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Author: Dr V

  • Prelims tit-bits- Polity part 2

    1. Emergency provisions

    • Taken from Wiemar constitution
    • A national emergency(art 352) can be proclaimed due to war, external aggression or armed rebellion not on the ground of internal disturbance)
    • though the proclamation of national emergence requires the approval of both the houses (special majority), lok sabha’s approval( simple majority) alone suffices for revocation
    • president can unilaterally revoke the proclamation of national emergency without the parliament’s approval

    Discuss-  differences b/w article 358 and 359 related to emergency

    2. Interim budget and vote on account

    • Vote on account is a statement of only expenditures while the interim budget is a complete set of accounts, including both expenditure and receipts <think of it as mini budget>
    • Vote on account is passed every year before appropriation bill is passed <generally for 2 months >
    • Interim budget is passed during election years
    • Interim budget also contains vote on accounts <before appropriation bill of interim budget is passed>

    Discuss– everything clear?? Any confusions??

    3. Primacy of LS over RS

    • Money bill- introduced only in LS, RS can only suggest amendments that too w/i 14 days
    • A resolution for the discontinuation of national emergency can be passed only by LS by simple majority.
    • Adjournment motion and no confidence motion can be passed only in LS.
    • Estimates committee draws members solely from LS. It has 30 members, largest committee of parliament.
    • Speaker and in the absence of speaker, deputy speaker presides over joint sitting

    Discuss-any other instance of primacy of LS over RS

    4. Money bill v/s financial bill

    • Money bill (art 110)  provisions related to only taxations, borrowings, expenditure etc i.e money matters only
    • Financial bill type A- money provisions plus other general provisions
    • Financial bill type B- expenditure from consolidated fund plus other provisions
    • Money bill can be introduced only on recommendation of president, in the LS and only by a minister (not by pvt member). RS can only suggest amendments that too w/in 14 days thus no scope of joint sitting, President can not resend the bill to the house <though he is not bound to give his consent>. Speaker certifies the bill as money bill and certification is final
    • Financial bill type A- just like money bill till introduction, after introduction, it’s ordinary bill i.e RS has to pass the bill and can reject it
    • Financial bill Type B- totally ordinary bill just that president recommends consideration of bill by both the houses <as it involves expenditure from CFI>

    Note 1– All financial bills are not money bills but vice versa is true

    Note 2- Finance bill and financial bills are not one and the same. What’s the difference?

    5. Rajya Sabha

    • RS chairperson is not member of RS <VP >
    • Deputy chairperson is member of RS
    • In joint sittings when both speaker and deputy speaker are absent, deputy chairperson presides the sessions not chairperson
    • Term of RS is not 6 years <it’s infinite>
    • Term of a member of RS is 6 years while that of chairperson RS 5 years

     

  • Tit-bits for prelims (what do you think)

    Hello everyone

    As prelims is not more than 80 days away, we thought of different ways of helping you in your preparation. In this context UW announced a test series on the forum. Now to help you with the factual stuff, we came up with the idea of presenting confusing and important factoids in card format which would be linked to a subject in the story. You can revise them and discuss them on website.

    For instance

    Polity Tit-bits

    High Court

    • High court judges are appointed and removed by president not the governor
    • salary is charged on consolidated fund of states while pension on CFI
    • Writ jurisdiction under article 226 is wider than that of supreme court’s under article 32
    • There are 24 high courts in India

    Discuss– logic behind these provisions and name the high courts which have jurisdiction over more than 1 state or UT

    Supreme court

    • A distinguished jurist can be appointed to supreme court but not high court
    • Only parliament not president can increase the number of judges
    • A person can directly approach supreme court under art 32
    • President can seek advice under article 143, supreme court not bound to advise, president not bound to accept the advise

    Discuss– Under what conditions, supreme court is duty bound to tender the advise to president?

    Do let us know, what you think about the initiative in comment section. If good enough number of aspirants want it, we would start pushing 4-5 such cards every day in the app or on the forum.

    It takes lots of time to design such stuff, so feel free to write your opinion. Do let us know if you want any changes etc. We would start it only if you recommend it.

  • Economic Survey For IAS | Chapter 11 | Powering One India


     

    Power or electricity is very essential constituent of infrastructure affecting economic growth and welfare of the country. India is the 5th largest producer of electricity in the world. At an electricity-GDP elasticity ratio of 0.8 <for 1% increase in GDP, 0.8% increase in electricity generation required>, electricity will continue to remain a key input for India’s economic growth.

    Uninterrupted, reliable power at reasonable cost is essential for the success of make in India which in turn is critical for the transformation of industrial sector which would provide jobs to burgeoning young population entering the labour force every month <1m new entrants to labour force every month>.

