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Subject: Governance

Important aspects of Society

  • Upsetting the Centre-state balance

    Context

    The proposed amendment to Rule 6 of the IAS (Cadre) Rules 1954, seeks to do away with the consent of both the officer and the state government.

    What makes All-India services different?

    • Article 309: Under Article 309 of the Constitution, the Centre and states are empowered to erect and maintain services for running their administration.
    • Both the Centre and the states exercise full control over their services independently of each other.
    • Article 312: Unlike a central service or state service, an All-India Service is compositely administered under Article 312.
    • While recruitment and allotment to a cadre (state) are determined by the Centre, the states determine the work and posting.
    • Balance between Centre and states: Hence, All-India Services are carefully balanced between the Centre and the states.
    • The Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Indian Police Service (IPS), and Indian Forest Service (IFS) are the three All-India Services.
    • Being an All-India Service, officers of the IAS are posted to the states, from where they are deputed to the Centre with the tripartite consent of the officer, the state government and the central government.

    Issues with the proposed changes

    • The proposed amendment to Rule 6 of the IAS (Cadre) Rules 1954, seeks to do away with the consent of both the officer and the state government.
    • Reasons for amendment: The reason for the amendment, as declared by the central government, is to ensure adequate availability of IAS officers for central deputation, which at present is “not sufficient to meet the requirement at the Centre”.
    • However, the central government has gone beyond its declared reason and stretched the cadre rules to also allow for appropriation of IAS officers “in public interest”.
    • The Centre has virtually conferred upon itself the plenipotentiary power to pull out any number of IAS officers from the states.
    • States may divest IAS officers of key posts: To protect their administration from becoming paralysed, states may resort to altering their Transaction of Business Rules to divest IAS officers of key posts in the state, and vesting the same with the state officers.
    • Alternately, states may conjure provisional berths for retired bureaucrats to re-enter administration as special appointees, outside the cadre rules.
    • Flouting of cadre rules by States: As it is, the implementation of cadre rules is left to the mercy of the states, with the Centre showing a disinclination to enforce them.
    • Some states openly flout the cadre rules with impunity in matters of postings and transfers.
    • The Civil Services Board has been rendered impotent, non-cadre officers are being unilaterally appointed to IAS cadre posts, and the minimum tenure guarantee is openly flouted.
    • Against federalism: Not only could it allow distrust to fester in Centre-state relations, it would also result in the functional depreciation of the IAS in the states.

    Conclusion

    It is important for the states to be reassured that they are in control of their administration, and for the service to not lose its relevance.

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  • Weighing in on a health data retention plan

    Context

    The National Health Authority (NHA) — the body responsible for administering the Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission (ABDM) — has initiated a consultation process on the retention of health data by healthcare providers in India. The consultation paper asks for feedback on what data is to be retained, and for how long.

    Issues with the policy for healthcare data retention

    • Risk of over-collection: A simple classification system, as suggested in the consultation paper, exposes individuals to harms arising from over-collection and retention of unnecessary data.
    • At the same time, this kind of one-size-fits-all system can also lead to the under-retention of data that is genuinely required for research or public policy needs.
    • Instead, we should seek to classify data based on its use. 

    Do we need a policy for the mandatory retention of health data?

    • Currently, service providers can compete on how they handle the data of individuals or health records, in theory, each of us can choose a provider whose data policies we are comfortable with.
    • Whether the state should mandate a retention period at all is an open question.
    • Given the landscape of healthcare access in India, including through informal providers, many patients may not think about this factor in practice.
    • Nonetheless, the decision to take the choice out of the individual’s hands should not be taken lightly.

