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Subject: Polity

  • ₹8 lakh income ‘reasonable’ cap for EWS quota, Centre tells SC

    A government committee report in the Supreme Court has said that “income” is a “feasible criterion” for defining the “Economically Weaker Sections” (EWS) in society, and the annual family income of ₹8 lakh is a “reasonable” threshold to determine EWS.

    Centre’s Argument: Strict criteria for EWS

    • The income criterion for EWS was “more stringent” than the one for the OBC creamy layer.
    • EWS’s criteria relates to the financial year prior to the year of application.
    • On the other side, income criterion for the creamy layer in OBC category is applicable to gross annual income for three consecutive years.

    EWS Quota: A backgrounder

    • The 10% reservation was introduced through the 103rd Constitution Amendment and enforced in January 2019.
    • It added Clause (6) to Article 15 to empower the Government to introduce special provisions for the EWS among citizens except those in the classes that already enjoy reservation.
    • It allows reservation in educational institutions, both public and private, whether aided or unaided, excluding those run by minority institutions, up to a maximum of 10%.
    • It also added Clause (6) to Article 16 to facilitate reservation in employment.
    • The new clauses make it clear that the EWS reservation will be in addition to the existing reservation.

    Significance of the quota

    • The Constitution initially allowed special provisions only for the socially and educationally backward classes.
    • The Government introduced the concept of EWS for a new class of affirmative action program for those not covered by or eligible for the community-based quotas.

    What are the criteria to identify the section?

    • The main criterion is that those above an annual income limit of ₹8 lakh are excluded.
    • It accounts income from all sources such as salary, business, agriculture and profession for the financial year prior to the application of the family, applicants, their parents, siblings and minor children.
    • Possession of any of these assets, too, can take a person outside the EWS pool:
    1. Five or more acres of agricultural land
    2. A residential flat of 1,000 sq.ft. and above
    3. A residential plot of 100 square yards and above in notified municipalities, and
    4. A residential plot of 200 square yards and above in other areas

    What are the court’s questions about the criteria?

    • Reduction within general category: The EWS quota remains a controversy as its critics say it reduces the size of the open category, besides breaching the 50% limit on the total reservation.
    • Arbitrariness over income limit: The court has been intrigued by the income limit being fixed at ₹8 lakh per year. It is the same figure for excluding the ‘creamy layer’ from OBC reservation benefits.
    • Socio-economic backwardness: A crucial difference is that those in the general category, to whom the EWS quota is applicable, do not suffer from social or educational backwardness, unlike those classified as the OBC.
    • Metropolitan criteria: There are other questions as to whether any exercise was undertaken to derive the exceptions such as why the flat criterion does not differentiate between metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas.
    • OBC like criteria: The question the court has raised is that when the OBC category is socially and educationally backward and, therefore, has additional impediments to overcome.
    • Not based on relevant data: In line with the Supreme Court’s known position that any reservation or norms for exclusion should be based on relevant data.
    • Breaches reservation cap: There is a cap of 50% on the reservation as ruled in the Indira Sawhney Case. The principle of balancing equality ordains reservation.

    What is the current status of the EWS quota?

    • The reservation for the EWS is being implemented by the Union Government for the second year now.
    • Recruitment test results show that the category has a lower cut-off mark than the OBC, a point that has upset the traditional beneficiaries of reservation based on caste.
    • The explanation is that only a small number of people are currently applying under the EWS category — one has to get an income certificate from the revenue authorities — and therefore the cut-off is low.
    • However, when the number picks up over time, the cut-off marks are expected to rise.

    Practical issues with EWS Quota

    The EWS quota will come in for judicial scrutiny soon. But it’s not only a matter for the judiciary, India’s Parliament should revisit the law too.

