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Subject: Economics

  • The end of the doing business rankings

    The World Bank Group has scrapped its flagship publication, the ‘Doing Business’ report.

    Doing Business Report

    • This report publishes the influential annual ranking of countries on the Ease of Doing Business (EDB) index.
    • It ranks countries by the simplicity of rules framed for setting up and conducting businesses.

    Utility of the index

    The World Bank’s decision has wide ramifications, as the index serves varied purposes.

    • Many countries showcase improved ranking to signal market-friendly policies to attract foreign investments. National leaders often set EDB rank targets.
    • This helps them measure domestic policies against global “best practices” and browbeat domestic critics.
    • India, for instance, wanted its administration to ensure that India breaks into the top 50 ranks of the EDB index.
    • Some countries seem to use their political heft to improve their rank, polish their international image and sway public opinion (as appears to be China’s case).

    Issues with the credibility of the report

    • The Group acted on its commissioned study to examine the ethical issues flagged in preparing the 2018 and 2020 editions of the EDB index.
    • It is accused of having exerted pressure on the internal team working on the Doing Business report to falsely boost China’s rank by doctoring the underlying data.
    • Similarly, tensions were also reportedly brought to bear in the case of Saudi Arabia’s rank, among others.

    EDB index rank vs economic outcomes

    • There is a disconnect between the stellar rise in EDB index rank and economic outcomes.
    • The theory underlying the EDB index could be suspect, the measurement and data could be faulty, or both.
    • For example, China’s phenomenal economic success, especially its agricultural performance (after the reforms in 1978), is perhaps the most unmistakable evidence demonstrating that lack of clarity of property rights may not be the binding constraint in a market economy.
    • What matters is economic incentives.
    • Measuring regulatory functions underlying the index could be tricky and subjective and possibly politically motivated as well, as the controversies surrounding the index seem to suggest.

    EODB in India: At what cost

    Ans. Weakening labour regulations

    • Closer home, India has weaponised the mandate to improve the rank in the EDB index to whittle down labour laws and their enforcement and bring them close to the free-market ideal of ‘hire and fire’.
    • Most States have emulated Maharashtra’s lead of administrative fiat, which renders labour laws toothless by dismantling official labour inspection systems and allowing employers to file self-regulation reports.
    • The government has farmed out critical safety regulations such as annual inspection and certification of industrial boilers to ‘third party’ private agencies.
    • The Labour Department’s inspection is now not mandated; it is optional only by prior intimation to employers.

    Implications of such moves

    • Such abdication of the government’s responsibility towards workers has reportedly affected industrial relations.
    • The workers’ strike at Wistron’s iPhone assembly factory in Karnataka last year is an example.
    • Further, severe industrial accidents are rising, damaging life and productive industrial assets.

    Why did World Bank scrap the index?

    • Investigations into “data irregularities” in preparing the EDB index, as brought out by the independent agency, seems to confirm many shortcomings repeatedly brought to light for years now.
    • The index appears motivated to support the free-market ideal.
    • It is dressed up under scientific garb and is underpinned by seemingly objective methods and data collection.
    • Strong leaders (and motivated officials) seem to have used their position to manipulate the index to suit their political and ideological ends.

    Conclusion

    • India claimed the success of its Make in India initiative by relying on its ranking on the EDB index without tangible evidence.
    • Handing over law enforcement to employers by self-reporting compliance seems to have increased industrial unrest and accidents.
    • It perhaps calls for honest soul-searching as to what havoc a questionable benchmark can wreak.

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  • Holding transnational corporations accountable

    Context

    Given the enormous power that transnational corporations (TNCs) wield, questions about their accountability have arisen often. There have been many instances where the misconduct of TNCs has come to light such as the corruption scandal involving Siemens in Germany.