    Balancing the policy for public health data retention with the right to privacy

    • Four-part test for privacy: The Supreme Court of India has clarified that privacy is a fundamental right, and any interference into the right must pass a four-part test: legality; legitimate aim; proportionality, and appropriate safeguards.
    • Health data and privacy: The mandatory retention of health data is one such form of interference with the right to privacy.
    • 1] Legality: In this context, the question of legality becomes a question about the legal standing and authority of the NHA.
    • Since the NHA is not a sector-wide regulator, it has no legal basis for formulating guidelines for healthcare providers in general.
    • 2]Legitimate aim: The aim of data retention is described in terms of benefits to the individual and the public at large.
    • Benefits to the individuals: Individuals benefit through greater convenience and choice, created through portability of health records.
    • The broader public benefits through research and innovation, driven by the availability of more and better data to analyse.
    • Risk involved: Globally, legal systems consider health data particularly sensitive, and recognise that improper disclosure of this data can expose a person to a range of significant harms. 
    • Benefits must be clearly defined: As per Indian law, if an individual’s rights are to be curtailed due to anticipated benefits, such benefits cannot be potential or speculatory: they must be clearly defined and identifiable.
    • 3] Proportionality: This is the difference between saying that data on patients with heart conditions will help us better understand cardiac health — a vague explanation — and being able to identify a specific study that will include data from that patient.
    • It would further mean demonstrating that the study requires personally identifiable information, rather than just an anonymous record — the latter flowing from the principle of proportionality, which requires choosing the least intrusive option available.
    • 4] Safeguard: Standards for anonymisation are still developing.
    • We are not yet able to rule out the possibility of anonymised data still being linked back to specific individuals.
    • In other words, even anonymisation may not be the least intrusive solution to safeguarding patients’ rights in all scenarios.

    Way forward

    • Clear and specific case for retention: The test for retaining data should be that a clear and specific case has been identified for such retention, following a rigorous process run by suitable authorities.
    • Anonymise data: A second safeguard would be to anonymise data that is being retained for research purposes — again, unless a specific case is made for keeping personally identifiable information.
    • If neither of these is true, the data should be deleted.
    • Express and informed consent: An alternate basis for retaining data can be the express and informed consent of the individual in question.
    • User-based classification process: Health-care service providers — and everyone else — will have to comply with the data protection law, once it is adopted by Parliament.
    • The current Bill already requires purpose limitation for collecting, processing, sharing, or retaining data; a use-based classification process would thus bring the ABDM ecosystem actors in compliance with this law as well.

    Consider the question “What are the advantages and concerns with the retention of public health data? Suggest the ways to ensure the privacy-centric public health data retention policy.”

    Conclusion

    A privacy-centric process is needed to determine what data to retain and for how long.

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  • What is E-SHRAM Portal?

    Over 2 crore people who have signed up for the Centre’s portal for unorganised sector workers hold a Graduate Degree.

    E-Shram

    • On August 26, 2021, the Ministry of Labour and Employment (MOLE) launched the E-Shram, the web portal for creating a National Database of Unorganized Workers (NDUW), which will be seeded with Aadhaar.
    • It seeks to register an estimated 398-400 million unorganized workers and to issue an E-Shram card.

    Issues with E-Shram

    (A) Time constraints

    • Long process: Given the gigantic nature of registering each worker, it will be a long-drawn process.
    • No gestation period: The Government has not mentioned a gestation period to assess its strategy and efficiency.
    • No hasty process: Employers are or required their workers to register even. While the Government can appeal to them, any penal measure will hurt the ease of doing business.

    (B) Pandemic hides

    • Considering the estimated 380 million workers as the universe of registration — debatable as the novel coronavirus pandemic has pushed lakhs of workers into informality.

    (C) Data security

    • Privacy: One of the vital concerns of e-portals is data security, including its potential abuse especially when it is a mega-sized database.
    • No national framework yet: There are also media reports pointing out the absence of a national architecture relating to data security.
    • Local server issues: It has been reported that in some states such as Maharashtra, the server was down for a few days.

    (D) Structural issue

    • Aadhaar seeding: Many workers will not have an Aadhaar-seeded mobile or even a smartphone. Aadhaar-seeding is a controversial issue with political overtones, especially in the North-eastern regions.
    • Eligibility: There are several issues concerning the eligibility of persons to register as well as the definitional issues.
    • Exclusion: By excluding workers covered by EPF and ESI, lakhs of contract and fixed-term contract workers will be excluded from the universe of UW. Hazardous establishments employing even a single worker will have to be covered under the ESI, which means these workers also will be excluded.
    • No benefits for the aged: The NDUW excludes millions of workers aged over 59 from its ambit, which constitutes age discrimination.