    High tariffs and erratic supply for industry have led to a slow but steady decline in the growth of industrial electricity purchases from utilities and a gradual transition towards captive generation often using diesel gen sets which is more expensive as also more damaging to the environment.

    Status of diesel gensets in India-

    • 47% of firms report using a diesel generator
    • Total capacity of the diesel generators (DG) in the country may be as high as 72 GW and growing at the rate of 5 GW per year
    • DG capacity for industrial loads greater than 1 MW is 14 GW
    • A substantial portion of the rest (58 GW) may be contributed by micro and small industries, with load capacities of less than 1 MW

    Effect of captive power generation using diesel gen sets

    • This particularly affects SMEs as they are unable to shift to captive power generation and when they do, they are unable to absorb the higher costs as their margins are generally very low.
    •  Agro based and other industries are not able to develop in peri urban or rural areas and rural population either remain stuck in unremunerative agriculture or migrates to urban areas in search of jobs (distress migration)
    • It affects competitiveness of our industry and our exports suffer
    • Pollution, environmental degradation, climate change, global warming

    What are the other issues in India’s power sector?

    A- Complexity of tariff schedules

    • There are separate tariffs for poultry farms, pisciculture, wetland farms (above and below a certain size), mushroom and rabbit farms, etc <complexity of tariff structure>
    • It prevents economic actors from responding sufficiently to price signals due to the high cost of processing the price information <if it’s so complex, our mind can not take economically rational decisions>

    Suggestion – Simplification of tariffs with, perhaps no more than 2-3 tariff categories <say low tariff below certain level of power consumption, high after that level and separate category for industrial tariff>

    It will improve transparency and may well yield consumption and collection efficiency, along with governance benefits <consumers will be able to take rational decisions, no scope for rent seeking>

    B- Tariffs And Cost-

    Cmmon sense suggests avg tariff (AT) should not be less than avg cost of supply (ACS) but in India-

    • Average tariffs in some cases are set below the average cost of supplying electricity
    • Even after adjusting ACS for Aggregate Technical and Commercial (AT&C) losses AT continues to stay below the adjusted level of ACS in most states i.e tariff are set way below the required level <what are AT&C losses? Answer in comments>

    Suggestion- -Tariffs reflecting costs are a necessary condition for discoms to sustain themselves over the long-run. So avg tariffs need to be raised while giving relief to poorer section of society. How?

    Exploiting Progressivity to Lower Tariffs for the poor

    • There is, at present, no specific policy guidelines on the intra-category cross subsidisation or subsidy provisioning
    • The tariff schedule is progressive as the consumption increases, although, Avg billing rates (ABR) for all the consumption categories lies below the average cost of supply (ACS) implying that costs are not fully recovered even from high end consumers i.e state or industry subsidizing consumption of rich
    • Other countries such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, South Korea, Vietnam and Brazil better exploit the progressivity of electricity tariffs in the domestic category <higher ratio of tariffs charged to the rich relative to poor>

    Suggestion- make tariff schedule after welfare analysis and charge consumers progressively much more for higher consumption while simplifying tariff schedule

    Advantage- cross-subsidisation occurs within the residential consumers itself< rich and consumers with high consumption intensity within the residential sectors subsidise prices for consumers with lower consumption>

    Given their relatively inelastic price elasticity, rich consumers will continue to maintain their consumption even after price increase. The net effect is that the residential revenue collection becomes cost neutral for the discoms (loss making at present)

    What has govt done so far?


     

    Open access policy and it’s present status

    What is open access– simple- open to access electricity from any seller i.e. consumers being able to purchase directly from power producers rather than distribution companies.

    Advantage- As it allows generators to sell power to the highest bidders while consumers can source their needs from the most economic seller, it promotes competition and efficiency

    Open Access (OA) policy introduced under Electricity Act 2003, allows consumers with electricity load above 1 MW to procure electricity directly from electricity markets

    OA provides an aggregation of the country-wide supply and demand on the same platform. Therefore, this constitutes a first step towards discovering a single market price for power around the country <if anyone can buy and sell from anybody freely it would ultimately create a single price for electricity and thus one market for power>

    Barriers to open access-

    Price barriers- cross subsidy surcharge– Industrial consumers procuring power from discoms subsidize residential consumers but they don’t have to do so if they procure power through open access, electricity regulator levies a surcharge to cover the cost of residential subsidy known as cross subsidy surcharge.

    Idea was that cross-subsidy surcharge to be levied on OA consumers would come down over time. Nonetheless, cross-subsidy surcharges over the years have gone up as discoms lobby hard to increase surcharge.