    Holding TNCs accountable: Background

    • The effort was made at the UN to develop a multilateral code of conduct on TNCs.
    • However, due to differences between developed and developing countries, it was abandoned in 1992.
    • Role of BITs: Aim was to use international law to institutionalise the forces of economic globalisation, leading to the spread of BITs.
    • Asymmetry in BITs: These treaties promised protection to foreign investors under international law by bestowing rights on them and imposing obligations on states.
    • This structural asymmetry in BITs, which confer rights on foreign investors but impose no obligations, relegated the demand for investor accountability.
    • In 2014, the UN Human Rights Council established an open-ended working group with the mandate to elaborate on an international legally binding instrument on TNCs and other businesses concerning human rights.
    • Since then, efforts are being made towards developing a treaty and finding ways to make foreign corporations accountable.
    • The latest UN report is a step in that direction.

    UN report on human rights-compatible international investment agreements

    • The UN working group on ‘human rights, transnational corporations (TNCs) and other businesses’ has published a new report on human rights-compatible international investment agreements.
    • It urges states to ensure that their bilateral investment treaties (BITs) are compatible with international human rights obligations.
    • It emphasises investor obligations at the international level i.e., the accountability of TNCs in international law.

    Using BITs to hold TNCs accountable

    • BITs can be harnessed to hold TNCs accountable under international law.
    • The issue of fixing accountability of foreign investors came up in an international law case, Urbaser v. Argentina (2016).
    • Subjecting corporates to international law: In this case, the tribunal held that corporations can be subjects of international law and are under a duty not to engage in activities that harm or destroy human rights.
    • The case played an important role in bringing human rights norms to the fore in BIT disputes.
    • It also opened up the possibility of using BITs to hold TNCs accountable provided the treaty imposes positive obligations on foreign investors.
    • Recalibrating BITs: In the last few years, states have started recalibrating their BITs by inserting provisions on investor accountability.
    • Issues with BITs: However, these employ soft law language and are hortatory.
    • They do not impose positive and binding obligations on foreign investors.
    • They fall short of creating a framework to hold TNCs accountable under international law.

    Takeaways for India

    • The recent UN report has important takeaways for India’s ongoing reforms in BITs.
    • Best endeavour clauses not enough: India’s new Model BIT of 2016 contains provisions on investor obligations.
    • However, these exist as best endeavour clauses. They do not impose a binding obligation on the TNC.
    • Impose positive binding obligations: India should impose positive and binding obligations on foreign investors, not just for protecting human rights but also for imperative issues such as promoting public health.
    • The Nigeria-Morocco BIT, which imposes binding obligations on foreign investors such as conducting an environmental impact assessment of their investment, is a good example.

    Consider the question ” Ensuring that the bilateral investment treaties (BITs) are compatible with international human rights obligations in the need of the hour. In light of this, assess the progress made globally on this issue and suggest way forward for India in framing its BITs.”

    Conclusion

    Reforms would help in harnessing BITs to ensure the answerability of foreign investors and creating a binding international legal framework to hold TNCs to account.

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  • EoDB at risk if issue of appointments to tribunals is not resolved

    While hearing a challenge to the Tribunal Reforms Act, 2021, the Supreme Court came down heavily on the government of India for vacancies not being filled on time. This could severely impact the ease of doing business in India, said the court.

    Background

    • The government has lauded the role of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016 (IBC), for improving India’s ranking on the “Ease of Doing Business” index over the last couple of years.
    • However, the SC’s observation is spot-on as vacancies in the tribunals have slowed down insolvency resolution due to the huge pendency of cases.
    • When the SC made its observations, the NCLT had only 30 members against a total strength of 63.

    About NCLAT and NCLT

    • National Company Law Appellate Tribunal (NCLAT) was constituted under Section 410 of the Companies Act, 2013 for hearing appeals against the orders of National Company Law Tribunal(s) (NCLT) in 2016.
    • NCLAT is also the Appellate Tribunal to hear and dispose of appeals against any direction issued or decision made or order passed by the Competition Commission of India (CCI).
    • It is also the Appellate Tribunal to hear and dispose of appeals against the orders of the National Financial Reporting Authority.