    (D) Complex identities of workers

    • Migration: Many are circular migrant workers and they quickly, even unpredictably, move from one trade to another.
    • Mixed work: Many others perform formal and informal work as some during non-office hours may belong to the gig economy, for example as an Uber taxi or a Swiggy employee. They straddle formal and informal sectors.
    • Gig workers: Even though MOLE has included gig workers in this process, it is legally unclear whether the gig/platform worker can be classified first as a worker at all.

    (E) Other impediments

    • Dependence on States: The central government will have to depend on the state governments for this project to be successful.
    • Lack of coordination: In many States, the social dialogue with the stakeholders especially is rather weak or non-existent. The success of the project depends on the involvement of a variety of stakeholders apart from trade unions.
    • Corruption: There is also the concern of corruption as middle-service agencies such as Internet providers might charge exorbitant charges to register and print the E-Shram cards.

    Benefits: No immediate carrot

    • Workers stand to gain by registration in the medium to long run.
    • But the instant benefit of accident insurance up to ₹0.2 million to registered workers is surely not an attractive carrot.
    • The main point of attraction is the benefits they stand to gain during normal and crisis-ridden periods such as the novel coronavirus pandemic now which the Government needs to disseminate properly.

    Way forward

    • E-Shram is a vital system to provide hitherto invisible workers much-needed visibility.
    • It will provide the Labour Market Citizenship Document to them.
    • The govt should go one step further for triple linkage for efficient and leakage-less delivery of all kinds of benefits and voices to workers/citizens: One-Nation-One-Ration Card (ONOR), E-Shram Card (especially bank account seeded), and the Election Commission Card.
    • Last but not least, registrations cannot be a source of exclusion of a person from receiving social assistance and benefits.

     

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  • Back in news: MGNREGA

    Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) workers are still waiting for almost ₹3,360 crore in pending wage payments, with the largest pending payments in West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan.

    What is MGNREGA?

    • The MGNREGA stands for Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act of 2005.
    • This is labour law and social security measure that aims to guarantee the ‘Right to Work’.
    • The act was first proposed in 1991 by P.V. Narasimha Rao.

    Features of the scheme

    • MGNREGA is unique in not only ensuring at least 100 days of employment to the willing unskilled workers, but also in ensuring an enforceable commitment on the implementing machinery i.e., the State Governments, and providing a bargaining power to the labourers.
    • The failure of provision for employment within 15 days of the receipt of job application from a prospective household will result in the payment of unemployment allowance to the job seekers.
    • Employment is to be provided within 5 km of an applicant’s residence, and minimum wages are to be paid.
    • Thus, employment under MGNREGA is a legal entitlement.

     

    Tap to read more about MGNREGS:

    [Burning Issue] Reorienting MGNREGA in times of COVID

  • Missed opportunity to opportunity of employment-centred and inclusive growth

    Context

    India continues to rank poorly in various global indices that reflect the quality of life, human capital or human development in the country. In this context, it was expected that the current Budget would see an expansion in government spending on the social sector.

    Need for greater spending on social sector

    • In Human Development Index, India ranks 131 out of 189 countries and on the Global Hunger Index, it ranks 101 out of 116 countries.
    • The pandemic over the last two years has had a severe impact on the health, education and food security of the poor and informal sector workers.
    • The country has been experiencing increasing inequality over the last couple of decades.

    Marginal increase in allocation for school education

    • In the budget, the government announced that it will expand its ‘one class, oneTVchannel’ scheme instead of announcing enhanced allocations for schools  the government announced that it will expand its ‘one class, oneTVchannel’ scheme instead of announcing enhanced allocations for schools so that they can reopen with vigour.
    •  The budget for school education at ₹63,449 crore is a slight improvement over last year’s ₹54,873 crore (2021-22 budget estimates, BE) and a mere increase of 6% in nominal terms compared to 2020-21 BE of ₹59,845 crore.
    • After rechristening the school mid-day meal scheme as Pradhan Mantri Poshan Shakti Nirman, simply called PM Poshan, the allocation for the scheme has reduced from ₹11,500 crore last year to ₹10,233 crore this year.