    • Hasty legislation: This law was passed in haste. It was passed in both the houses within 48 hours, and got presidential approval the next day.
    • Minority appeasement: It is widely argued that the law was passed to appease a certain section of upper-caste society and to suppress the demands for minority reservations.
    • Morality put to question: Imagine! A constitutional amendment has been made with few hours of deliberation and without consultation of the targeted group. This is certainly against constitutional morality and propriety.
    • Substantial backing is missing: This amendment is based on a wrong or unverified premise. This is at best a wild guess or a supposition because the government has not produced any data to back this point.
    • Under-reservation of Backward Classes: The assertion is based on the fact that we have different data to prove the under-representation of SC, ST, OBCs. That implies that ‘upper’ castes are over-represented (with 100 minus reservation).
    • Rationale of 10%: There is one more problem in this regard. The SC and ST quota is based on their total population. But the rationale for the 10 per cent quota was never discussed.
    • Principle of Equality: Economic backwardness is quite a fluid identity. It has nothing to do with historic wrongdoings and liabilities caused to the Backward Classes.

    Way forward

    • Preserving the merit: We cannot rule out the sorry state of economic backwardness hampering merit in our country .
    • Rational critera: There has to be collective wisdom to define and measure the economic weakness of certain sections of the society in order to shape the concept of economic justice.
    • Judicial guidance: Judicial interpretation will pave the wave forward for deciding the criterion for EWS Quota.
    • Targetted beneficiaries. The centre needs to resort to more rational criteria for deciding the targeted beneficiary of this reservation system. Caste Census data can be useful in this regard.
    • Income study: The per capita income or GDP or the difference in purchasing power in the rural and urban areas, should be taken into account while a single income limit was formulated for the whole country.

     

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  • Punishing Hate Speech

    A recent religious conclave has witnessed inflammatory and provocative speeches by some religious proponents hinting at a Myanmar-type ‘minority cleansing campaign’.

    What is ‘Hate Speech’?

    • There is no specific legal definition of ‘hate speech’.
    • The Law Commission of India, in its 267th Report, says: “Hate speech generally is an incitement to hatred primarily against a group of persons defined in terms of race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, religious belief and the like …
    • Thus, hate speech is any word written or spoken, signs, visible representations within the hearing or sight of a person with the intention to cause fear or alarm, or incitement to violence.”
    • In general, hate speech is considered a limitation on free speech that seeks to prevent or bar speech that exposes a person or a group or section of society to hate, violence, ridicule or indignity.

    How is it treated in Indian law?

    • Provisions in law criminalize speeches, writings, actions, signs and representations that foment violence and spread disharmony between communities and groups and these are understood to refer to ‘hate speech’.
    • Sections 153A and 505 of the Indian Penal Code are generally taken to be the main penal provisions that deal with inflammatory speeches and expressions that seek to punish ‘hate speech’.

    [I] Section 153A:

    • Promotion of enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony’, is an offence punishable with three years’ imprisonment.

    [II] Section 505:

    505(1): Statements conducing to public mischief

    • The statement, publication, report or rumour that is penalized under Section 505(1) should be one that promotes mutiny by the armed forces, or causes such fear or alarm that people are induced to commit an offence against the state or public tranquility.
    • This attracts a jail term of up to three years.

    505(2): It is an offence to make statements creating or promoting enmity, hatred or ill-will between classes.

    505(3): Same offence will attract up to a five-year jail term if it takes place in a place of worship, or in any assembly engaged in religious worship or religious ceremonies.

    What has the Law Commission proposed?

    The Law Commission has proposed that separate offences be added to the IPC to criminalize hate speech quite specifically instead of being subsumed in the existing sections concerning inflammatory acts and speeches.

    [A] Inserting two sections

    • It has proposed that two new sections, Section 153C and Section 505A, be added.

    Section 153C

    It is an offence if anyone-

    • Uses gravely threatening words, spoken or written or signs or visible representations, with the intention to cause fear or alarm OR
    • Advocates hatred that causes incitement to violence, on grounds of religion, race, caste or community, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, place of birth, residence, language, disability or tribe

    Section 505A

    • It proposes to criminalize words, or display of writing or signs that are gravely threatening or derogatory, within the hearing or sight of a person, causing fear or alarm or, with intent to provoke the use of unlawful violence against that person or another”.