    Difference between NCLT AND NCLAT

    NCLT

    NCLAT
    ·         NCLT is established as per Section 408 of companies act, 2013 ·         NCLAT is established as per Section 410 of companies act, 2013
    ·         It holds primary jurisdiction on cases of insolvency and bankruptcy ·         It holds appellate jurisdictions over the cases judged by NCLT
    ·         NCLT accepts and analyzes the evidence from creditors and debtors ·         NCLAT accepts and analyzes the decision made by NCLT
    ·         NCLT collects facts and evidences ·         NCLAT analyzes facts and evidences

    CJI’s reservations over Pendency

    • The NCLAT had a sanctioned strength of a chairperson plus 11 members but its functioning strength was of eight members.
    • Both the NCLT and NCLAT have been without chairpersons for several months respectively.
    • These vacancies are concerning because as of May 31, 13,170 insolvency petitions were pending before benches of the NCLT.
    • Of these, 2,785 petitions have been filed by financial creditors and 5,973 by operational creditors.

    Note: The IBC created an institution called an information utility to be the repository of information on debts and defaults in India.  The sole utility in India at present is the National E-Governance Services Ltd. (NeSL).

    Basis of these cases

    • The financial creditors are facing criticism for taking haircuts as high as 90 per cent against their claims.
    • A longer approval period would entail greater value erosion of a corporate debtor which would be an unattractive proposition for any prospective resolution applicant.
    • This uncertainty can be cured by a faster approval process by the NCLTs by the creation of more benches and filling up of current vacancies.

    Why is the Supreme Court fuming over vacancies?

    (a) Covid impact

    • The Indian economy is recovering from the adverse effects of the Covid-19 pandemic.
    • During the downturn, financial institutions and banks have suffered higher defaults than usual, impacting the robustness of the system.
    • Lending has decreased during this time and can only be encouraged now by shoring up the mechanism under the IBC to inspire confidence in creditors.

    (b) Non-compliance by the govt

    • The SC had granted time to the government till September 13 to take substantial steps in this regard, which was partially complied with by appointing 18 members.
    • The government, however, failed to avoid embarrassment as the CJI expressed his anger at the appointment process which had ignored candidates recommended by the selection committee.

    (c) Burden of pendency

    • There is a real risk of the court taking matters into its own hands by making appointments itself, or by taking harsher steps like transferring jurisdiction under the IBC to high courts.
    • One hopes that the situation is resolved quickly to make strict time-bound insolvency resolutions a reality.

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  • Delhi-Mumbai Expressway: World’s longest

    The Minister for Road Transport and Highways Union Minister Nitin Gadkari concluded the review of the work progress on the Delhi-Mumbai Expressway.

    Delhi-Mumbai Expressway

    • The ambitious infra project started in the year 2018 is being constructed at a cost of Rs 98,000 crore and is scheduled for completion by March 2023.
    • States: Delhi, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra
    • Once ready, the expressway will feature a spur to Noida International Airport and Jawaharlal Nehru Port to Mumbai through a spur in the financial capital.
    • It will reduce travel time between certain cities to 12-12.5 hours from 24 hours.
    • The project is expected to improve connectivity to economic hubs of India like Jaipur, Ajmer, Kishangarh, Chittorgarh, Kota, Udaipur, Ujjain, Bhopal, Indore, Vadodara, Ahmedabad, and Surat.

    Key features of the expressway

    • The expressway which is eight-lane access-controlled can be expanded to a 12-lane expressway depending on the traffic volume
    • It will boast wayside amenities such as resorts, food courts, restaurants, fuel stations, logistics parks, facilities for truckers
    • For accident victims, it will offer a helicopter ambulance service as well as a heliport, which will use drone services for business
    • Along the highway, over two million trees and shrubs are planned to be planted
    • The highway project is Asia’s first and the world’s second to include animal overpasses in order to facilitate unrestricted wildlife movement
    • Besides, it will also involve two iconic eight-lane tunnels
    • The project will result in annual savings of more than 320 million litres of fuel as well as reduce Carbon dioxide emissions by 850 million kg
    • Over 12 lakh tonnes of steel will be consumed in the project’s construction, which is equivalent to constructing 50 Howrah bridges
    • For the project, 80 lakh tonnes of cement will be consumed, which is around 2 percent of the country’s annual cement production capacity
    • The ambitious Delhi-Mumbai Expressway project has also created job opportunities for thousands of trained civil engineers apart from generating over 50 lakh man-days of work

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  • Rising unemployment is yet to receive the attention it deserves from government

    Context

    India’s unemployment rate in August was 8.3 per cent. This was higher than the 7 per cent recorded in July. The month-to-month variations notwithstanding, these are all very high unemployment rates.