    Low allocation for health

    • Despite repeated statements about strengthening the public health system, the overall budget for the Department of Health and Family Welfare at ₹83,000 crore has gone up by only 16% over the BE for 2021-22 and by less than ₹1,000 crore compared to the RE for 2021-22, which is ₹82,921 crore.
    • However, by including water and sanitation in the budget for health, there is an increase being shown in health spending as a proportion of GDP.
    • Also, even though the budget for the Jal Jeevan Mission has increased from ₹50,000 crore to ₹60,000 crore, only 44% of the allocated funds to the Department of Water and Sanitation for 2021-22 has been spent as on end December 2021.

    No indication of plan to extend the PMGKAY

    • 60% of the population are covered by ration cards currently under the National Food Security Act.
    • Those who were eligible benefited from the additional free foodgrains that they have been given under the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY).
    • However, the food subsidy (BE) for 2022-23 at ₹2.06 lakh crore is only enough to cover the regular NFSA entitlements.
    • The indication is that there is no plan to extend the PMGKAY.
    • The food subsidy RE for 2021-22 is ₹2.86 lakh crore.

    Other schemes

    • Budgets for important schemes such as Saksham Anganwadi, maternity entitlements and social security pensions are around the same as the allocations for last year.
    • The allocation for MGNREGA at ₹73,000 crore also does not reflect the increased demand for work or thethe pending wages of ₹21,000 crore.

    Continued negligence

    • The resources allocated for crucial government schemes in the fields of health, education, nutrition, and social protection have remained stagnant or show negligent increase.
    • In fact, the budgets for these schemes have been declining in real terms since 2015.
    • The World Social Protection Report 2020-22, brought out by the International Labour Organization, shows that the spending on social protection (excluding health) in India is 1.4% of the GDP, while the average for low-middle income countries is 2.5%.

    Conclusion

    This continued negligence does not bode well for inclusive development in India.

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  • How the Budget can push India’s health system transformation

    Context

    After decades of low government expenditure on health, the Covid pandemic created a societal consensus on the need to strengthen our health system.

    Steps to strengthen our health system

    • The Fifteenth Finance Commission recommended greater investment in rural and urban primary care, a nationwide disease surveillance system extending from the block-level to national institutes, a larger health workforce and the augmentation of critical care capacity of hospitals.
    • The Union budget of 2021 reflected these priorities in a proposed Pradhan Mantri Aatmanirbhar Swasth Bharat Yojana (PMASBY) to be made operational over six years, with a budget of Rs 64,180 crore.
    • Broader vision of health: The Finance Minister also projected a broader vision of health beyond healthcare by merging allocations to water, sanitation, nutrition and air pollution control with the health budget.
    • Under the Ayushman Bharat umbrella the Digital Health Mission was launched in September 2021.
    • The Health Infrastructure Mission, launched in October 2021, was a renamed and augmented version of the PMASBY.
    • These missions join the two other components of Ayushman Bharat launched in 2018.
    • The Comprehensive Primary Health Care (CPHC) component is nested in the National Health Mission (NHM) while the Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PMJAY) is steered by the National Health Authority (NHA).

    Way forward

    • While much of the following needs to be done by the states, the Centre should incentivise and support such efforts by the states.
    • Link synergically: Primary healthcare services under the CPHC and linkage with water, sanitation, nutrition and pollution control programmes will strengthen the capacity of the health system for health promotion and disease prevention.
    • The budget of 2022 must not only fund these missions adequately but indicate how they will link synergically while functioning under different administrative agencies.
    • Allocate more funds: The NHM received only a 9.6 per cent increase in the 2021 budget.
    • PMJAY did not see an increase in allocation last year, because its utilisation for non-Covid care declined sharply in the previous year.
    •  More importantly, limiting cost coverage to hospitalised care reduces the PMJAY’s capacity to significantly lower out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE) on health, which is driven mostly by outpatient care and expenditure on medicines.
    • Focus on Digital Heath Mission: The Digital Health Mission can enhance efficiency of the health systems in a variety of ways.
    • These include better data collection and analysis, improved medical and health records, efficient supply chain management, tele-health services, support for health workforce training, implementation of health insurance programmes, real time monitoring and sharper evaluation of health programme performance along with effective multi-sectoral coordination.
    • Improve the skill and number of healthcare workers:  We need to increase the numbers and improve the skills of all categories of healthcare providers.
    • While training specialist doctors could take time, the training of frontline workers like Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs) and Auxiliary Nurse Midwives (ANMs) can be done in a shorter time.
    • Upgrade district hospitals: District hospitals need to be upgraded, with greater investment in infrastructure, equipment and staffing.
    • In underserved regions, such district hospitals should be upgraded to become training centres for students of medical, nursing and allied health professional courses.