    [B] Imprisonment

    • Section 153C: two-year jail term for this and/or a fine of ₹5,000 or both
    • Section 505A: prison term of up to one year and/or a fine up to ₹5,000

    Other committees’ recommendations

    • Similar proposals to add sections to the IPC to punish acts and statements that promote racial discrimination or amount to hate speech have been made by the M.P. Bezbaruah Committee and the T.K. Viswanathan Committee.
    • At present, the Committee for Reforms in Criminal Laws, which is considering more comprehensive changes to criminal law, is examining the issue of having specific provisions to tackle hate speech.

    Why regulate hate speech?

    • Creates social divide: Individuals believe in stereotypes that are ingrained in their minds and these stereotypes lead them to believe that a class or group of persons are inferior to them and as such cannot have the same rights as them.
    • Threat to peaceful co-existence: The stubbornness to stick to a particular ideology without caring for the right to co-exist peacefully adds further fuel to the fire of hate speech.

    Issues in regulating hate speech

    • Powers to State: Almost every regulation of speech, no matter how well-intentioned, increases the power of the state.
    • Hate speeches are Political: The issue is fundamentally political and we should not pretend that fine legal distinctions will solve the issue.
    • Legal complications: An over-reliance on legal instruments to solve fundamentally social and political problems often backfires.

    What lies ahead?

    • Subjects like hate speeches become a complex issue to deal with, in a country like India which is very diverse, as it was very difficult to differentiate between free and hate speech.
    • There are many factors that should be considered while restraining speeches like strong opinions, offensive comments towards certain communities, the effect on values like dignity, liberty and equality.
    • We all have to work together and communicate efficiently for our country to be a healthy place to live in.

     

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  • ‘Indianizing’ the Legal System and SC’s Views

    At least two Supreme Court judges have in the past few months openly expressed the need to “Indianize” the legal system.

    What is the news?

    • This week, Justice S. Abdul Nazeer underscored the need to embrace the great legal traditions as per Manu, Kautilya, Katyayana, Brihaspati, Narada, Parashara, Yajnavalkya and other legal giants of ancient India.
    • Continued neglect of their great knowledge and adherence to alien colonial legal system is detrimental to the goals of our Constitution and against our national interests, he said.
    • He emphasized the need for Indianization of the legal system to decolonize the Indian legal system.
    • He concluded that this colonial legal system is not suitable for the Indian population.

    Background of the case

    Then CJI P.N. Bhagwati in the M.C. Mehta Case way back in 1986 has said that-

    • We cannot allow our judicial thinking to be constricted by reference to the law as it prevails in England or for the matter of that in any other foreign country.
    • We no longer need the crutches of a foreign legal order.
    • We are certainly prepared to receive light from whatever source it comes from, but we have to build up our own jurisprudence.

    Indianization of Judiciary

    • Last month, CJI N.V. Ramana called for the “Indianization” of the legal system to provide greater access to justice to the poor as the “need of the hour”.
    • CJI emphasized this as an adaptation to the practical realities of our society and localize our justice delivery systems.
    • For example, parties from a rural place fighting a family dispute are usually made to feel out of place in the court, the CJI clarified.

    Major suggestions by CJI:

    (A) Simplification

    • The simplification of justice delivery should be our pressing concern.
    • It is crucial to make justice delivery more transparent, accessible and effective.
    • Procedural barriers often undermine access to justice.
    • The Chief Justice said both judges and lawyers have to create an environment which is comforting for the litigants and other stakeholders.

    (B) Alternate dispute mechanisms

    • The CJI said alternate dispute mechanisms like mediation and conciliation would go a long way in reducing pendency, unnecessary litigation and save resources.

    Major suggestions by CJI:

    (A) Simplification

    • The simplification of justice delivery should be our pressing concern.
    • It is crucial to make justice delivery more transparent, accessible and effective.
    • Procedural barriers often undermine access to justice.
    • The Chief Justice said both judges and lawyers have to create an environment that is comforting for the litigants and other stakeholders.

    (B) Alternate dispute mechanisms

    • The CJI said alternate dispute mechanisms like mediation and conciliation would go a long way in reducing pendency, unnecessary litigation and save resources.

    Recent moves of Indianization

    • Supreme Court judgments show that the Indian legal system had made an early start at consciously getting rid of the “crutches” of colonial influence.