    Why inflation gets more attention in India than unemployment?

    • Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) results showed the historically high unemployment rate of 6.1 per cent for 2017-18 (July to June). It was at a 45-year high.
    • New norm at 7-8 per cent: Till then, India was used to recording an unemployment rate of around 3 per cent. 
    • Today, an unemployment rate of 7-8 per cent seems to be the norm and such levels do not seem to matter.
    • The unemployment rate is not the most important labour market indicator for a country like India.
    • Why inflation gets preference: Between inflation and unemployment, the two economic indicators conjoined theoretically by the Phillips curve, it is inflation that wields political power.
    • Inflation hurts almost the entire population.
    • Equally importantly, high inflation rates can upset financial markets that in turn exert pressure on regulators to keep inflation in control.
    • Unemployment directly impacts only the unemployed, who don’t count much.
    • Worse still, society perceives being unemployed as an individual shortcoming, and not an outcome of a macroeconomic malaise.

    What does low labour force participation rate (LFPR) indicate about the labour market in India?

    • The unemployment rate is a measure of the economy’s inability to provide jobs only for those who seek work.
    • But, in India, very often people do not look for jobs in the belief that none are available which is reflected in a low labour force participation rate (LFPR).
    • India’s LFPR is at around 40 per cent when the global rate is close to 60 per cent.
    • It is important that this belief in the futility of a job hunt is overcome by an explosive creation of new good quality formal jobs.

    Why employment rate is a useful indicator for India

    • A useful labour market metric for a country like India is the employment rate.
    • This measures the proportion of the population over 14 years of age that is employed.
    • The definition of employment needs to be changed, at present, engaging in some economic activity for just one hour in any of the past seven days is counted as employment.
    • India’s record in providing employment to its people has been abysmally poor.
    • CMIE’s definition of employment indicates that in 2016-17, only 42.8 per cent of the working-age population was employed.
    •  In the year of the pandemic, it fell to 36.5 per cent.

    Reverse migration in employment from manufacturing to low productivity employment

    • People are moving away from factories as manufacturing jobs shrink, to farms that provide shelter largely in the form of disguised unemployment.
    • It cannot be the desire of a nation to move people away from high productivity, better quality jobs in manufacturing to low productivity employment in agriculture or as gardeners or security guards in the household sector.
    • Employment opportunities need to expand in areas where labour is deployed to deliver higher productivity for enterprise and higher returns to labour.

    Way forward

    • Increase investment: A large part of the solution to this lack of adequate jobs is in increasing investments.
    • Focus on demand size: For this, the investment climate needs to be business-friendly and government interventions must shift away from supply-side support to spurring demand.

    Conclusion

    The government needs to come up with policies for generating employment opportunities and stemming the reverse migration from manufacturing jobs to low productivity employment.

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  • National Monetization Pipeline shows promise — and limits

    The government of India recently announced an asset monetization plan, wherein existing public assets worth Rs 6 trillion would be monetized by leasing them out to private operators for fixed terms.

    The plan has generated a lot of print so it is worth discussing its pros and cons.

    About NMP

    • The identified assets are primarily concentrated in roads, railways, power, oil and gas, and telecoms.
    • The lease proceeds are expected to be used for new infrastructure investment which, in turn, will contribute to the government’s ambitious Rs 111 trillion infrastructure investment plan.

    Important issues raised by the plan

    [I] How much should the government expect to raise from the plan?

    Revenue Potential

    • In deciding the amount to bid for leasing rights, bidders compute the present discounted value of the annual cash flow from the asset for the duration of the lease.
    • The biggest uncertainty in this calculation surrounds the cash flow on these public assets.
    • Rates of return estimates on public capital in the US have been estimated to be upwards of 15 per cent.
    • However, this is India with its myriad uncertainties regarding pricing, bill collection, asset quality, regulatory framework as well as policy reversals.
    • Hence there is significant uncertainty regarding the revenue potential of the plan.