    Non price barriers- delay in granting open access, transmission constraints and congestion and transmission losses

    In short price and non-price barriers come in the way of single-nationwide electricity prices through open access

    Some achievements –

    • highest ever increase in generation capacity <in 2014-15 the addition to plant capacity in utilities was 26.5 GW, much higher than the average annual addition of around 19 GW over last five years>
    • bringing down the peak electricity deficit in the country to the lowest ever level of 2.4%
    • Indian Railways (IR) attempting to shift to open access (OA) for power purchase
    • From power deficit to power surplus <it’s possible because discoms are so much under debt that they just don’t want to purchase any more power, all the more important to expedite the shift to open access>
    • Grid parity for solar generation is on its way to becoming a reality <tariffs reached an all-time low of R4.34/kWh in latest auction> <What’s grid parity? Why is it important? Answer in comments>/

    Some policy decisions of govt of India-

    A- Ujwal DISCOM Assurance Yojana (UDAY)  

    • States shall take over 75 per cent of discom debt outstanding as of September 2015.
    •  Reduction of Aggregate Technical & Commercial (AT&C) losses to 15 per cent by 2018-19.
    •  Reduction in difference between average cost of supply and average revenue realized (ARR) by 2018-19.
    •  Increased supply of domestic coal to substitute for imported coal.
    • States shall take over future losses of discoms in a phased manner.
    • Banks/FIs not to advance short term debt to discoms for financing losses.

    B. Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Gram Jyoti Yojana (DDUGJY)

    • Electrification of all villages <how many villages are unelectrified? what is criteris for calling a village electrified? Answer in comments. >
    • Metering of unmetered connections for reducing losses.
    • Separation of feeders to ensure sufficient electricity to agriculture and continuous supply to other categories.
    • Improvement of sub-transmission and distribution network to improve the quality and reliability of supply.

    C. Integrated Power Development Scheme (IPDS)

    • Strengthening of sub-transmission and distribution network in urban areas.
    • Metering of distribution transformers /feeders / consumers in urban areas.
    • IT enablement of distribution sector and strengthening of distribution network.

    D. Domestic Efficient Lighting Program (DELP)

    77 crore LED bulbs to replace household and street light incandescent bulbs

    E. National Tariff Policy, 2016

    • Cross subsidy surcharge formula revised.
    • Regulator will devise power supply trajectory to ensure 24X7 power supply for all consumers latest by 2021-22 or earlier

     

    Installed capacity in India as of 31st march 2016 (ratta laga lo)

    • Thermal – 210 GW (185 Coal)
    • Renewable – 85 GW ( 43 Hydro plus 42 others)
    • Nuclear – 5780 MW
    • Total – 301 GW

    Break up of renewable energy

    • Wind- 27 GW
    • Solar- 6.7GW
    • Biomass and bagasse cogeneration -4.8GW <what is cogeneration?>
    • Small hydel- 4.3 GW
    • Total- 43GW

    Renewable energy target by 2022

    • 100 GW solar power,
    • 60 GW wind energy
    • 10 GW small hydro power,
    • 5 GW biomass-based power

    The target for solar is split into 40 GW Rooftop and 60 GW through Large and Medium Scale Grid Connected Solar Power Project

    Nuclear energy target


     

    Earlier the target was 63,000 Mwe by 2032 but now govt seems to have slashed it to just about 14,500 Mwe by 2024 as India-USA nuclear deal seems to be floundering (for more refer this link)

    Electricity amendment bill 2014

    • The Bill amends the Electricity Act, 2003.
    • It seeks to segregate the distribution network business and the electricity supply business, and introduce multiple supply licensees in the market i.e separation of content and carriage<distribution network will now become like wires which anybody would be able to access just as we can obtain telecom services from any service provider, we would be able to get electricity from any provider>
    • The Bill introduces a supply licensee who will supply electricity to consumers.
    • The distribution licensee will maintain the distribution network <like present discoms> and enable the supply of electricity for the supply licensee.

    For more info refer to PRS bill analysis here 

    P.S.- This completes economic survey volume one in full retail with all the relevant concepts.

  • Civil Services Prelims 2015 Official Answer Keys

    Here is the official answer key.

    http://www.upsc.gov.in/exams/answerkeys/2015/CSP_2015/CSP_15_GS_I_AKy.pdf

    http://www.upsc.gov.in/exams/answerkeys/2015/CSP_2015/CSP_15_GS_II_AKey.pdf

    No need for further mahabharat on controversial questions. Just accept the answer and move on.

