💥Crack UPSC In 1st Attempt | Admission Open | Ultimate Assessment Program 2027/2028

Subject: Art and Culture

  • A library without a home speaks of a larger absence

    Why in the News

    The Central Secretariat Library (CSL) is yet to find a new home as Shastri Bhawan, its base since 1969, makes way for the Central Vista redevelopment. The delay raises the question of whether a project rebuilding the seat of government has planned for the institutions that hold its memory.

    What is the Central Secretariat Library, and why does it matter?

    1. Colonial origin: The CSL was established in 1891 as the Imperial Secretariat Library in Calcutta. It moved with the capital to Delhi and was renamed after Independence.
    2. Collection: It holds over 8.5 lakh books and documents, including material dating back to 1702.
    3. Institutional memory: The CSL serves as a working archive of the Indian state, keeping its institutional memory, the record of past government work and decisions. It is like the government’s own record room.
    4. The takeaway: Leaving an institution of archival importance without a secure home is a troubling statement of priorities for a project of such scale and ambition.

    Why was the displacement foreseeable?

    1. Known relocation: Central Vista is a long-term project involving some of the country’s most storied buildings, so relocation was not an unforeseen complication.
    2. Early request: As early as 2023, the Ministry of Culture sought matching space in the new Common Central Secretariat, the heart of the redevelopment.
    3. Statement of priorities: By deciding which institutions get space in a new administrative centre, the government signals what belongs at the centre of public life.

    What do other heritage relocations in the project show?

    1. Earlier controversies: The demolition of the National Archives Annexe and the relocation of the National Museum‘s collections drew public debate and expert opinion.
    2. New museum: The National Museum’s collections are moving to the Yuge Yugeen Bharat Museum, coming up in the North and South Block buildings.
    3. Preservation needs: Those debates showed the need for proper inventories and cataloguing, conservation facilities, climate-controlled storage for fragile and rare material, digitisation, trained staff and public access.
    4. Planning lapse: Such provisions should have been integral to the project from the outset.

    Why can a temporary move become permanent?

    1. Tulsi Sadan precedent: The CSL’s regional languages section, the Tulsi Sadan Library, was temporarily shut in 2011 for construction of the Mandi House Metro station.
    2. Stored, not served: Its contents were housed in the National School of Drama premises, and the library remains shut to this day.
    3. Displacement lesson: When institutions are displaced without a durable plan, temporary arrangements can become permanent absences.

    Challenges

    1. No fixed destination: Moving lakhs of rare documents into interim storage without a final site raises the risk of damage and loss.
    2. Interrupted access: Officials and researchers lose access to records while a collection sits in storage.
    3. Split responsibility: The library’s ministry seeks the space, but another ministry redevelops the buildings, so no single agency owns the relocation.
    4. Irreversible damage: Without digitised copies, any harm to fragile originals during a move cannot be undone.

    Way Forward

    1. Permanent allotment: The Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs should allot the CSL space before Shastri Bhawan is vacated.
    2. Collections protocol: Make cataloguing and climate-controlled storage a precondition for vacating any building that houses archives.
    3. Digitise first: Digitise rare and fragile material before any move.
    4. Reopen Tulsi Sadan: Set a dated plan to reopen the Tulsi Sadan Library.

    Conclusion

    The CSL’s displacement shows a redevelopment that planned new buildings ahead of the institutions meant to fill them. Whether the library gets a permanent address before Shastri Bhawan is vacated will show if Central Vista avoids repeating its own past mistakes.

    Back2Basics: Central Vista Redevelopment Project

    1. What it is: A project to rebuild India’s central administrative area in New Delhi, along the stretch between Rashtrapati Bhavan and India Gate.
    2. Nodal ministry: It is executed under the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs.
    3. Key components: They include a new Parliament building, inaugurated in 2023, and the redeveloped Kartavya Path, formerly Rajpath.
    4. Launch: The project was announced in 2019.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2018, GS1, 10 marks] Safeguarding the Indian art heritage is the need of the moment. Discuss.”

  • Tamil links to West Asia: What underwater excavations in Chola capital reveal

    Why in the News

    Poompuhar’s trade with West Asia, known so far from Sangam literature and shipping records, now has fresh evidence from the seabed off the ancient Chola port: a fragment of a West Asian “torpedo jar”, found with four terracotta ring wells and more than 250 ceramic fragments. The Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology (TNSDA) recovered them with the Indian Maritime University in an 18 day underwater exploration.

    What was Poompuhar?

    1. What it is: Poompuhar (Kaveripoompattinam), in Mayiladuthurai district, was a port at the mouth of the 800 km Cauvery. It is believed to be the early Chola capital and their gateway to the sea.
    2. Literary fame: It features prominently in Sangam and post-Sangam literature, so its trade was known from texts before divers reached it.
    3. Age of the city: Carbon dating, which dates organic remains, was done on a wooden log. A 2011 archaeology report cites it as showing the city existed by the 4th century BCE.
    4. Layout: The city had three parts: Maruvurppakkam on the seashore, Pattinappakkam to the west, and Nalangadi between them.
    5. The takeaway: Finds off Poompuhar show how far early Tamil trade reached, because the port carried the kingdom’s sea traffic.

    What does the new exploration reveal?

    1. Torpedo jar: The fragment is of a fine ceramic jar about 30 to 35 cm across. Such long jars carried wine and olive oil across ocean trade routes.
    2. Link to the West: The jar is evidence of Poompuhar’s maritime links with West Asia and the Mediterranean world.
    3. Ring wells on the seabed: Ring wells, pits lined with terracotta rings, were dug on land for fresh water. Underwater, they suggest a buried palaeochannel, an old riverbed drowned by coastal erosion and rising seas.

    How old and wide were Poompuhar’s trade links?

    1. Earlier record of shipping: A 1996 paper by Sila Tripati, A.S. Gaur and others records ships from Tamralipti (West Bengal) and Palur (Odisha) calling at Poompuhar on their way to Southeast Asia, Arabia and Rome.
    2. Earlier offshore finds: Earlier surveys found Sangam period brick structures, ring wells, storage jars and megalithic pottery offshore. They show people lived beyond today’s shore, probably around a public building, wharf and reservoir.
    3. Chola branding: Exports were stamped with a tiger symbol marking Chola origin.
    4. Imports: Articles came from the Ganges region, food from Ceylon and spices from Java, brought by merchants from across India and Southeast Asia.