    (1) General principles laid by the SC

    • The evolution of laws in India has been through legislation and the binding precedents of the Supreme Court under Article 141 of the Constitution.
    • Article 142 of the Constitution of India deals with the Enforcement of decrees and orders of the Supreme Court.

    (2) Public Interest Litigation

    • The public interest litigation mechanism is truly Indian.

    (3) Reference to Indian texts

    • Several judgments since the 1980s refer to the works of Manu and Kautilya.
    • In the privacy judgment, Justice S.A. Bobde (retired), referred to how “even in the ancient and religious texts of India, a well-developed sense of privacy is evident”.
    • He mentions that Kautilya’s “Arthashastra prohibits entry into another’s house, without the owner’s consent”.

    Issues with Ancient Texts

    • In the Sabarimala Case, the court pointed to the Manusmriti to observe that in these “ancient religious texts and customs, menstruating women have been considered as polluting the surroundings”.
    • It went on to hold that practices that legitimize menstrual taboos, due to notions of purity and pollution, limit the ability of menstruating women to attain the freedom of movement and the right of entry to places of worship.

    Way forward

    • It is time for courts to wake up from their colonial stupor and face the practical realities of Indian society.
    • Rules and procedures of justice delivery should be made simple.
    • The ordinary, poor, and rural Indian should not be scared of judges or the courts.

     

     

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  • Tussle over the election of Maharashtra Assembly Speaker

    Maharashtra Governor and the incumbent government are locked in a tussle over the election of the Speaker of the Assembly. The Governor has not given his consent to the election program decided by the Cabinet.

    Election of Speakers to the Assembly

    • Article 178 of the Constitution provides for every Legislative Assembly to choose two members of the Assembly to be respectively Speaker and Deputy Speaker.
    • The Constitution does not specify the process of holding these elections; that is left to the state legislatures.
    • It also does not set a timeframe other than to say the elections should be held “as soon as maybe”.

    Some states lay down timeframes

    • In Haryana, the election of the Speaker must be held as soon as possible after the Assembly election, and the Deputy Speaker must be elected within another seven days.
    • In UP, the Speaker’s election is required to be held within 15 days if the post falls vacant during the term of the Assembly.
    • The date for the Speaker’s election is notified by the Governor.

    A crucial case in Maharashtra

    • As per Rule 6 of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly Rules, “The Governor shall fix a date for the holding of the election and the Secretary shall send to every member notice of the date so fixed.”
    • A former Secretary of the state Assembly said the election of the Speaker can take place only after the Governor fixes the date for it.

    What are the recent amendments?

    • The govt has moved a motion in the Assembly seeking amendments to Rules 6 (election of Assembly Speaker) and 7 (election of Deputy Assembly Speaker) by voice vote instead of a secret ballot.
    • The amendments excluded the words “holding of the election” and included the words “to elect the Speaker on the recommendation of the Chief Minister” in Rule 6 of Maharashtra Assembly Rules.

    What are the objections to these amendments?

    • The Opposition accused the govt of running the “most insecure government” that does not trust its MLAs and fears there would be cross-voting in the election of the Speaker.
    • It argued that the Rules cannot be amended in the absence of the Speaker.

    What is the government’s position?

    • The government has argued that the amendments are in line with the Rules that are in practice in Lok Sabha, the Upper House of the state legislature, and in the Assemblies of several others states.
    • It has also been said that the amendments would put an end to horse trading.

    What is the way ahead?

    • The govt can explore legal options to see whether the election of the Speaker could be held without the consent of the Governor.
    • However, the situation is very odd.
    • While Rule 6 mandates that the Governor should fix the date for the election, the amendment says that the Governor should fix the date on the advice on the CM.

     

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  • Why the Aadhaar-voter ID link must be stopped

    Context

    The Election Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2021 which facilitates amendment to the Representation of People’s Act, is a step toward implementing online-based remote e-voting for which the use of Aadhaar will be the primary identity.

    Objectives of linking

    • The linking of Aadhaar with one’s voter ID was primarily to build a biometric dependent voting system from the very beginning.
    • The change could help fight fraud and duplicates in the electoral rolls.