    Conclusion

    The expanded ambit of health, as defined in last year’s budget, must continue for aligning other sectors to public health objectives. The Union budget of 2022 can add further momentum to our health system transformation.

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  • Anganwadis should provide early childhood care and education

    Context

    The National Education Policy, 2020 has rightly highlighted the importance of early childhood care and education (ECCE), vital for the young child’s early cognitive, social, and emotional development.

    Need for focus on early childhood care and education (ECCE)

    • The National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) finds only 13.6 per cent of children enrolled in pre-primary schools.
    • With its overriding focus on health and nutrition, ECCE has hitherto been the weakest link of the anganwadi system.
    • Multiple administrative duties have left anganwadi workers with little time for ECCE.
    • A child’s early learning begins at birth, initially through stimulation, play, interactions, non-verbal and verbal communication.
    • Unfortunately, due to a lack of parental awareness compounded by the daily stresses of poverty, disadvantaged households are unable to provide an early learning environment.
    • The existing system at best serves the age group of 3-6 years, ignoring infants and toddlers.

    Way forward

    1] A meaningful ECCE programme in anganwadis

    • A meaningful ECCE programme in anganwadis is not only a more intelligent and cost-effective strategy but is also feasible to implement through seven concerted actions.
    • 1)Activity-based framework which reflect local context: To design and put in place a meaningful activity-based ECCE framework that recognises the ground realities with autonomy to reflect the local context and setting.
    • 2) Remove non-ICDS work: Routine tasks of anganwadi workers can be reduced and non-ICDS work, such as surveys, removed altogether.
    • 3)Extend Anganwadi time: Anganwadi hours can be extended by at least three hours by providing staff with an increase in their present remuneration, with the additional time devoted for ECCE.
    • Karnataka has already taken the lead; its anganwadis work from 9.30 am to 4 pm.
    • This will have the added benefit of serving as partial daycare, enabling poor mothers to earn a livelihood.
    • 4) Change in policy mindset: ICDS needs a change in policy mindset, both at central and state levels, by prioritising and monitoring ECCE.
    • 5) Engagement with parents: Anganwadi workers must be re-oriented to closely engage with parents, as they play a crucial role in the cognitive development of young children.
    • Responsive parenting requires both parents to play an active role in ECCE activities at home; therefore, anganwadi workers should be asked to consciously engage with fathers too.
    • Appropriate messaging and low-cost affordable teaching materials can be designed and made accessible to parents.
    • 6) Activity-based play material: ICDS must supply age-appropriate activity-based play material in adequate quantities regularly, and anganwadi workers encouraged to utilise them in a liberal manner.
    • 7) Invest in research and training: States should invest in research and training to support early childhood education, and ensure that the ECCE programme is not a downward extension of school education.

    2] Pre-primary sections in government primary schools

    • Some educationists have suggested that owing to the high workload of anganwadi workers, ECCE in anganwadis would remain a non-starter.
    • Therefore, all government primary schools should open pre-primary sections, with anganwadis limiting themselves to the 0-3 age group.
    • Challenges: It would require a massive outlay to build over a million classrooms with a million nursery teachers and helpers — even a conservative estimate would put the additional annual outlay at over Rs 30,000 crore.
    • Moreover, with child stunting levels at 35 per cent in India, would children enrolled in pre-schools would require supplementary nutrition and health monitoring.
    • This would overburden the nursery teacher.

    Conclusion

    Nearly 1.4 million anganwadis of the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) across India must provide ECCE for the millions of young children in low-income households.

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  • Finding a way to share IAS officers

    Context

    There are recent reports in the media about serious concerns of several state governments on Government of India’s proposed move to amend the IAS service rules to meet the shortage of officers at various levels at the Centre.

    How does central deputation work?

    • Voluntary: Under the current dispensation, officers opt for central deputation from the states voluntarily.
    • The Centre then makes a selection from among these officers for posts which are vacant or are likely to be vacant in the near future.
    • While doing so, it considers the suitability of the officer based on his/her past experience.
    • Once the selection is finalised, orders are issued, requesting the state government to relieve the officer concerned.
    • Quota for each state: Each state has a certain quota beyond which its officers are not accepted by the Centre.