    Why did the city go under the sea?

    1. Floods: Floods are believed to have swallowed much of the city around the 4th or 5th century CE.
    2. Tsunami: Studies also suggest a tsunami struck around the 3rd century CE.
    3. Two scholarly views: Either the whole city sank and was rebuilt, or only part was engulfed. The 2011 report’s authors favour the second.
    4. The legend: In legend, the city’s goddess drowned it after a grieving king skipped Indra Vizha, a harvest festival for Indra (Vendhan), god of rain. Sreelata Menon’s 2025 book “In Search of Lost Cities” retells it.

    Challenges

    1. Contested dating: Currents move submerged objects from their original layer, so dates stay disputed.
    2. Short diving seasons: Poor visibility, currents and the monsoon limit working time underwater.
    3. Ongoing erosion: The erosion that drowned the city keeps wearing down offshore remains.

    Way Forward

    1. Scientific dating: TNSDA should date the jar and ring wells by thermoluminescence and radiocarbon methods.
    2. Map the buried channel: Use side scan sonar and sub bottom profiling, which image the seabed and the layers under it, to trace the palaeochannel.
    3. Pool expertise: Link the team with the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)-National Institute of Oceanography, which led earlier Poompuhar surveys.

    Conclusion

    Poompuhar’s seabed confirms that the early Chola coast sat on an ocean network reaching the Mediterranean, but most of that evidence now lies underwater. How and when the city sank stays unresolved until securely dated finds settle it.

    Back2Basics: Sangam literature

    1. What it is: The earliest body of Tamil literature, traditionally linked to three assemblies of poets under Pandya patronage, the last at Madurai.
    2. Main collections: Ettuthogai (Eight Anthologies) and Pattuppattu (Ten Idylls), with Tolkappiyam as the earliest Tamil grammar.
    3. Puhar in the texts: Pattinappalai, one of the Ten Idylls, describes Puhar’s port and trade under the Chola king Karikala.
    4. Post-Sangam epics: Silappatikaram by Ilango Adigal opens in Puhar, and Manimekalai narrates the city’s destruction by the sea.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2023] With reference to ancient South India, Korkai, Poompuhar and Muchiri were well known as (a) capital cities (b) ports (c) (d) centres of iron and steel making (d) shrines of Jain Tirthankaras Answer: (b)”

  • From Venice with love: India at the Venice Biennale

    Why in the News

    India has returned to the Venice Biennale with a national pavilion after seven years, presenting ‘Geographies of Distance: Returning Home’ under the curator Amin Jaffer. The pavilion carries five artworks, all rooted in Indian craft traditions and all built around the idea of home. Critics, patrons and the global media have called it dazzling and spectacular. The contested point is that India has mounted a national pavilion only three times in the event’s history, so the question raised by the praise is whether a strong showing becomes a standing presence or remains an occasional one.

    What is a national pavilion at the Venice Biennale?

    1. The Venice Biennale: Begun in 1895, it is among the oldest, largest and most prestigious contemporary art events, and is called the Olympics of the art world. In its current format it hosts the International Art Biennale, the International Architecture Biennale, national pavilions and collateral events.
    2. A national pavilion: This is a presentation organised and funded by a government to showcase its own artists, which makes it an exercise in soft power and cultural diplomacy rather than a private exhibition.
    3. Giardini and Arsenale: Thirty countries own permanent buildings at the historic Giardini park. The Arsenale rents space for the six-month-long biennale, and India’s pavilion sits there in a brick-walled former maritime warehouse, a five-minute walk from China’s pavilion.

    What does the India pavilion put on display?

    1. Permanent Address, by Sumakshi Singh: White threads hold up fragments of a broken home, an embroidered recreation of 33 Link Road in Delhi, the artist’s now-demolished house that her grandparents, Partition refugees from Pakistan, built in 1951. The house was embroidered on water-soluble fabric down to its gates, stairs, walls, doors, windows and door bolts.
    2. Chaal, by Asim Waqif: A bamboo scaffolding 30 feet high, using 12 tonnes of bamboo sourced largely from Assam and West Bengal, stands as a commentary on the erosion of rural architecture under construction rules that favour steel and aluminium. It uses a single lashing technique, two lengths of bamboo tied with a composite nylon shipping strap, with no holes, joinery, nuts or bolts.
    3. Echoes of Home, by Skarma Sonam Tashi: A prototype of a Ladakhi settlement recalls homes traditionally built from earth, stone, timber and collective knowledge passed down generations. It was made from recycled material, including papier-mache, egg trays, cardboard and old paper.
    4. Under the Same Sky, by Ranjani Shettar: A monumental floral vine is suspended from the ceiling as a floating garden.
    5. Cracked soil, by Alwar Balasubramaniam: A two-panelled installation of cracked soil sourced from rural Tamil Nadu, one panel covering an entire wall of the pavilion.

    How was the 2026 pavilion put together?

    1. Selection process: The Culture Ministry received multiple expressions of interest and assessed proposals against the vision it sought to present at Venice, over months of discussion and evaluation.
    2. Curatorial brief widened: The selected proposal was initially for a single artist. The ministry held that India’s diversity called for a multi-artist presentation, and the curator expanded the narrative to five.
    3. The question the theme asks: The curation treats Indians as migrants and asks whether belonging is determined solely by geography, or can be sustained through memory, practice and emotional attachment.
    4. Institutional partners: The government delivered the pavilion with two institutional partners, the Nita Mukesh Ambani Cultural Centre (NMACC) and Serendipity Arts.
    5. What a Venice presence demands: Beyond selecting artists, a pavilion requires curatorial expertise, production capability, international partnerships, sustained funding and the ability to build audiences and relationships around the work.
    6. Official reception: The biennale’s President described India’s presentation as grounded in its ancient heritage while looking to the future.

    Why has India’s presence at Venice been episodic rather than sustained?