    About the pilot programmes on linking the voter id

    • In 2014, the Election Commission of India (ECI) conducted two pilot programmes on linking the voter id with Aadhaar in the districts of Nizamabad and Hyderabad.
    • Based on the effectiveness, the ECI called for a National Consultation on Aadhaar and voter id linking.
    • The ECI launched the National Electoral Roll Purification and Authentication Programme (NERPAP) on April 1, 2015, which had to be completed by August 31, 2015.
    • After a Supreme Court of India order on August 11, 2015, it was announced that this NERPAP would be shut down.
    • But as Telangana and Andhra Pradesh were early adopters of this programme since 2014, both States have nearly completed linking Aadhaar and voter id for all residents.
    • Methodology is unknown: The methodology followed by the ECI to find duplicate voters using Aadhaar is unknown to the general public.
    • SRDH data used: In a letter from the CEO Andhra Pradesh (then for Telangana and Andhra Pradesh) to the ECI, it is clear that the State Resident Data Hub (SRDH) application of the Government of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh was used to curate electoral rolls.
    • The SRDH has data on residents of the State which is supplied by the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) or collected further by the State governments.
    •  While the UIDAI was constrained not to collect data on caste, religion and other sensitive information data for Aadhaar, it recommended to the States to collect this information, if required, as part of Aadhaar data collection; it termed the process as Know Your Resident (KYR) and Know Your Resident Plus (KYR+).
    • It is these SRDH applications that the ECI used to curate electoral rolls which resulted in the deletion of a sizeable number of voters from the list in Telangana in 2018.

    Concerns

    • Disenfranchisement: The role of the ECI to verify voters using door-to-door verification (in 2015) has been subsumed; a software algorithm commissioned by the Government for purposes unknown to the public and maintained by a private IT company is in control now.
    • Subjecting key electoral rolls to surveillance software damages the concept of universal adult suffrage.
    • What the experience in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh highlights is voter suppression and disenfranchisement.
    • Issue of ensuring electoral integrity: In a situation where the role of money makes a mockery of the democratic process, linking Aadhaar will be futile.
    • Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs), if foolproof, put an end to the days of booth capturing prevalent in the days of paper ballots.
    • E-voting can also be gamed using malware to change the outcome of an election.
    • While the Bill does not look into large-scale e-voting, there is an issue of ensuring electoral integrity.
    • Voter profiling: An Aadhaar-voter ID linkage will also help political parties create voter profiles and influence the voting process.
    • Online trends on the day of voting and micro-targeting voters using their data will make it easier for political parties in power to use data for elections.

    Consider the question “What are the objectives of Aadhar-Voter Id linking? What are the concerns associated with such linking?”

    Conclusion

    The linking of Aadhaar with voter ID will create complexities in the voter databases that will be hard to fix. This process will introduce errors in electoral rolls and vastly impact India’s electoral democracy.

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  • Plea in Supreme Court seeks ‘Uniform Judicial Code’ for HCs

    A petition was filed in the Supreme Court to implement a “Uniform Judicial Code (UJC)” for High Courts across the country to adopt a uniform set of procedures, especially for virtual courts.

    What is the PIL about?

    • The petition urged the apex court to take appropriate steps to adopt uniform procedure for case registration, use common judicial terms, phrases and abbreviations and make the court fee uniform.
    • It has, alternatively, sought a direction to the Law Commission of India to prepare a report in consultation with the HC in this regard.

    Why need UJC?

    • Matter of Equality: Judicial equality is a matter of constitutional right, its differentiation based on the jurisdiction of courts violates the right to equality.
    • Different nomenclatures: All the 25 High Courts have different usage of the phrases when it comes to identifying different cases.
    • Diverse procedures: The PIL plea highlighted how different High Courts follow different procedures in matters pertaining to virtual courts, started during the pandemic.
    • Different fees: Unequal court fees in different states discriminate among citizens based on their place of birth and residence. Moreover, it promotes regionalism; hence it is a clear violation of Articles 14-15.