    Shortage of officers on central deputation

    • In the last decade, there has been a gradual decline in the number of officers who opt for central deputation.
    • Generally, of the total cadre strength of the states, about 25-30 per cent used to be on central deputation.
    • Currently, less than 10 per cent are working in various central ministries.
    • According to certain reports, in states like UP, Bihar, Odisha and Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the number is between 8 per cent and 15 per cent.
    • One of the reasons for this non-availability of officers for central deputation is the inadequate recruitment more than a decade and half ago.
    • But an important reason is also the comparatively better service conditions in the states.

    So, what do the proposed rules seek to achieve?

    • While fixing the cadre strength of states, about 40 per cent posts of senior duty are earmarked for central deputation.
    • Shortage to be shared equitably: Considering that recruitments in the past were not adequate, the proposed change in rules provides for shortage to be shared equitably between the Centre and states.
    • Time limit to relieve officers: Also, since vacancies need to be filled in time, there is a suggestion of a time limit in which states must respond and relieve the officer selected.

    Way forward

    • Respect the views of State: It has to be clearly understood that when states give the list of officers they wish to offer for central deputation, it will be the decision of the states alone.
    • The Centre, if it wishes to have an officer work for it, can suggest so to the state. 
    •  If the state does not wish to suggest his name for deputation, the Centre should respect their views, even though they have the power under cadre rules to do so.
    • Improving working conditions for officers: The Centre has to realise that improving working conditions for officers at the deputy secretary and director levels is critical to the success of cadre management.
    • Many of the officers at this level have concerns regarding education of their children, transport and the higher cost of living in Delhi.
    • A deputation allowance for the period of deputation in Delhi could be an option.
    • Non-adversarial manner: The states also have to look at this issue in a non-adversarial manner, where needs of both the Centre and the state have to be matched and met.
    • The Centre should dispel fears of states about misuse of central power.

    Conclusion

    Proposed amendment to service rules is needed to meet shortage of personnel, but Centre must dispel states’ fears about overreach.

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  • What are Padma Awards?

    The central government has announced the names of Padma awardees for this year.

    What are Padma awards?

    • The Padma awards are the highest civilian honor of India after the Bharat Ratna.
    • They are announced every year on the eve of Republic Day.
    • The awards are given in three categories:
    1. Padma Vibhushan (for exceptional and distinguished service)
    2. Padma Bhushan (distinguished service of higher order) and
    3. Padma Shri (distinguished service)
    • The award seeks to recognize achievements in all fields of activities or disciplines where an element of public service is involved.

    Note: During the years 1978 and 1979 and 1993 to 1997, Padma awards were not announced.

    Who are the awardees?

    • The awards are given in certain select categories which include Art, Social Work, Public Affairs, Science & Engineering, Trade & Industry, Medicine, Literature & Education, Civil Service and Sports.
    • Awards are also given for propagation of Indian culture, protection of human rights, wild life protection among others.

    Its constitution

    • The PADMA Awards were instituted in 1954 along with Bharat Ratna.
    • At that time only Padma Vibhushan existed with three sub-categories – Pahela Varg, Dusra Varg and Tisra Varg.
    • These were subsequently renamed as Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padma Shri vide Presidential Notification issued on January 8, 1955.

    Particulars of the awards

    • The awardees do not get any cash reward but a certificate signed by the President apart from a medallion which they can wear at public and government functions.
    • The awards are, however, not a conferment of title and the awardees are expected to not use them as prefix or suffix to their names.
    • A Padma awardee can be given a higher award only after five years of the conferment of the earlier award.

    Terms of awarding

    • Not more than 120 awards can be given in a year but this does not include posthumous awards or awards given to NRIs and foreigners.
    • The award is normally not conferred posthumously.
    • However, in highly deserving cases, the Government could consider giving an award posthumously.

    Who is eligible for Padma awards?