    1. Three pavilions in 131 years: India has participated with a national pavilion only in 2011, 2019 and 2026, even as Indian artists have regularly shown in their individual capacities at the biennale’s central exhibitions.
    2. The gaps between them: India reportedly failed to accept the biennale’s invitation in 2007, and returned only after eight years following its 2011 debut.
    3. Absence as a signal: In 2015 an Indian artist said she felt ashamed at the absence of a national pavilion, because the absence showed where India placed its contemporary art.
    4. How others do it: China has showcased its pavilion since 2005 from a permanent home at the Arsenale, and smaller countries such as Uruguay and Angola either hold permanent pavilions or participate consistently.

    What did the 2011 and 2019 pavilions do differently?

    1. 2011, a free curatorial hand: The Culture Ministry chose the historian and art critic Ranjit Hoskote, who was left free to set the concept and pick the artists. He asked who had the right to call themselves Indian and left out some of the biggest names.
    2. 2011, a critical work: The debut showed Desire Machine Collective’s Residue, a short film shot in a defunct thermal power plant outside Guwahati, which took a dig at the Indian State’s thoughtless industrialisation.
    3. 2019, a commemoration as the brief: The pavilion was mounted around the 150th anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi and explored his continued relevance in a world navigating conflict, with works by Jitish Kallat, Atul Dodiya, MF Husain and Shakuntala Kulkarni.
    4. 2019, the curatorial constraint: The curator was told the funds came from the Gandhi 150 commemoration, and secured agreement that the curation would carry a critical lens. Critics still dismissed the pavilion as government-mandated, unoriginal and bureaucratic.
    5. 2019, the delivery model: The Ministry of Culture worked with the Kiran Nadar Museum of Art (KNMA) as principal partner and financial backer, and the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) on co-organisation, corporate advocacy and execution.
    6. The platform’s own tradition: The biennale has a rich record of artists using a State-funded platform to challenge governments. Eg. Hans Haacke’s Germania in 1993 was an indictment of the German government’s inaction over racial violence against immigrants.

    Challenges to a sustained Indian presence at the Venice Biennale

    1. Renting rather than owning a space: Participation has to be renegotiated each edition because India holds no permanent building at the biennale. Eg. Entering the Giardini park requires navigating a labyrinth of diplomatic, legal and administrative clearances, which Qatar completed in 2025 and South Korea last did in 1995.
      The Fix: Pursue a permanent space, which is cheaper over time and compels a return at every edition.
    2. Occasion-driven funding: A pavilion financed out of a commemoration ties its theme to the reason the money was released. Eg. The 2019 curation was fixed to an anniversary rather than chosen curatorially.
      The Fix: Fund the pavilion as a standing budget line, so the theme is set by the curator and not by the source of the grant.
    3. Capability that does not accumulate: Each pavilion is delivered by a fresh set of partners, so production and curatorial knowledge does not carry across editions. Eg. The 2019 and 2026 pavilions were built by entirely different institutional partners.
      The Fix: Retain a standing organising body across editions, so what one pavilion learns is available to the next.
    4. Freight exposure on craft-based work: Large installations in natural material need long lead times that a sudden conflict can destroy. Eg. Several species of bamboo had to reach Venice on fixed timelines, and the outbreak of the US-Iran war in February forced the artworks to be flown in instead of shipped.
      The Fix: Budget an air freight contingency into the production plan from the outset for bulky and perishable material.

    Conclusion

    The pavilion has been received as a success, and the success is being read as evidence of a change in how India treats contemporary art abroad. The record does not yet support that reading, because every Indian pavilion so far has followed a specific occasion rather than a standing commitment. India has confirmed a return at the next edition and is preparing to host a biennale of its own in Delhi, which gives the current momentum somewhere to go. What to watch is whether India moves from renting space each time to holding one, since renting keeps participation a decision that has to be taken again and owning makes it an obligation.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2018, GS1, 10 marks] Safeguarding the Indian art heritage is the need of the moment. Discuss.”

  • National Film Awards 2026

    National Film Awards 2026

    Why in the News?

    The 72nd National Film Awards will honour Indian films certified during 2024. The awards were announced on 18 July 2026 and will be presented by the President of India on 22 September 2026 at Ekta Nagar, Gujarat.

    Key Highlights

    • National Film Awards instituted: 1954
    • Conferred annually by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.
    • Cover three sections:
      • Feature Films
      • Non-Feature Films
      • Best Writing on Cinema
    • Dadasaheb Phalke Award is the highest honour in Indian cinema.

    Evolution

    • 1913: Dadasaheb Phalke’s Raja Harishchandra, a landmark in Indian filmmaking.
    • 1954: National Film Awards instituted as State Awards for Films.
    • 1968: First Best Actor and Best Actress awards.
    • 1969: Dadasaheb Phalke Award instituted; Devika Rani was the first recipient.
    • 1973: Directorate of Film Festivals began administering the awards.
    • 2022: Directorate of Film Festivals merged into NFDC, the present implementing body.

    Award Structure

    Feature Films

    • 26 categories, including special mentions.
    • Awards include Swarna Kamal and Rajat Kamal.
    • Cash prizes: ₹3 lakh and ₹2 lakh.

    Non-Feature Films

    • 16 categories, including special mentions.
    • Covers documentaries, short films, animation and related forms.

    Best Writing on Cinema

    • Best Book on Cinema
    • Best Film Critic

    Dadasaheb Phalke Award

    • Highest honour in Indian cinema.
    • Swarna Kamal + shawl
    • Cash prize: ₹10 lakh for the 72nd edition.

    72nd National Film Awards: Key Winners

    • Best Feature Film: Article 370
    • Best Direction: Rajkumar Periasamy for Amaran
    • Best Actor: Mammootty and Kartik Aaryan, shared
    • Best Actress: Yami Gautam for Article 370
    • Best Popular Film Providing Wholesome Entertainment: Kalki 2898 AD
    • Best Debut Film of a Director: Randeep Hooda for Swatantrya Veer Savarkar
    • Best Non-Feature Film: Bhangaar
    • Best Documentary: Ram-Nami
    • Best Debut Film of a Director, Non-Feature: Angen by Ravi Raj Murmu
    • Best Children’s Film: 35 – Chinna Katha Kaadu

    Language Diversity

    • Best Feature Film awards are given for languages listed in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution.
    • Films in other languages can receive separate recognition.
    • In the 72nd edition:
      • Dholi: Garhwali
      • IMBU: Tulu
    • A Santhali film was recognised in the Non-Feature Film section for the first time.