    Way forward: Bringing in digitized Judiciary systems

    • The judiciary needs to develop a well-defined framework supported by an accessible platform and direct e-court system in India.
    • It also needs to harp on advanced infrastructure to run an e-court system that eradicates the digital divide, simultaneously upping judicial functioning.
    • While the digitized judicial systems give some semblance of convenience for the people who interact with the court, digitization also brings threats of intrusion etc.

     

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  • Electoral reform is welcome, but shouldn’t be selective

    Context

    The Election Laws (Amendment) Bill that seeks to link the electoral rolls with the Aadhaar database has been passed by both the Houses of the parliament.

    Three electoral reforms

    • A wide range of electoral reform proposals has been pending with the government, several of them for over two decades.
    • The three reforms — common electoral rolls for Vidhan Sabha and panchayat elections, extending the qualifying date for registration of young new voters, and linking of Aadhaar with electoral rolls — taken up by the Union Cabinet on December 15 are, therefore, significant.

    [1] Common electoral rolls

    • For years, the ECI has been advocating a common electoral roll for all elections.
    • Currently, separate electoral rolls are maintained for elections to the Lok Sabha, Vidhan Sabha and local government bodies (panchayats or municipal).
    • Role of ECI and SECs: There are two types of election management bodies in the country — the ECI that conducts the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections and SECs that conduct panchayat and municipal elections.
    • The process for making electoral rolls is laid down in the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960.
    • The SECs have the option of either adopting the electoral rolls created by the ECI or preparing such rolls on their own.
    • Most prefer to use the rolls prepared by the ECI.
    • Some states, however, develop their rolls independently.
    • These are Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, Odisha, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.
    • Considering that a voter for all three tiers of elected bodies is the same, why is it that she finds her name missing from one of the rolls, mostly the panchayat rolls?
    • This is particularly surprising when the officials responsible for making both these rolls are the same.
    • A common electoral roll is thus a logical solution. 

    Benefits of common electoral rolls

    • Tackling stuffing voters: A common experience has been the stuffing of bogus voters in the panchayat/municipal rolls.
    • Corrupt practices are proportionately higher in PRI polls.
    • Avoid the involvement of teachers in the non-teaching work: The process of making electoral rolls is usually done by the schoolteachers.
    • Their involvement in non-teaching work takes its toll.
    • Cost-saving: A common electoral roll will obviate the need for deploying them repeatedly, besides saving enormous costs.

    Suggestions for preparation of common electoral rolls

    • Issue joint instructions: The ECI and SECs can issue joint instructions for preparing the common rolls. The roll-making machinery stays the same.
    • Pilot studies may be conducted in random constituencies to identify the discrepancies between two sets of rolls and their reasons.

    What are the constitutional and legal changes required?

    • Amendment in Article 243K and 243ZA: The SECs derive their powers to supervise local body elections from Articles 243K and 243ZA of the Constitution.
    • Changes in State laws: All state governments would have to change their electoral laws to adopt ECI electoral rolls for local elections.

    [2] Eligibility date of new voters

    • According to Section 14(b) of the Representation of People Act of 1950, only those who have turned 18 on or before January 1 of the year are to be registered.
    • This implies that all those who turn 18 between January 2 and December 31 of a year must wait till the next year.
    • This technicality results in the exclusion of a large section of 18-year-olds.

    Suggestion by ECI on eligibility date

    • The ECI had sent a letter to the Law Ministry on November 4, 2013, which recommended the issuing of a voter card to an individual ideally on their 18th birthday, or updating voter rolls every month or quarter.
    • A committee of the Ministry of Law and Justice under Sushil Kumar Modi has proposed quarterly cut-off dates for voter registration — January 1, April 1, July 1 and October 1.

    [3] Aadhar linking

    • The proposal to link electoral rolls with Aadhaar was first mooted by the ECI in 2015 but work on it had to be stopped when the Supreme Court ruled that Aadhaar cannot be used except voluntarily for beneficiary-oriented schemes.
    • Benefits of linking: The linking will help in identifying duplicate voters, something that ECI has been desperately attempting for years using various “de-duplication” software with limited success.

    Consider the question “What are the concerns with linking of Aadhar and electoral rolls? Suggest the way forward.”