    What explains the eastward flow of the equatorial counter-current?*
    a) The Earth’s rotation on its axis
    *b) Convergence of the two equatorial currents*
    c) Difference in salinity of water
    d) Occurrence of the belt of calm near equator

    Official Answer : B

    In the South Atlantic and South Eastern Pacific regions in tropical latitudes, cyclone does not originate. What is the reason?
    a) Sea Surface temperature are low
    *b) Inter Tropical Convergence Zone seldom occurs*
    c) Coriolis force is too weak
    d) Absence of land in those regions

    Official Ans: B

    A decrease in tax to GDP ratio of a country indicates which of the following?
    1. Slowing economic growth rates
    2. Less equitable distribution of national income

    Select the correct answer using the code given below.
    a) 1 only
    b) 2 only
    c) Both 1 and 2
    d) Neither 1 nor 2
    Official Ans: A

    Custodian of constitution answer is Supreme Court.

    You can put answers of other controversial questions in the comments below.

    Cut off for general category is 107.34

    Find the category wise cut off pdf attached below

    http://upsc.gov.in/exams/cut-off%20marks/2015/CS_2015/CutOff_CSM_2015.pdf

  • Economic Survey For IAS | Chapter 10 | Structural Changes in India’s labour markets


     

    India is midway through its demographic dividend <what is demographic dividend? Answer in comments>. To exploit this dividend India’s economy needs to do three things-

    1. Movement of workers from agriculture to industry <pull factor of higher income in industry not push factor of distress in agriculture>
    2. Shift of workers from informal to formal sector < good jobs– jobs that are safe and pay well, and encourage firms and workers to improve skills and productivity>
    3. Rapid urbanization <it will automatically follow industrialization>

    Note 1- there is lot of confusion b/w informal and unorganized sector. For the sake of simplicity, sectors not covered under factory act, 1948 (<10 workers with power, <20 without power) is unorganized sector. Informal sector is virtually synonymous with it.

    Note 2- Formal jobs are jobs with some social security i.e insurance, pension, provident fund etc. Formal jobs would be there in organized or formal sector only but in formal sector, there can be informal jobs i.e contract workers not provided with social security.

    Note 3-  NCEUS estimated in 2005 that out of total 470 million workers, there were 423 million informal workers in India of which 395 million belonged to the informal sector. The remaining 28 million were informal workers in the formal sector. <You can do the math of percentages>

    For detailed information regarding, formal/ informal click here 

    Let’s come back to main topic

    Of the 10.5 million new manufacturing jobs created between 1989 and 2010, only 3.7 million (35%) were in the formal sector i.e. informal firms account for most employment growth, that’s why the need to promote entrepreneurship.

    But informal sector jobs are much worse than formal sector jobs as-

    1. Wages are, on average, more than 20 times higher in the formal sector.
    2. Formal sector jobs also score better on some non-pecuniary grounds. For example, they allow workers to build employment history— which is important for gaining access to cheaper formal credit, getting better jobs in other enterprises.
    3. Social security

    Thus the challenge of creating “good jobs” in India could be seen as the challenge of creating more formal sector jobs, which also guarantees worker protection.

    But why have formal sector jobs not increased? Also why has informalization < hiring of contract workers >increased even in formal sector jobs.

    One of the reason is complex maze of labour laws which raise compliance costs as firms hire more workers forcing them to stay small. Needless to say, employers have started to get around them and one of the strategy is use of contract labour which is leading to informalisation of formal sector.  Also in the absence of reforms by parliament, states have taken upon themselves the task of reforming labour laws. You can read more abut need for reforming labour laws in this story, labour reforms in India


     

    Contract Labour

    It provides two key benefits:

    1. The firm essentially subcontracts the work of following regulations and managing inspectors to the contract labour firm
    2. Because contract workers are the employees of the contractor and are not considered workmen in the firm, the firm stays small enough to be exempt from some labour law (<10 employees not under factory act, <100 employees not under industrial dispute act>

    For these reasons, contract workers increased from 12% of all registered manufacturing workers (formal sector workers) in 1999 to over 25 per cent in 2010.

    But this strategy is not without costs

    1. Hiring workers through a contractor can be more expensive
    2. Contract workers do not feel as much loyalty to the company as regular workers would, reducing employers’ incentive to invest in their training <low skilled workers, low productivity>
    3. Worker protection and worker rights go down the drain

    Hiring contract workers today hurts a firm’s productivity tomorrow, precisely because contract workers do not accumulate firm specific human capital.