    How are Awards Selected?

    • Entries are invited for films certified during the preceding calendar year.
    • Separate juries are constituted for the three award sections.
    • Feature films undergo a two-tier examination:
      1. Five regional panels shortlist entries.
      2. A central panel selects the winners.
    • The Dadasaheb Phalke Award follows a separate process and has no open entries. A specially constituted committee recommends the recipient.

    Eligibility

    • Film must be certified by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) during the award year.
    • Must carry English subtitles.
    • Feature film must run for more than 72 minutes.
    • Previously submitted dubbed, remade or re-edited versions are not eligible.

    Dadasaheb Phalke Award 2024

    • Recipient: Anant Nag
    • Announced: 16 September 2026
    • Acting career spans over five decades.
    • Has worked in more than 300 films across six Indian languages.
    • Received Padma Bhushan in 2025.

    Prelims Quick Revision

    • National Film Awards: instituted in 1954
    • First awards: honoured films of 1953
    • Administering ministry: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting
    • Present implementing body: NFDC
    • Highest cinema honour: Dadasaheb Phalke Award
    • First Dadasaheb Phalke Award recipient: Devika Rani
    • 72nd edition: films certified in 2024
    • Ceremony: 22 September 2026, Ekta Nagar, Gujarat
    • Feature films: two-tier jury process
    • Dadasaheb Phalke Award: separate selection process
    • Anant Nag: Dadasaheb Phalke Award for 2024
  • Ralph Lauren to Fendi: Why Indian crafts are easy to borrow, hard to protect

    Why in the News

    Two global luxury houses have carried Indian craft techniques into new collections without acknowledging their origin. A pink evening gown showcased by Ralph Lauren carries aari work, the hook embroidery of Gujarat, described in the label’s own wording as “hand applied embellishments”, and Fendi’s autumn collection carries a mirror work Baguette bag modelled on the mirrored purses sold at Indian craft fairs and priced at around Rs 8 lakh. This follows the appropriation of Kolhapuri chappals by Prada. The tension is stated plainly by practitioners in the field: intellectual property is territorial while culture is not, and a traditional craft has cultural provenance but no clearly identifiable legal owner, so the borrowing is cheap while the community behind the craft has no ready route to recognition, ownership or a share of the value created.

    What does a Geographical Indication protect, and what does it leave out?

    1. What it is: A Geographical Indication (GI) is a sign identifying a good as originating in a defined territory, where a given quality or reputation of that good is attributable to its geographical origin, registered in India under the Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999.
    2. What it covers: A GI protects the name, the origin and the reputation of a qualifying product, so an outsider cannot sell a good under that name without meeting the registered specification.
    3. Who can enforce it: Under the Act both registered proprietors and registered authorised users hold the right to seek relief for infringement, including injunctions, damages and an account of profits.
    4. Where it stops: A GI does not necessarily protect every motif, stitch or visual element associated with a craft, so a brand can reproduce the look without using the protected name.

    Why does a traditional craft fall outside conventional intellectual property?

    1. The territorial mismatch: Intellectual property rights are territorial and culture is not, so a right secured in one jurisdiction does not travel with the craft into the market where it is being copied.
    2. No category fits: A centuries old technique may involve an artistic expression, a design, a geographical identity or a protected name, and none of those categories captures a tradition that belongs to a community and has evolved across generations.
    3. Provenance without an owner: Traditional crafts carry cultural provenance and no clearly identifiable legal owner, and that gap is precisely the space that is exploited.
    4. Individual ownership excludes: Vesting a craft right in a single proprietor can exclude the very community that preserved it, so the obvious legal fix reproduces the problem in a different form.

    Why does a recognised right still not produce redress?

    1. Recognition is not capacity: Recognising a right and giving a community the practical capacity to exercise it are two different things, and Indian craft communities hold more of the first than the second.
    2. Cross border litigation is prohibitive: Enforcement against a multinational fashion house has to be pursued in that house’s jurisdiction, and such litigation is resource intensive in a way an artisan collective cannot sustain.
    3. A right on paper: A right without the resources to monitor, negotiate and enforce it is only a right on paper, so monitoring capacity decides whether the right exists in practice.
    4. Where institutional capacity would come from: Producer organisations, cooperatives and other representative bodies can document provenance, organise authorised users, negotiate collectively and pursue enforcement on a community’s behalf.

    How do luxury brands avoid attribution?

    1. The “inspired” framing: European brands work within an inspiration logic that treats a technique as an influence rather than as a source requiring credit.
    2. Renaming the technique: Describing hook embroidery as “hand applied embellishments” detaches the work from the place and the practitioners that gave it its name.
    3. The machine route: Where the work is produced entirely by machine it can be classified as computerised crewel work rather than as aari, which operates as an escape from the craft’s identity altogether.
    4. Asymmetric legal frameworks: Design and copyright frameworks in developed countries are more robust than those of developing countries, so the brand litigates from the stronger jurisdiction.
    5. The value the craft does not capture: The mirror work bag retails at around Rs 8 lakh, while the mirrored purses it draws on are sold at Indian craft fairs at a fraction of that.

    What would a custodianship model require?

    1. Custodianship as the legal test: The law could recognise a community as custodian where a continuing relationship exists between a cultural expression and the community that has preserved, practised and transmitted it.
    2. How provenance would be proved: Historical records, regional practice, oral testimony and community knowledge would together establish that continuing relationship.
    3. What the community would hold: A collective legal identity, documented provenance, enforceable rights and a mechanism for attribution and benefit sharing are the four elements such a framework needs.
    4. The state’s role, bounded: The government should assist with registration, recognition and enforcement while ownership remains with the community, since governments change and cultural custodianship passes across generations.
    5. The decision right that follows: The people who have sustained and transmitted a tradition should have a meaningful role in decisions concerning its protected commercial use.

    Can documentation protect a craft without exposing it?

    1. The case for a registry: A carefully maintained digital registry could document motifs, techniques, names, regions and custodial communities, and would make it much harder for a company to claim a centuries old Indian tradition originated in a European design studio.
    2. What a registry would not do: Such a registry would not grant ownership over every visual similarity, so it functions as evidence of provenance rather than as a monopoly.
    3. The risk of recording: Traditional knowledge cannot simply be recorded and handed to an outside institution, since some knowledge is sacred or restricted and documentation must not result in an outsider gaining control over it.
    4. The opposite failure: Protection should not turn a living craft into a museum piece, so the objective cannot be an absolute community monopoly over every future use of a technique.