    Conclusion

    Any progress in addressing the vexed issue of electoral reform — even in a piecemeal manner — is welcome. The time has, however, come for the government to consider the 40-plus pending proposals, instead of selectively going for some reforms.

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  • In electoral reform bill’s passing, a missed opportunity

    Context

    The Election Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2021 was passed in the Lok Sabha recently. It seeks to link electoral rolls with the Aadhaar ecosystem.

    What are the concerns with linking of Aadhar with electoral roll?

    [1] Aadhar is not proof of citizenship

    • Aadhaar is not meant to be a citizenship proof but only a digital identity for all residents.
    • Residence of 182 days can make even a non-citizen eligible for an Aadhaar ID.

    [2] Aadhar is not address proof

    • According to public statements by several government functionaries, Aadhaar was only meant to be identity proof but not address proof.
    • Electoral roll is based on Aadhar: In contrast, the RER clearly stipulates address to be a key index for electoral rolls.
    • Different enrollment process: Moreover, the enrolment processes for voters’ lists and Aadhaar are completely different.
    • Whereas Aadhaar enrolment is based on production of existing documents and the “introducer system”, voter enrolments involve physical verification and “house visits” by a registration officer or representative.

    [3] No audit report on the efficacy of Aadhaar deduplication or on the authenticity of the Aadhaar database

    • Even the Supreme Court accepted the Unique Identification Authority of India’s (UIDAI) claims on the integrity of the Aadhaar database at face value without any scrutiny.
    • Risk of exclusion error: Using Aadhaar to clean the electoral rolls involved the risk of disenfranchisement, especially of the marginalised communities.
    • It is to be noted that there is ample publicly documented evidence of large-scale exclusion in PDS and welfare disbursal due to Aadhaar.

    [4] Conflict of interest

    • UIDAI is under government control: Maintenance of the voters’ lists is a primary responsibility of the ECI, which is an independent constitutional body, whereas Aadhaar is a government instrument and UIDAI is under government control.
    • Since the ECI has no control on either enrolment or deduplication in Aadhaar, it appears inappropriate — and a potential conflict of interest — to use Aadhaar for electoral rolls.
    • In particular, since Aadhaar is directly used for disbursal of welfare and direct benefit transfers, linking it with voter ID may provide a direct method for the government to influence and manipulate voters.

    [5] Risk of profiling and targeting of voters

    • Aadhaar is a ubiquitous ID that is used in a variety of applications.
    • Linking it with the voter ID will open up avenues for profiling and targeting of voters.
    • No audit for purpose limitation: This is of particular concern because neither the UIDAI nor the ECI have publicly audited architectures for purpose limitation and protection against insider attacks.
    • While profiling using public data is not illegal according to current laws, both the electorate and Parliament need to clearly understand the risks of such profiling.
    • It is far easier to win elections through digital analysis of electoral rolls than through attacking the electronic voting process, especially when election results are available at booth-level granularity
    • Both privacy and integrity of the electoral rolls are of paramount importance in the digital age, and the clear tension between the two makes the problem challenging.

    Way forward

    • Use of cryptography: The RER of 1960 clearly opted for transparency as a means to the integrity of the electoral rolls, thereby ensuring that all additions and deletions can be publicly audited.
    • However, with the possibility of digital processing of electoral data, the risks associated with such complete transparency have increased manifold.
    • Yet, there are several modern techniques from cryptography and computer science that may help mitigate the risks by enabling both privacy and public auditability.

    Consider the question “The Election Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2021 enable the linking of electoral rolls with the Aadhaar ecosystem. What are the objectives of such linking and concerns raised against it?”

    Conclusion

    An electoral reforms bill at the onset of 2022 needed to explore and address these issues head-on.

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  • Impact of Reorganisation Act on Ladakh’s autonomy

    Context

    The article deal with the impact of the passage of the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act of 2019 on Ladakh’s autonomy or participatory democracy.

    What has changed?