    Competitive federalism


     

    As labour comes under concurrent list <lists come under which schedule of constitution? What’s the procedure for amending the various lists? Answer in comments>, states have taken initiatives to reform labour laws. <But how can states enact laws repugnant to central laws? Answer in comments>

    So Rajasthan govt has amended various labour laws <Quote these in mains answer or essay>

    1. Industrial Disputes Act– government permission will not be required for retrenchment of up to 300 workers <only 100 workers in central act>
    2. Trade Unions act- increased the percentage of workers needed for registration as a representative union from 15 per cent to 30 per cent<necessary as trade unions have become highly politicized>
    3. Contract Labour Act -the amendments raise the applicability of the Act to companies with more than 50 workers from the current 20
    4. Factories Act– currently applicable to premises with more than 10 workers with power and 20 without power, the amendments raise these numbers to 20 and 40, respectively

    Good labour reforms should simultaneously increase social security and worker protection <unemployment allowance, reskilling of workers, pension, insurance etc> but Rajasthan govt has not any step in that direction in labour reforms.

    There may be a possibility of competitive federalism becoming too competitive, inducing a race to the bottom with states pushed into giving too many concessions. But India seems far from such a situation. For example, changes that certain states are considering—such as Haryana’s proposed online filing of returns through a single form covering 12 separate labour laws and e-maintenance of all labour-related records—would likely improve compliance and worker welfare

    Labour reforms help in entry of large firms <as compliance cost decreases, there is no incentive to remain small or any disincentive to hire more workers> and the benefits of the entry of a large manufacturing company to a state can go beyond scale, depending on the kind of products they manufacture. How ans Why-

    1. What you export matters because exporting develops a country’s local know-how and supply chain networks, bringing it closer to the global frontier for the exported good <best product available in world market>
    2. Skills may be more transferable across certain industries than others. For example, it may be easier to make cars—a complex product—once a country has developed expertise in making bicycles—a simpler but related product.
    3. In this sense, what a country manufactures today matters not just because it affects employment and growth today, but also because it shapes the set of products a country can profitably produce tomorrow
    4. For instance when China first entered the mobile phone assembly space, it was producing only electrical connectors and cables; now it is producing sophisticated, high growth and high valued-added products such as smartphones and tablets.

    Lesson is that we should promote entry of manufactures which help develop know how which can be transferred across sectors to move to manufacturing high value addition goods with mobile phone manufacturing being a good example.

    Relocation

    Apart from the complex maze of labour regulations, there are some other factors which prevented development of labour intensive manufacturing in India

    1. High cost of living in metros <it increases labour cost>
    2. High transport and logistics costs and weak connectivity from suburbs to metro  <good connectivity and low cost transport would allow workers to commute to work to metros>
    3. Low female labour force participation rate <suitable jobs not available near their homes>

    For instance apparel industry is highly labour intensive, with 30% of costs from wages. Only 2-3% of costs are due to capital-intensive inputs like power. And yet India is ceding market share in the global apparel industry to countries like Bangladesh and Vietnam.

    Formal sector apparel firms are about 15 times more productive than informal sector yet India’s apparel sector is dominated by informal firms while in China there are large apparel firms and now other countries are taking over.

    To get around this some firms are now reloacting to smaller town and rural areas and it has several benefits for economy-

    1. It spreads economic development to underdeveloped areas
    2. Reduces spatial mismatch in the labour market <workers can work near their homes>
    3. Improve competitiveness by raising firms’ access to lower cost labour <low cost of living in smaller towns>
    4.  It improves female labour force participation, more earning, financial security for women, women empowerment but? How <very very important>

     

    • Most explanations of low labour force participation in India focus on supply side factors like cultural norms that frown on women working outside the home
    • Less attention has been given to demand-side explanations, which essentially emphasise that a key determinant of female labour force participation (LFP) is the availability of suitable jobs <flexible jobs near their homes>
    • It is a striking fact that the areas in India that have seen the greatest decline in female labour force participation in the last decade are those villages that have rapidly urbanised and are now part of towns and small cities.
    • Farming jobs in these areas are no longer available, but women-friendly service sector jobs are yet to take their place

    From this perspective, female LFP can be expected to depend on the availability of ‘suitable jobs’, which are flexible and located close to home located in small cities, utilizing women’s comparative advantage in garments, flexible working hours and childcare on site

    Till know we say how firms are getting around the problem and how states are reforming labour laws but what should be the centre’s role?

    It should be to ensure worker centric labour regulations by expanding workers’ choice and reducing mandatory taxes on formal sector employment.

    Let’s understand this with the example of epf

    What is EPF?

    Employees provident fund is a scheme under which it’s mandatory for workers (organized private sector workers) earning less than 15k to deposit 12% of their income in EPF account. Employers contribute equivalent amount. EPFO invests it in mainly govt securities and they get annual interest rate based on return. They get principal plus interest at retirement thus it is meant to provide lump sum benefits to workers at the time of retirement.