    What does the international framework offer?

    1. The negotiation under way: The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) is working towards international rules addressing misappropriation, attribution, community rights and benefit sharing, and that framework is still being negotiated.
    2. The precedent already adopted: WIPO adopted a treaty in 2024 dealing with genetic resources and associated traditional knowledge, which shows international intellectual property law beginning to recognise these questions beyond conventional copyright and patents.
    3. The existing avenue: The Berne Convention gives creators and communities legal avenues to challenge unauthorised use, with the outcome depending on the specific work and the applicable national law.

    Challenges to protecting traditional Indian crafts

    1. Registration protects the product, not the technique: A GI attaches to a named good from a defined region, so the underlying skill can be lifted and applied to an entirely different product without touching the registration. Eg. Kutch embroidery holds a GI registration, while the hook embroidery technique itself is the subject of no registration anywhere.
      The Fix: Create a distinct registry of craft techniques and their custodial communities, separate from the goods based GI register.
    2. A registration does not by itself produce a case: Even a registered GI leaves a community facing an appropriation that is answered through public statements rather than through infringement proceedings. Eg. Kolhapuri chappals hold a GI registration and the dispute over the Prada design still played out as a controversy rather than as litigation.
      The Fix: Fund a standing legal cell for registered GI proprietors to issue notices and file proceedings without the community bearing the cost.
    3. Indian registration has no extraterritorial reach: A GI on the Indian register does not bind a design house abroad unless the name is separately protected in that jurisdiction. Eg. The proprietor of the Darjeeling tea mark has had to pursue separate proceedings in multiple foreign jurisdictions to stop misuse of the name.
      The Fix: Prioritise foreign registration of the highest value craft GIs in the European Union, the United States and Japan through the existing trade negotiation channels.
    4. Authorised user registration is thin: The right to sue lies with the registered proprietor and registered authorised users, and most working artisans are never entered on that register. Eg. A GI is typically registered in the name of a board, society or association rather than of the artisans practising the craft.
      The Fix: Make authorised user enrolment part of the same application process as the GI registration itself, with no separate fee for individual artisans.
    5. India’s documentation infrastructure covers medicine, not crafts: The country’s defensive documentation was built for traditional medicine and has no equivalent for craft motifs and techniques. Eg. The Traditional Knowledge Digital Library documents Ayurveda, Unani, Siddha and Yoga formulations for examiners at foreign patent offices.
      The Fix: Extend the same model to a craft motif and technique database accessible to design registries and customs authorities abroad.

    Conclusion

    The appropriation question is usually argued as one of etiquette, and it is a question of legal architecture. What cannot both hold is a system that vests rights in identifiable owners within fixed territories and a body of craft knowledge that has neither an owner nor a border, and no amount of enforcement will reconcile the two without a category built for collective custodianship. The practical middle ground being argued for is narrow and achievable: documented provenance, attribution, and a share in the value, without converting a living practice into a protected relic. What to watch is whether the WIPO negotiation on traditional cultural expressions produces a binding instrument on the model of its 2024 treaty on genetic resources, since that is the only forum in which a right created in India could acquire effect in the markets where the copying happens.

    Back2Basics: World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO)

    1. What it is: WIPO is the United Nations specialised agency for intellectual property, providing the forum in which international intellectual property treaties are negotiated and administered.
    2. When it was formed: It was established by the WIPO Convention signed at Stockholm in 1967, which entered into force in 1970, and it became a specialised agency of the United Nations in 1974.
    3. Where it sits: Its headquarters is at Geneva, Switzerland, and its membership covers the large majority of states, India included.
    4. What it runs: It administers the principal international treaties on copyright, patents, trademarks and designs, and operates global registration systems for patents, trademarks and industrial designs.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “Which of the following has/have been accorded ‘Geographical Indication’ status? (1) Banaras Brocades and Sarees (2) Rajasthani Daal-Bati-Churma (3) Tirupathi Laddu Select the correct answer using the code given below. (a) 1 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3”

  • Fading alphabet to fresh paint: Dogri scripts a comeback on Jammu signboards

    Why in the News

    New public signboards in Jammu carry area names in Namey Dogra Akhar, the script of the Dogri language, alongside the usual Devanagari for Hindi and Roman for English. Dogri has long been written in Devanagari, with its own script falling into disuse. Civic authorities are putting the boards up at prominent locations and institutions as an attempt to revive that script. Dogri itself carries the full set of formal protections available to an Indian language, at the Union level and in the Union Territory. The tension is that the decision that secured the language, adopting Devanagari to popularise its literature, is the same decision that displaced its script.

    What is Namey Dogra Akhar?

    1. A modified Takri: Namey Dogra Akhar is a modified version of Takri, the original script in which Dogri was written. The name translates as new Dogri script.
    2. It was created to solve a transcription problem: Takri had no vowel signs, so official orders and documents could not be reliably transcribed in it.
    3. The vowels were borrowed from Devanagari: Writers were directed to take vowel signs from Devanagari, which produced the new script. It then entered administrative work alongside Persian, which was already in use.

    Where does Dogri stand as a language?

    1. Family and group: Dogri is an Indo-Aryan language, part of the Indo-European family that also includes Hindi, Bengali and Punjabi. It belongs to the Western Pahari group, a cluster of related languages found mainly in the western Himalayas.
    2. Speakers and spread: It was the primary language of nearly 2.6 million people at the 2011 Census. It is spoken mainly by the Dogras of Jammu and Kashmir’s Jammu division, with smaller groups in Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.
    3. Formal recognition: Dogri was recognised as one of the 22 scheduled languages under the Eighth Schedule in 2003. It was declared one of the official languages of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir in 2020.

    How did the script lose its place in administration?