    • Hill Councils: The Autonomous Hill Development Councils of Leh and Kargil read along with the framework of J&K’s special status and its bicameral legislative system gave Ladakh autonomy and participatory democracy.
    • The Hill Councils had the powers over land in Ladakh while the majority of the bigger concerns regarding land remained protected under Article 370 and J&K’s robust land protection laws.
    • Power to recruit the officers: Gazetted officers were recruited through the State Public Service Commission.
    • The District Service Selection Board made recruitments at the district level.
    • But today, there is no Public Service Commission in Ladakh and the Hill Councils’ power to make recruitments at the district level has also been affected by the Lieutenant Governor (LG)’s presence.
    • No law to protect the jobs: Technically, there also exists no law in Ladakh now that protects the land or even the jobs.
    • Loss of representation: the Reorganisation Act has taken away the six seats of the Members of Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council and wakened the functioning of the Hill Councils.
    • The only elected representation from Ladakh outside of Ladakh is a lone MP.

    Conclusion

    Steps need to be taken to address the issues related to the lack of representation in Ladakh in the wake of the passage of the Reorganisation Act of 2019.

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  • Jammu and Kashmir Delimitation Commission

    The J&K Delimitation Commission has proposed to increase six seats for the Jammu division and one for the Kashmir division evoking sharp reactions from the regional parties.

    What is Delimitation and why is it needed?

    • Delimitation is the act of redrawing boundaries of an Assembly or Lok Sabha seat to represent changes in population over time.
    • This exercise is carried out by a Delimitation Commission, whose orders have the force of law and cannot be questioned before any court.
    • The objective is to redraw boundaries (based on the data of the last Census) in a way so that the population of all seats, as far as practicable, be the same throughout the State.
    • Aside from changing the limits of a constituency, the process may result in a change in the number of seats in a state.

    Delimitation in J&K

    • Assembly seats in J&K were delimited in 1963, 1973 and 1995.
    • Prior to August 5, 2019, carving out of J&K’s Assembly seats was carried out under the J&K Constitution and Jammu and Kashmir Representation of the People Act, 1957.
    • Until then, the delimitation of Lok Sabha seats in J&K was governed by the Constitution of India.
    • However, the delimitation of the state’s Assembly was governed by the J&K Constitution and J&K Representation of the People Act, 1957.
    • There was no census in the state in 1991 and hence no Delimitation Commission was set up by the state until 2001 census.

    Why is it in the news again?

    • After the abrogation of J&K’s special status in 2019, the delimitation of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats in the newly-created UT would be as per the provisions of the Indian Constitution.
    • On March 6, 2020, the government set up the Delimitation Commission, headed by retired Supreme Court judge Ranjana Prakash Desai, which was tasked with winding up delimitation in J&K in a year.
    • As per the J&K Reorganization Bill, the number of Assembly seats in J&K would increase from 107 to 114, which is expected to benefit the Jammu region.

    Factors considered during Delimitation

    • The number of districts had increased from 12 to 20 and tehsils from 52 to 207 since the last delimitation.
    • The population density ranged from 29 persons a square km in Kishtwar to 3,436 persons a square km in Srinagar.
    • The remoteness of the place, inaccessibility etc are also considered during the exercise.

    What’s new?

    Ans. Reserved constituencies for SC/STs

    • For the first time, in Jammu and Kashmir, nine seats are proposed to be allocated for Scheduled Tribes out of 90 seats on the basis of population.
    • Seven seats are proposed for Scheduled Castes.

    Concerns raised over Delimitation

    • Jammu vs. Kashmir: Concerns had been expressed over how the delimitation process may end up favoring the Jammu region over Kashmir in terms of the seats.
    • Under-representation of Ladakh: Arguments have been made on how Ladakh has been underrepresented, with demands for statehood/sixth schedule.
    • Non-proportionate reservations: It is argued that seats for STs should’ve been divided in both Jammu province & Kashmir province, as the ST population is almost equal.

    Do not forget to answer this PYQ in the comment box:

    Q.With reference to the Delimitation Commission, consider the following statements:

    1. The orders of the Delimitation Commission cannot be challenged in a Court of Law.
    2. When the orders of the Delimitation Commission are laid before the Lok Sabha or State Legislative Assembly, they cannot affect any modifications in the orders.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

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