    Higher income individuals are not mandated to deposit any amount but they still do to take advantage of EEE provision. Read more about this provision and subsidy for rich in this economic survey chapter

    Let’s analyse impact of EPF on workers-

    1. From worker’s choice perspective, they are being forced to deposit significant proportion of salary in EPF (12% when they already earn so little)
    2. They don’t get any tax advantage either (already outside tax bracket)
    3. Various surveys have suggested workers would rather like cash in hand as majority of them are liquidity constrained
    4. Further it’s difficult to access the account.

    Though govt has taken some initiative to make it easier for them to access the account. For instance, uniform single account number portable across jobs and locations, e-filing and e-withdrawal etc, survey suggests giving workers the choice to get cash, remain in epf or move to NPS while keeping employers’ contribution intact.

    Giving choice is important as EPF has high administrative costs. The EPFO requires that employers pay an administrative charge of 0.85% of the worker’s salary. This may not seem large, but it amounts to service charges of 3.54% (=0.85/24) which are higher than the rates of most private mutual funds. Competition will help bring down administrative cost.

    Govt sought to reform EPF but buckled under pressure and rolled back all three reforms

    Three EPF fliplops

    1. Tax on withdraw- At present epf is EEE.  Proposal entailed taxing 60% of withdrawals and if that 60% is used to buy annuity it would be tax free i.e 40% of withdrawal tax free, tax on 60% if no annuity is bought

    What is annuity-

    It is a form of insurance or investment entitling the investor to a series of annual sums. Basically if you have 1000 rs and you buy annuity, pension fund manager will invest it in bonds and equities and you will get some amount every year based on your initial corpus and return on investment

    Talking about annuity, why don’t you revise the hybrid annuity model of PPP project here

    Objectives

    • Idea was to make EPF equivalent to NPS which earlier was an EET scheme. Subsequently 40% was made tax free and remaining 60% would be tax free if used to buy annuity.
    • Ultimate aim was to make India a pensioned society. As lump sum withdrawals are often used immediately, there’s nothing left for rest of the life. Learn about social security schemes in India here 

    Protest– Of course salaried class wouldn’t like this idea. Government has no business deciding for them what they do with their money plus taxation is big no.

    2. Restrictions on premature withdrawal -It was announced that workers will not be able to withdraw employer share till 58 years of age. At present, they can empty entire corpus if they remain unemployed for two months or at 54 years of age.

    Objective– Idea was to prevent premature withdrawals so that something is left for the old age

    Protest– It;s our money. you govt don’t tell us what to do. Further, often times we don’t have any job after 50 years of age. How would we survive for eight years without EPF money.

    3. Reducing interest rate on EPF to 8.7% from 8.8%-


     

    Objective-

    • Aligning them with market determined interest rates. If all interest rates are falling and return on govt securities also falling as inflation comes down, there’s no reason for epf interest rate to not fall
    • As in future even inactive accounts will get interest benefits, future surplus would fall and future rates would come down drastically, so start cutting rates now <at present accounts which show no activity for three years don’t get any interest>

    Protest- that EPFO had generated enough return to warrant high interest rates

    What I don’t understand is how EPFO generate such a high rate of return when it invests almost entire corpus (95%) in govt securities and if everything is to be invested in govt securities, what’s the need of an organization called EPFO? <Ye mere man ki baat hai>

    Before we end this chapter, let’s learn in brief about National Pension Scheme (NPS)


     

    • It is a pension scheme <defined contribution scheme i.e. employees contribute while they earn and get pension according to corpus accumulated during the working years> which is mandatory for govt workers (except armed forces) who joined the service after 1st july 2004. <Earlier there was defined benefit scheme in which pension amount was fixed based on years of service
    • Employees deposit 10% of their salary which matching amount by govt.
    • Even private sector workers can choose to invest in NPS voluntarily (unorganized sector workers not covered under EPF) <EPF is compulsory and only salaried employees under organized sector can invest in EPF>
    • Minimum investment towards NPS is 6000 rs per year
    • With NPS, people have the flexibility to choose between different asset classes to invest in — equity, corporate bonds and government securities <In EPF >90% investment in govt securities while NPS is allowed to invest up to 50% in equities>
    • As people get to take some exposure with equity, they can earn higher returns over the long term <flip side is that there is no assured return in NPS while there is assured return on EPF>
    • The Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority(PFRDA), an agency under the administrative control of the Finance Ministry is the regulator

    Read about all the labour reforms of the present govt here

  • Economic Survey For IAS | Chapter 09 | Reforming The Fertiliser Sector

    Before reading this chapter, it’s important that you read Chapter three – spreading JAM, chapter two – exit problem/ chakravyuha challenge and fundamentals of subsidy.