    1. The first Dogra ruler left it undeveloped: Maharaja Gulab Singh, the first Dogra ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, directed his energies at expanding the empire up to Tibet. He found little time to promote or develop Takri.
    2. His successor built the new script into government: Maharaja Ranbir Singh, who ascended the throne in 1856, was a scholar of Sanskrit and Persian and a reformer who had the civil and criminal laws compiled into the Ranbir Penal Code. The modified script emerged in administrative work during his rule.
    3. Urdu replaced Persian and squeezed the script out: Maharaja Pratap Singh, who succeeded in 1885, replaced Persian with Urdu as the official language to simplify administrative work, since Urdu was already widely used among the local population.
    4. Local use outlasted official use: The Dogri script continued to be used by many local people for several years after it lost its administrative standing.
    5. Three script demands were balanced against each other: Maharaja Hari Singh, who became ruler in 1926, faced British pressure for English in official work and a demand for Hindi in the Dogra heartland. He promoted Devanagari and Roman alongside the Perso-Arabic script used for Urdu.

    Why did reviving the language not revive the script?

    1. A literary body switched scripts to widen readership: The Dogri Sanstha, a literary organisation, adopted the Devanagari script in 1944 to popularise Dogri literature.
    2. The switch bought recognition at the script’s expense: It helped Dogri gain Sahitya Akademi recognition in 1969. It also contributed to the eventual decline of Namey Dogra Akhar.
    3. Academic institutionalisation ran entirely in Devanagari: The University of Jammu set up a Dogri Research Cell in 1971, later upgraded into a full department. The language became a formal subject in affiliated degree colleges in 1987, taught in Devanagari.
    4. The agitations were about the language, not the script: A Dogri Action Committee led by a Dogri poet held demonstrations in 1990 to get the language introduced in schools. An umbrella group, the Dogri Sangharsh Morcha, launched an agitation two years later for inclusion among the scheduled languages, and Dogri entered primary schooling as a third language in 2002.

    What is the current revival attempt?

    1. It began outside government: Civil society members started displaying boards written in Namey Dogra Akhar at religious places and cremation grounds a few years ago. A former principal of the Government Medical College, Jammu led that effort.
    2. It then moved to the municipal body: The same effort approached the Jammu Municipal Corporation to install public signboards, which is how the boards reached prominent locations and institutions.
    3. Teaching is the announced next step: Classes in the Dogri script are to be started, on the stated position that a language cannot survive without its own script.

    Challenges to reviving the Dogri script

    1. Signage does not by itself create readers: A script on a board stays decorative until a population can decode it, and Dogri continues to be taught in Devanagari. Eg. Manipur returned Meitei Mayek to everyday use only after making the script compulsory in schools from 2006.
      The Fix: Introduce the script as a taught component of the existing Dogri syllabus in schools and colleges rather than as an optional cultural add on.
    2. Digital support is thin: A script without fonts, keyboard layouts and rendering support cannot be used in the places where writing now happens. Eg. The Dogra script received its own Unicode block in 2018, and usable fonts and input methods remain scarce.
      The Fix: Commission open licensed fonts and an input method, and require them in Union Territory government publishing so the script has a working digital base.
    3. The written corpus is not accessible: Older material in Takri and its modified successor survives largely in temple and private collections rather than in catalogued, digitised archives. Eg. The National Mission for Manuscripts, set up in 2003, catalogues such holdings, and regional collections in scripts with few readers move slowest through it.
      The Fix: Fund a script specific digitisation and transliteration project, so learners have material to read once they can read it.
    4. Official status has not required the script: Recognition for the language and official language status in the Union Territory brought protection to Dogri without obliging anything to be written in its own script. Eg. Government business in the Union Territory runs in Devanagari, Roman and Perso-Arabic.
      The Fix: Mandate the script on official signage, letterheads and certificates, so demand for literacy follows an actual use.

    Conclusion

    The boards make the script visible before they make it legible, and that gap is where comparable revivals have stalled. Recognition for Dogri arrived through a script that was not its own, which is why formal status has never carried the script along with the language. The marker to watch is whether the promised classes and a place in the school syllabus follow the signboards, since a script survives by being written rather than by being displayed.

    Back2Basics: Eighth Schedule of the Constitution

    1. What it lists: The Eighth Schedule names the languages the Union is obliged to develop and enrich. It currently carries 22 languages, against 14 at the Constitution’s commencement.
    2. Where it is used in the Constitution: Article 344(1) provides for an Official Language Commission whose members are drawn from these languages. Article 351 directs the Union to draw on them in developing Hindi.
    3. How a language is added: Inclusion requires a constitutional amendment. Dogri, Bodo, Maithili and Santhali were the most recent additions, made by the 92nd Constitutional Amendment Act.

    [2018, GS1, 10 marks] Safeguarding the Indian art heritage is the need of the moment. Discuss.

  • Restoration work on temple in Goa island unearths relics from 14th to 16th century

    Restoration work on temple in Goa island unearths relics from 14th to 16th century

    Why in the News

    Restoration work at the old site of the Saptakoteshwar temple on Divar island in Goa has uncovered relics dated between the fourteenth and the sixteenth centuries.

    What was recovered, and where?

    1. A guardian motif: A Kirtimukh motif is among the finds, and its presence marks a formal temple entrance rather than an open air shrine.
    2. A structural element: A carved capital of a temple pillar was also recovered, which is the load bearing head of a column and part of a built temple rather than a portable object.
    3. The find spot: Both were recovered along the old pathway running between Koti Tirth and Madhavachi Talli.
    4. The dating: The relics and remains have been dated to between the fourteenth and the sixteenth centuries.

    Why do the finds change the reading of the site?

    1. Distribution carries the argument: The elements sit along a pathway, so it is their placement rather than the value of any single object that supports the inference.
    2. A complex rather than a shrine: Architectural members of this kind, found together, indicate a temple complex rather than one isolated structure.
    3. A sacred corridor: The alignment links the site’s water body with its associated structures into a processional route.
    4. The extent is revised: The understood extent of the island’s pre Portuguese temple landscape is now larger than the surviving remains indicated.

    Why does Saptakoteshwar matter in Goa’s religious history?

    1. A principal Shaiva site: Saptakoteshwar is counted among Goa’s principal Shaiva sites and its deity is a form of Shiva.
    2. Kadamba patronage: The Kadamba rulers of Goa held Saptakoteshwar as their tutelary deity, and the name appears on their coinage.
    3. Displacement in the Portuguese period: The Divar temple was destroyed in the sixteenth century, and the deity was moved off the island to Narve in Bicholim, which lay outside Portuguese control at the time.
    4. A later rebuilding: The temple at Narve was rebuilt in 1668 by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, and worship has continued at that site since.