    • All persons without distinction of race, occupation, position or sex are eligible for these awards.
    • However, government servants including those working with PSUs, except doctors and scientists, are not eligible for these awards.
    • The award seeks to recognize works of distinction and is given for distinguished and exceptional achievements or service in all fields of activities and disciplines.
    • According to Padma awards selection criteria, the award is given for “special services” and not just for “long service”.
    • It should not be merely excellence in a particular field, but the criteria has to be ‘excellence plus’.

    Who nominates the awardees?

    • Any citizen of India can nominate a potential recipient.
    • One can even nominate one’s own self. All nominations are to be done online where a form is to be filled along with details of the person or the organisation being nominated.
    • An 800-word essay detailing the work done by the potential awardee is also to be submitted for the nomination to be considered.
    • The government also writes to various state governments, governors, Union territories, central ministries and various departments to send nominations.

    Who selects the awardees?

    • All nominations received for Padma awards are placed before the Padma Awards Committee, which is constituted by the Prime Minister every year.
    • The Padma Awards Committee is headed by the Cabinet Secretary and includes Home Secretary, Secretary to the President and four to six eminent persons as members.
    • The recommendations of the committee are submitted to the Prime Minister and the President of India for approval.
    • The antecedents of the selected awardees are verified using the services of central agencies to ensure nothing untoward has been reported or come on record about them.
    • A final list is then prepared and announced.

    Is the recipient’s consent sought?

    • There is no provision for seeking a written or formal consent of the recipient before the announcement of the award.
    • However, before the announcement, every recipient receives a call from the Ministry of Home Affairs informing him or her about the selection.
    • In case the recipient expresses a desire to be excluded from the award list, the name is removed.

     

    Try this question from CSP 2021

    Q.Consider the following statements in respect of Bharat Ratna and Padma Awards

    1. Bharat Ratna and Padma Awards are titles under the Article 18(1) of the Constitution of India.
    2. Padma wards, which were instituted in the year 1954, were suspended only once.
    3. The number of Bharat Ratna Awards is restricted to a maximum of five in a particular year.

    Which of the above statements are not correct?

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 1 and 3 only

    (d) 1, 2 and 3

     

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  • Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), 2021

     

    The 2021 Corruption Perception Index by Transparency International places India 85th on a list of 180 countries, one position above last year.

    Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI)

    • The CPI is an index which ranks countries “by their perceived levels of public sector corruption, as determined by expert assessments and opinion surveys.”
    • The CPI generally defines corruption as an “abuse of entrusted power for private gain”.
    • The index is published annually by the non-governmental organisation Transparency International since 1995.
    • The index ranks 180 countries and territories by their perceived levels of public sector corruption according to experts and business people.
    • It uses a scale of 0 to 100 to rank CPI, where 0 is highly corrupt and 100 is very clean.

    What kind of corruption does the CPI measure?

    The data sources used to compile the CPI specifically cover the following manifestations of public sector corruption:

    • Bribery
    • Diversion of public funds
    • Officials using their public office for private gain without facing consequences
    • Ability of governments to contain corruption in the public sector
    • Excessive red tape in the public sector which may increase opportunities for corruption
    • Nepotistic appointments in the civil service
    • Laws ensuring that public officials must disclose their finances and potential conflicts of interest
    • Legal protection for people who report cases of bribery and corruption
    • State capture by narrow vested interests
    • Access to information on public affairs/government activities

    The CPI does NOT cover:

    • Citizens’ direct perceptions or experience of corruption
    • Tax fraud
    • Illicit financial flows
    • Enablers of corruption (lawyers, accountants, financial advisors etc)
    • Money-laundering
    • Private sector corruption
    • Informal economies and markets

    Highlights of the 2021 Report

    • The top-performing countries were Denmark, Finland and New Zealand — all having a corruption perceptions score of 88 — followed by Norway, Singapore and Sweden, all of them scoring 85.
    • In contrast, the worst-performing countries were South Sudan with a corruption perceptions score of 11, followed by Syria (13), Somalia (13, Venezuela (14) and Afghanistan (16).

    India’s performance

    • In 2021, India ranked 86th with the same CPI score of 40.
    • The report highlighted concerns over the risk to journalists and activists who have been victims of attacks by the police, political militants, criminal gangs and corrupt local officials.
    • Civil society organizations that speak up against the government have been targeted with security, defamation, sedition, hate speech and contempt-of-court charges, and with regulations on foreign funding.

     

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