    • Fertilizer accounts for large fiscal subsidies (0.73 lakh crore or 0.5 %of GDP), the second-highest after food.
    • Only 17,500 crores or 35 per cent of total fertilizer subsides reaches small farmers

    Where does the rest (65%) of subsidy amount go?

    Obviously it leaks out to black market, large framers (bounty for the well off) and inefficient producers (exit problem).

    We will come to the question of leakages later but before that let us know a few basics about fertilizer sector and it’s regulation in India.

    1. There are 3 basic types of fertilizer used—Urea, Diammonium Phosphate (DAP), and Muriate of Potash (MOP) i.e N,P,K fertilizers.
    2. Urea dominates the sector. It is the most produced (86%), the most consumed (74%) and the most imported (52%).
    3. Urea also faces the most government intervention <50% under movement control compared to 20% for other two fertilizers,>
    4. Urea also receives maximum subsidy (70% of total fertilizer subsidy) as well as in per unit terms (75% of cost of urea is subsidized compared to 35% for other two)
    5. Urea is also not included in nutrient based subsidy regime

    Nutrient based subsidy

    Under this method, subsidy is given on the basis of nutrient content in the fertilizer. Suppose govt decided it would give 100 rs subsidy per kg of potash. Now, if cost of a fertilizer which contains 1 kg of potash is 1000 rs, govt will give 100 rs and he would be able to sell it at 900 rs. <govt does not fix retail price, govt gives same amount of per kg subsidy to all manufacturers, if production cost is less, you can sell it lower prices and capture market. It incentivises inefficiency this way.

    Contrast this with urea subsidy which is cost plus based . In this regime govt fixes price of urea. Suppose govt fixed urea price at 500 rs per kg. Firm A produced 1 kg urea at 700, govt will give it 200 rs (700-500) so that it could sell it at 500. If more efficient firm B produced 1 kg of Urea at 600 rs, it will get 100 rs subsidy (600-500). Clearly, there’s no incentive to be efficient. More inefficient you are, more subsidy you get.

    Other benefits of nutrient based subsidy

    • Note that in cost plus method, govt can only subsidize a few fertilizers. But in NBS, govt has to simply state, it will give 100 rs per kg for N, K, P, Boron, Sulfur, Zinc etc. It will thus encourage production of complex fertilizers <many nutrient including micro nutrients in the one fertilizer>
    • Complex and micro nutrients will increase the productivity of soil.
    • It will encourage greater competition , leading to productivity gains.

    Now let’s discuss 5 kind of govt intervention in urea sector

    1. Controlled maximum retail price <encourages diversion and black marketing>
    2. Firm specific cost plus subsidy <inefficient firms get larger subsidies>
    3. Consignment specific subsidy to importers
    4. Canalization of imports Only 3 agencies allowed to import <shortages when domestic production falls>
    5. Movement control <govt tells how much to import and where to sell>

    All these controls result in leakages. As we saw earlier only 35% of subsidy reaches small and marginal farmers.

    1. Black marketing– Simply because the principle of one product one price (we discussed it w.r.t. LPG earlier) is violated.

    Urea is only subsidized for agricultural uses but it is used for industrial purpose also < one of the ingredients in chemical industry, explosives, automobile systems, laboratories, medical uses, flavour enhancing additive in cigarettes and others>. As we know cost of subsidised urea is 75% lower than cost of non subsidised urea which gives strong incentive to divert it to the black market. Why?

    • Simple- Suppose urea for agri use is 250 rs and for industrial use is 1000 rs, there’s strong incentive to sell it to industrial consumers at 750 rs and show it as urea for agri use.
    • Similarly, urea is diverted to B’desh, Nepal where urea prices are high.

    Result- Shortage of urea in domestic market.

    Who suffers – small and marginal farmers. Rich farmers are well connected and get subsidies urea while small farmers have to buy urea from black market at much higher price <51% of farmers buy urea at above M.R.P.>

    In the three eastern states bordering Bangladesh, 100 per cent of farmers had to buy urea at above MRP in the black market <diversion to B’desh>

    Black market effects are aggravated by a further regulation—canalisation. As we saw , only three firms are allowed to import urea into India, and they are also instructed when to import, what quantities to import, and in which districts to sell their goods. And we all know how good govt is in forecasting needs.

    Result- Shortages and shooting up of urea prices when demand is at it’s peak and invariably small farmers suffer disproportionately.