    Challenges to protecting incidental archaeological finds

    1. Restoration is not excavation: Material surfacing during repair work is lifted without the layer by layer record that dates it and relates it to what lies around it. Eg. The Divar elements were recovered along a pathway during restoration rather than from a documented trench.
      The Fix: Require a licensed archaeologist to supervise any ground disturbance at a historic temple site, with layer wise recording completed before material is moved.
    2. Most sites carry no legal protection: Statutory protection attaches only to monuments notified under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958 or a State equivalent, and everything else depends on local custody. Eg. The Archaeological Survey of India protects roughly 3,700 monuments, a small fraction of the country’s stock of historic sites.
      The Fix: Notify a newly evidenced site under the State protection list as soon as dated material is recovered, rather than waiting for an excavation to conclude.
    3. A living temple changes faster than it is recorded: A site in continuous worship is repaired and rebuilt by its own community, which removes earlier fabric in the process. Eg. Cement plaster and modern tiling at working shrines routinely cover older stone members.
      The Fix: Complete measured drawings and photographic documentation of a living temple before any restoration grant is released.
    4. Conservation capacity is thin: Trained conservators, epigraphists and conservation architects are few relative to the number of sites needing attention. Eg. State archaeology departments in the smaller States operate with a handful of technical posts.
      The Fix: Fund State conservation units jointly with university archaeology departments so field documentation has standing capacity behind it.

    Conclusion

    The value of these finds lies less in the objects than in the boundary they redraw around a site long assumed to end at its surviving shrine. Whether that reading holds depends on a systematic survey along the corridor rather than on further chance recovery during repair work. The step to watch is whether the pathway and its surroundings are brought under a protected category before restoration continues over them.

    Back2Basics: Kirtimukh

    1. What it is: Kirtimukh is a fierce swallowing face carved as an architectural motif, the name meaning face of glory.
    2. Where it is placed: It is set above temple doorways, over deity niches and at the apex of arches, as a guardian of the threshold.
    3. Its origin story: Puranic accounts describe a devouring being created by Shiva that consumes its own body at his command and is then placed at the entrance to be honoured first.
    4. Its reach: The motif runs across Hindu and Buddhist architecture in India and into Southeast Asia, so its presence signals a formal temple structure.

    [2018, GS1, 10 marks] Safeguarding the Indian art heritage is the need of the moment. Discuss.”

  • Excavation at Vaishya Tekri, Ujjain, sheds light on Ashoka’s Mauryan-era rule

    Excavation at Vaishya Tekri, Ujjain, sheds light on Ashoka’s Mauryan-era rule

    Why in the News

    An ongoing excavation at the Vaishya Tekri mound in Ujjain has uncovered a Buddhist stupa dated to the Mauryan period, adding physical evidence to the tradition that Ashoka served as Mauryan viceroy over Ujjain and the surrounding Avanti province before he became emperor. Ujjain’s connection to Ashoka has so far rested mainly on textual and traditional accounts, including his association with the city of Vidisha and with Devi, traditionally described as his consort during his time there. A dated stupa at Vaishya Tekri gives that tradition an archaeological anchor it did not previously have at this specific site.

    What has the excavation at Vaishya Tekri found?

    1. A Buddhist stupa dated to the Mauryan period: Excavators have uncovered the remains of a stupa, a dome-shaped Buddhist commemorative structure typically built to enshrine relics, at the Vaishya Tekri mound, with the structure’s dating placed within the Mauryan period.
    2. Located at a mound with a known but under-explored history: Vaishya Tekri has long been recognised as an archaeologically significant mound in Ujjain, but the current excavation is what has produced the specific Mauryan-period stupa evidence.
    3. Physical evidence for a previously text-based tradition: The tradition that Ashoka governed Avanti province from Ujjain as a Mauryan prince before becoming emperor has rested on textual and inscriptional sources; a dated Mauryan-period Buddhist structure at Ujjain itself gives that tradition a corresponding physical find.

    How does this connect to Ashoka’s association with Ujjain, Vidisha, and Devi?

    1. Ujjain as Ashoka’s provincial capital under his father: Textual tradition holds that Ashoka was appointed viceroy of Avanti province, governing from Ujjain, during the reign of his father, Bindusara, before Ashoka’s own accession as emperor.
    2. Vidisha’s connection through Devi: Tradition associates Ashoka with Devi, described as his consort during his time in the region, whom he is said to have met at or near Vidisha, a city close to Ujjain within the same Avanti province.
    3. Stupa construction consistent with early Buddhist patronage in the region: A Mauryan-period Buddhist stupa at Ujjain is consistent with the broader pattern of early Buddhist architectural patronage across the Avanti region during and after Ashoka’s association with it, including the well-documented stupas at nearby Sanchi.

    Back2Basics: Vaishya Tekri, Ujjain

    1. An archaeological mound in Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, long identified as a site of historical significance within the ancient city associated with the Avanti Mahajanapada, one of the sixteen great kingdoms of ancient India.
    2. Ujjain’s ancient layers have previously yielded evidence of settlement dating from well before the Mauryan period, making it one of the longer continuously significant urban sites in central India.
    3. Its Mauryan-period association rests on textual tradition identifying it as the seat of Ashoka’s viceroyalty over Avanti province prior to his accession as emperor.
    4. Sits within the same historical region as Vidisha and Sanchi, both major centres of early Buddhist architectural activity.

    “[2022] Consider the following pairs :
    Site of Ashoka’s major rock edicts Location in the State of
    1. Dhauli — Odisha
    2. Erragudi — Andhra Pradesh
    3. Jaugada — Madhya Pradesh
    4. Kalsi — Karnataka
    How many pairs given above are correctly matched ?
    (a) Only one pair
    (b) Only two pairs
    (c) Only: three pairs
    (d) All four pairs

  • Sealed for 70 years, what BHU found inside 22 boxes from a Varanasi dig

    Sealed for 70 years, what BHU found inside 22 boxes from a Varanasi dig

    Why in the News

    Banaras Hindu University (BHU) opened 22 boxes on 20 August 2026 that had lain unopened for nearly 70 years, and found more than 10,000 artefacts, including painted black pottery believed to be nearly 3,000 years old.

