its under-representation in services.
It has also called for periodical review of community-wise lists so that the benefits do not perpetually go in favour of a few castes.
Caste data for reservations
Legislators argue that knowing the precise number of the population of each caste would help tailor the reservation policy to ensure equitable representation of all of them.
While obtaining relevant and accurate data may be the major gain from a caste census, the possibility that it will lead to heartburn among some sections and spawn demands for larger or separate quotas.
PM would on December 10 lay the foundation stone for the new Parliament building, which would be a symbol of “Atmanirbhar Bharat” and a “temple of democracy” for Independent India.
Try this MCQ first:
Q.The architecture of the present Parliament House of India is inspired from:
a) Ekattarso Mahadeva Temple
b) Virupaksa Temple
c) Dilwara Temples
d) Brihaddeswara Temple
The new Parliament Building
The building, to be constructed by Tata Projects Ltd. would have a built-up area of 64,500 square metres over four floors and would be built adjacent to the existing building over 22 months.
Artisans and sculptors from across the country would contribute to the new building, showcasing the diversity and making it a symbol of “Atmanirbhar Bharat”.
The building would have modern equipment, be earthquake-safe and accommodate up to 1,224 MPs during joint sessions in the Lok Sabha chamber.
The Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha chambers themselves would accommodate 888 and 384 MPs respectively.
Issues with the old building
The existing British-built Parliament building, built in the 1920s, was designed for the Imperial Legislative Council and not for a bicameral Parliament.
The building has been modified over the years, including in 1956 when two floors were added.
While the number of Lok Sabha seats has remained 545 based on delimitation carried out on the basis of the 1971 Census, it is likely to increase after 2026 as the number of seats has been frozen till then.
The sources said the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha halls are packed and would not be able to accommodate additional seats when the number of seats goes up.
Back2Basics: Parliament House (Sansad Bhavan)
The Sansad Bhavan is the seat of the Parliament of India. It houses the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha which represent lower and upper houses respectively in India’s bicameral parliament.
The existing building draws inspiration from Ekattarso Mahadeva Temple (in M.P.) and was built under the British empire for its Imperial Legislative Council in 1927.
The opening ceremony, which then housed the Imperial Legislative Council, was performed on 18 January 1927 by Lord Irwin, Viceroy of India.
Following the end of British rule in India, it was taken over by Constituent Assembly of India which was succeeded by the parliament of India once Constitution of India came into force in 1950.
In the 2010s, a proposal was introduced to revamp Central Vista and re-build or relocate a number of administrative buildings which initiated a program expecting completion in 2024.
Architectural details:
Originally called the House of Parliament, it was designed by the British architects’ Edwin Lutyens and Herbert Baker in 1912-1913.
It was held as part of their wider mandate to construct a new administrative capital city for British India.
The perimeter of the building is circular, with 144 columns on the outside.
The building is surrounded by large gardens and the perimeter is fenced off by sandstone railings (jali).
Construction of the House began in 1921 and it was completed in 1927.