    [II] Is the plan likely to increase the efficiency of the economy?

    a. Efficiency of the economy

    • The NITI Aayog believes that the private sector is better at managing and operating the identified public assets than the public sector.
    • There is certainly scope for efficiency gains. However, there are significant efficiency impediments too.
    • One set of efficiency issues surrounds usage fees. A second factor related to efficiency is the effect of the plan on competition.

    b. Stressed sectors

    • The identified assets belong to core sectors of the economy spanning transport, energy and communication.
    • Sectors like telecoms and ports have already seen rising concentration of ownership in recent years.
    • An acceleration and extension of this trend to other segments of the infrastructure landscape would be seriously worrying.
    • While some of this could well be rationalized through the stipulation of rules for the allocation of leasing rights, the plan is silent on this.

    c. Financing of the lease bids

    • If bidders finance their bids using domestic savings, there is a clear opportunity cost of the plan since these savings would otherwise have been invested in alternative projects.
    • Moreover, the bidding for scarce domestic savings by prospective investors will also raise domestic interest rates which will put downward pressure on domestic private investment.
    • It would also be worth reminding ourselves that the last round of PPP-based infrastructure funding routed through banks ended up with a heap of NPAs in public sector bank balance sheets.

    Biggest flaw of the NMP

    • No clear objective: The biggest drawback of the plan is that it fails to articulate the reasons for public sector inefficiency in asset management.
    • No focus on management: If it is personnel-related, then privatizing management may be the right answer. If the inefficiency is related to constraints on pricing and bill collection, then the roots of the problem are unlikely to be addressed by leasing out their management to private operators.
    • No clear assessment of underperforming sectors: The plan document also fails to outline whether the identified brownfield assets are the public sector’s highest cash flow assets or the relatively under-performing ones.

    Better alternatives for the govt

    • The way around this is to welcome foreign investors to bid for the assets.
    • But this will require serious political will since entrenching foreign influence on Indian public assets will generate controversy.
    • On this aspect too, the announced plan is low on details.

    Way forward

    • If the private sector is indeed more efficient in running infrastructure assets, the most efficient strategy would be to lease out the worst-performing assets rather than the best performing ones.
    • The NITI Aayog would do the policy landscape a big service by following up the proposal with a white paper that addresses some of these efficiency-related issues.
    • Without that, the monetization plan, while intriguing, is incomplete.

    Conclusion

    • A monetization plan envisages the private sector paying an upfront fee to the government which the government uses for new infrastructure investment.
    • As much as private bidders finance themselves by borrowing, this amounts to the private sector borrowing and handing over the funds to the government to invest in infrastructure.
    • This could enhance efficiency in infrastructure investment only if the government faces higher interest rates in capital markets than the private sector.

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  • GST Council not for inclusion of Petroleum Products

    The Goods and Services Tax (GST) Council has decided to keep petroleum products out of the GST regime.

    Present taxation of Fuels

    • Currently, taxes on petroleum products are levied by both the Centre and the states.
    • While the Centre levies excise duty, states levy value added tax (VAT).
    • For instance, VAT on petroleum products is as high as 40% in Maharashtra, contributing over ₹25,000 crore annually.
    • By being able to levy VAT on these products, the state governments have control over their revenues.

    Impact of inclusion of fuel under GST

    • If petroleum products are included under the GST, there will be a uniform price of fuel across the country.
    • However, petroleum products coming under GST not necessarily means that taxes or prices will come down.
    • If the GST council decides to opt for a lower slab, taxes may come down.
    • At present, India has four primary GST rates – 5 percent, 12 percent, 18 percent and 28 percent.
    • Levying a standard rate of GST on petrol would mean that the prices increase dramatically in Andaman and Nicobar, but on the flip side, they would fall in Maharashtra if the cumulative rate is lower than the current rate.