    What is the Rajghat archaeological site?

    1. Location: Rajghat lies on the north-eastern edge of Varanasi, near the confluence of the Ganga and the Varuna rivers.
    2. Significance: It is one of the most important archaeological sites in the middle Ganga Valley.
    3. Historical identity: The area was part of ancient Varanasi, which served as the capital of the Kashi kingdom, also known as the Kashi Mahajanapad.
    4. Chronology: Archaeologists have divided the history of the site into six cultural periods, beginning around 800 BC and continuing up to the medieval period.

    What did the 22 boxes contain?

    1. The artefact count: The boxes held more than 10,000 artefacts in total.
    2. The dating anchor: Among them is painted black pottery believed to be nearly 3,000 years old.
    3. The object categories: The boxes contain sculptures, ancient coins, tools, stamp seals and objects made of copper, ivory and bone.
    4. A separate photographic archive: They also held around 3,000 glass slides and more than 5,000 photographic negatives documenting archaeological sites across India, including Rajghat, Manjhi, Ratnagiri, Ajanta and Ellora.
    5. Rare images within the archive: The photographs include rare images of idols of Vishnu, Shiva and Buddha, which are being examined and will be restored as part of the department’s conservation work.
    6. The condition of the containers: The trunks were found in an advanced state of deterioration, which makes the recovery and preservation of the material inside particularly significant.

    Why do the seals and inscriptions matter?

    1. Inscribed seals are present: Several of the seals recovered bear inscriptions, including some written in the Brahmi script.
    2. Who will read them: Researchers specialising in epigraphy at BHU will study them, and experts from other universities may be consulted where specialised expertise is required.
    3. What they can establish: The inscriptions can help researchers understand the scripts, systems of governance, and trade and economic systems of the periods in which they were used.
    4. Seals settled the site’s identity earlier: During the earlier excavations, seals and sealings bearing the name ‘Varanasi’ were found, and these findings helped establish the site’s connection with ancient Varanasi.

    Why did the material stay unstudied for 70 years?

    1. The site was found by accident: The first archaeological remains at Rajghat were discovered in 1939 during the expansion of the Kashi railway station, and were sent to the ASI for examination.
    2. The excavation ran for twelve years: Excavations were carried out jointly by the ASI and BHU between 1957 and 1969, under the supervision of BHU Professor A K Narain and the archaeologist T N Roy.
    3. What the excavations found: They unearthed remains of ancient settlements, including structures believed to be houses, terracotta objects, seals and other artefacts, which allowed researchers to trace the development of human settlement at Rajghat over several centuries.
    4. Documentation stopped short of study: Professor Narain documented the excavations in four volumes, and a large part of the material recovered was not studied in detail.
    5. The techniques did not exist then: The Vice-Chancellor noted that the objects were excavated at a time when advanced scientific techniques for archaeological research were not available in India.

    What happens to the material now?

    1. Three research teams have been formed: The department has constituted three specialised research teams to conserve and document the material.
    2. The stated purpose: The department has undertaken advanced research on its archaeological collections to allow scholars to reassess historical chronologies and produce new insights into ancient Indian civilisation.
    3. A parallel recovery is already under way: A month earlier, experts opened a box containing a human skeleton recovered from the same site, which had also remained sealed for around 70 years.
    4. Ancient DNA work has begun: A team specialising in ancient DNA collected samples from that skeleton for genetic and bio-archaeological analysis.
    5. What that analysis is expected to yield: The analysis is expected to provide clues about the people who lived in Varanasi around 1,000 years ago.

    “[2024] Consider the following information:

    Archaeological Site :: State :: Description

    1. Chandraketugarh : Odisha : Trading Port town

    2. Inamgaon : Maharashtra : Chalcolithic site

    3. Mangadu : Kerala : Megalithic site

    4. Salihundam : Andhra Pradesh : Rock-cut cave shrines

    In which of the above rows is the given information correctly matched?

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 3 and 4

    (d) 1 and 4

  • Ujjain’s Giant Stupa: Was Vaishya Tekri Bigger Than Sanchi?

    Why in the News

    Madhya Pradesh plans to excavate and restore Vaishya Tekri in Ujjain, a major mound believed to contain a Mauryan-era stupa. ASI suggests it may have been larger than the Sanchi Stupa, but its association with Ashoka remains unproven.

    What is Vaishya Tekri?

    • Located in Ujjain, an important Mauryan-era centre.
    • Excavated first in 1938-39 by the erstwhile Gwalior State.
    • Identified as a major stupa, not a natural mound.
    • 1938 report estimated its base at about 350 ft diameter and height at 100+ ft.
    • Dating to the 3rd century BCE was suggested from brick dimensions and coins.

    Key Archaeological Evidence

    • Core made of rammed blackish murum.
    • Exterior faced with brick masonry and mud mortar.
    • Finds included:
      • Punch-marked coin
      • Cast Avanti coin
    • A moat surrounded the stupa, with a western passage for worshippers.
    • An unusual bowl-shaped masonry base helped resist lateral thrust.

    Ashoka Connection

    • Tradition associates Ujjain with Ashoka’s viceroyalty.
    • However, the 1938 excavation did not establish an Ashokan connection.
    • The report only stated that the stupa could possibly be one of the stupas attributed to Ashoka.
    • Brick size and coins establish a period, not the identity of the patron.

    Prelims Quick Facts

    • Vaishya Tekri: Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh
    • Period: Mauryan, 3rd century BCE
    • Monument: Buddhist stupa
    • First excavation: 1938-39
    • Estimated diameter: ~350 ft
    • Sanchi Stupa height: ~54 ft
    • Key coin: Punch-marked coin
    • Agency: Archaeological Survey of India

    “[2026] Which of the following statements on the Amaravati Stupa and its relief sculpture is/are correct?
    1. It was located in the lower Krishna valley.
    2. In India, it was next only to the Sanchi Stupa in size.
    3. The Amaravati school of sculpture made a lasting impact on the later South Indian sculpture, and its products were carried to Sri Lanka and South-east Asia.
    (a) 1 only
    (b) 1 and 3 only
    (c) 2 and 3 only
    (d) 1, 2 and 3