    Key takeaways from States VAT

    • Among the states, Rajasthan levies the highest tax across the country keeping VAT on petrol at 36 percent, followed by Telangana at 35.2 percent.
    • Other states with more than 30 per cent VAT on petrol include Karnataka, Kerala, Assam, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi and Madhya Pradesh.
    • On diesel, the highest VAT rates are charged by states like Odisha, Telangana, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh.
    • So far, five states, West Bengal, Rajasthan, Meghalaya, Assam and Nagaland have cut taxes on fuel this year.

    Back2Basics: Petroleum Pricing Mechanism

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  • Building a resilient economy

    Context

    To revive and sustain growth, action is needed both at the international and national levels.

    Hopes of V-shaped recovery of Indian economy

    • The National Statistical Office (NSO) had recently estimated that India’s economic growth has surged to 20.1% in the April-June quarter.
    • In its recently launched Trade and Development Report 2021, UNCTAD has estimated global growth to hit 5.3% in 2021 and growth in India to hit 7.2%.
    • According to the report, India showed strong quarterly growth of 1.9% in the first quarter of 2021, on the back of the momentum of the second half of 2020 and supported by government spending in goods and services.
    • Given the inherent fragilities, India’s growth in 2021 as a whole is estimated at 7.2%, which is one of the fastest compared to most countries in the analysis.
    • But it is still not sufficient to regain the pre-COVID-19 income level.
    • However, going forward, the economy is likely to experience a deceleration of growth to 6.7% growth in 2022.

    Ways to sustain growth

    1) Efforts at the International level

    • To revive and sustain growth, action is needed both at the international and national levels.
    • TRIPS waiver: The report strongly supports India’s proposed temporary suspension of the World Trade Organization TRIPS waiver.
    • Waiver is considered as a necessary step to enable the local manufacture of vaccines in developing countries

    2) Steps to be taken at the national level

    • Resilience: At the national level, COVID-19 has reinforced the idea that resilience is a public good and responsibility of the state.
    • It has to be delivered through a robust public sector with the resources to make the necessary investments, provide the complementary services and coordinate the multiple activities that building resilience involves.
    • Mobilising financial resources: We need a financial system that accords a more significant role to public banks, breaks up and guards against the emergence of megabanks, and exercises stronger regulatory oversight is more likely to deliver a healthier investment climate.
    • Minimum wage:  Wages are a critical source of demand and their growth can stimulate productivity and underpin a strong social contract.
    • Minimum wages and related labour legislation are needed for appropriate protection against abusive practices.
    • Policies for informal sector: Policies targeting informality are of particular importance, especially for a country like India with a large informal economy.

    Conclusion

    It is important to build a healthy, diversified economy. For this, a strong industrial policy focusing on building digital capacities is needed. A resilient economy goes beyond offering a residual category of safety nets designed to stop those left behind from falling further.

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  • Government sets up ‘bad bank’ to clear the NPA mess

    Paving the way for a major clean-up of bad loans in the banking system, the Union Cabinet has cleared a ₹30,600-crore guarantee programme for securities to be issued by the newly incorporated ‘bad bank’ for taking over and resolving non-performing assets (NPAs) amounting to ₹2 lakh crore.

    What is a Bad Bank?

    • A bad bank conveys the impression that it will function as a bank but has bad assets to start with.
    • Technically, it is an asset reconstruction company (ARC) or an asset management company that takes over the bad loans of commercial banks, manages them and finally recovers the money over a period of time.
    • Such a bank is not involved in lending and taking deposits, but helps commercial banks clean up their balance sheets and resolve bad loans.
    • The takeover of bad loans is normally below the book value of the loan and the bad bank tries to recover as much as possible subsequently.

    Bad Banks to be established

    • The NARCL-IDRCL structure is the new bad bank.
    • The National Asset Reconstruction Company Limited (NARCL) has already been incorporated under the Companies Act.
    • It will acquire stressed assets worth about Rs 2 lakh crore from various commercial banks in different phases.
    • Another entity — India Debt Resolution Company Ltd (IDRCL), which has also been set up — will then try to sell the stressed assets in the market.

    How will the NARCL-IDRCL work?

    • The NARCL will first purchase bad loans from banks.
    • It will pay 15% of the agreed price in cash and the remaining 85% will be in the form of “Security Receipts”.
    • When the assets are sold, with the help of IDRCL, , the commercial banks will be paid back the rest.
    • If the bad bank is unable to sell the bad loan, or has to sell it at a loss, then the government guarantee will be invoked.
    • The difference between what the commercial bank was supposed to get and what the bad bank was able to raise will be paid from the Rs 30,600 crore that has been provided by the government.

    Will a bad bank resolve matters?

    • From the perspective of a commercial bank saddled with high NPA levels, it will help.
    • That’s because such a bank will get rid of all its toxic assets, which were eating up its profits, in one quick move.
    • When the recovery money is paid back, it will further improve the bank’s position.
    • Meanwhile, it can start lending again.

    Why do we need a bad bank?

    • The idea gained currency during Rajan’s tenure as RBI Governor.
    • The RBI had then initiated an asset quality review (AQR) of banks and found that several banks had suppressed or hidden bad loans to show a healthy balance sheet.
    • However, the idea remained on paper amid lack of consensus on the efficacy of such an institution.
    • ARCs have not made any impact in resolving bad loans due to many procedural issues.
    • While commercial banks resume lending, the so-called bad bank, or a bank of bad loans, would try to sell these “assets” in the market.

    Good about the bad banks

    • The problem of NPAs continues in the banking sector, especially among the weaker banks.
    • The bad bank concept is in some ways similar to an ARC but is funded by the government initially, with banks and other investors co-investing in due course.
    • The presence of the government is seen as a means to speed up the clean-up process.
    • Many other countries had set up institutional mechanisms such as the Troubled Asset Relief Programme (TARP) in the US to deal with a problem of stress in the financial system.

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  • [pib] PLI Scheme for White Goods

    A total of  52 companies have filed their application with a committed investment of Rs 5,866 crore under the PLI scheme to incentivize the domestic manufacturing of components of White Goods.

    What are White Goods?

    • White goods refer to heavy consumer durables or large home appliances, which were traditionally available only in white.
    • They include appliances such as washing machines, air conditioners, stoves, refrigerators, etc. The white goods industry in India is highly concentrated.

    Why PLI scheme for white goods?

    • Indian appliance and consumer electronics (ACE) market reached INR 76,400 crore (~$10.93 bn) in 2019.
    • Appliances and consumer electronics industry is expected to double to reach INR 1.48 lakh crore (~$21.18 bn) by 2025.
    • The PLI Scheme on White Goods is designed to create complete component ecosystem for Air Conditioners and LED Lights Industry in India and make India an integral part of the global supply chains.
    • Only manufacturing of components of ACs and LED Lights will be incentivized under the Scheme.

    What is PLI Scheme?

    • As the name suggests, the scheme provides incentives to companies for enhancing their domestic manufacturing apart from focusing on reducing import bills and improving the cost competitiveness of local goods.
    • PLI scheme offers incentives on incremental sales for products manufactured in India.
    • The scheme for respective sectors has to be implemented by the concerned ministries and departments.

    Criteria laid for the scheme

    • Eligibility criteria for businesses under the PLI scheme vary based on the sector approved under the scheme.
    • For instance, the eligibility for telecom units is subject to the achievement of a minimum threshold of cumulative incremental investment and incremental sales of manufactured goods.
    • The minimum investment threshold for MSME is Rs 10 crore and Rs 100 crores for others.
    • Under food processing, SMEs and others must hold over 50 per cent of the stock of their subsidiaries, if any.
    • On the other hand, for businesses under pharmaceuticals, the project has to be a greenfield project while the net worth of the company should not be less than 30 per cent of the total committed investment.

    What are the incentives offered?

    • An incentive of 4-6 per cent was offered last year on mobile and electronic components manufacturers such as resistors, transistors, diodes, etc.
    • Similarly, 10 percent incentives were offered for six years (FY22-27) of the scheme for the food processing industry.
    • For white goods too, the incentive of 4-6 per cent on incremental sales of goods manufactured in India for a period of five years was offered to companies engaged in the manufacturing of air conditioners and LED lights.

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