    Reform by govt.-neem-coating urea

    • Neem-coating makes it more difficult for black marketers to divert urea to industrial consumers.
    • Neem-coating also benefits farmers by reducing nitrogen losses from the soil by providing greater nutrient to the crop <less urea required>
    • Work as pesticide
    • Less water pollution

    2. Benefits large farmers– A regressive subsidy. As we saw small farmers suffer due to black marketing while large well connected farmers take advantage of subsidies.

    3. Subsidy to inefficient firms– result of cost plus regime which does not encourage efficiency gains.

    Result – even though urea consumption has increased steadily over the last 15 years, no new domestic production capacity has been added, leading to a large dependence on imports. Efficient firms are forced to shut their shops.

    Externalities of urea prices

    What is externality?

    an externality is the cost or benefit that affects a party who did not choose to incur that cost or benefit <for instance, vehicle owners pollute the environment, we all suffer the consequences an example of negative externality. Can you give us an example of positive externality in comments plz>

    • It’s clear urea is under priced compared to other fertilizers resulting in excessive usages.
    • Ideal N:P:K ratio for Indian soil is 4:2:1 but actual ratio is 8.2:3.2:1 i.e excessive usage of urea

    Result-

    • Deterioration of soil quality
    • Fertilizer leaching to water bodies resulting in pollution of water
    • Algal bloom

     

    Reforms- aim of reform is to eliminate leakages while benefiting small farmers

    1. decanalising urea imports—which would increase the number of importers and allow greater freedom in import decision–would allow fertiliser supply to respond flexibly and quickly to changes in demand
    2. bringing urea under the Nutrient Based Subsidy program

    Turning fertiliser into JAM

    Fertilizer subsidy is an ideal case for JAMming (Chapter three) as leakages are high and central govt controls fund flows.

    Also, urea manufacturing is not labour intensive so no harm to workers.

    Ideally fertiliser subsidies would be targeted only at small and marginal farmers. But there are problems with targeting

    1. Assessing poverty—based on landholdings or some other measure—will be difficult
    2. How to target tenant farmers and sharecroppers <10% of all farmers are such farmers and they should not be excluded in any case>
    3. Relatively low levels of last-mile financial inclusion in much of rural India <last mile challenge, chapter three>

    What can be done if not JAM?

    Set a cap on the number of subsidised bags each household can purchase <just like 12 subsidized LPG cylinders> and require biometric authentication at the point of sale (POS) <BAPU (chapter three)>

    • Requiring biometric authentication would make it harder to conduct large-scale diversion
    • Imposing a cap on the total number of subsidised bags each farmer can purchase would improve targeting <Small farmers would still be able to get all their urea at subsidised prices but large farmers may have to pay market prices for some of the urea they buy>

    As urea is more sensitive, it could be initiated first for other fetilizers

    Other reforms-

    • Rationalise subsidies to domestic firms <shifting to NBS regime> which would release fiscal funds to spend more effectively on schemes that help poor farmers, such as drip irrigation and connectivity through the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana
    • Secure long term fertiliser supplies from locations where energy prices are cheap
    • Encourage Indian firms to locate plants in countries such as Iran following the example of the Fertiliser Ministry’s joint venture in Oman, which allowed India to import fertiliser at prices almost 50 per cent cheaper.

     

    Suggested reading- Fertilizers and challenges of reform

    Self study- New Urea Policy 2015

  • Economic Survey For IAS | Chapter 08 | Preferential Trade Agreements

    Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have been proliferating, especially since the establishment of WTO and about 619 PTAs have been signed so far of which 413 are already in force <there are only 185 sovereign states according to UN>.

    But not all PTAs are same. Go no further before reading this blog to understand hierarchy of FTAS (cover pic) in detail – What is economic integration and what are the different types of trade agreements?

    India and FTAs

    • India has long-standing commitment to multilateralism under WTO agreements but in line with global trends, India has made use of FTAs as a key component of its trade and foreign policy. If WTO is going nowhere, we can’t just sit and expect WTO negotiation to conclude, we also have to sign FTA or we will be left behind
    • So far, India has mainly focused on partnering with other Asian countries, and in goods more so than in services <with SL, Afghanistan, Thailand, Singapore, Bhutan, Nepal, Korea, Malaysia and Japan and regional trade agreements SAFTA and ASEAN>
    • Outside Asia, We have signed FTAs with Chile and MERCOSUR <What is MERCOSUR, answer in comments>

    But not all FTAs are same and depth of integration offered by different FTAs in different sectors are different. For instance, the India-Korea CEPA contains chapters on Origin Procedures, Telecommunication and Audio-Visual Co-production, but these are not included in the India-Japan CEPA. There are provisions in India-Japan CEPA not included in Indo-Korea CEPA <this all creates complications as number of FTAs increase and they all have different rules, regulations and procedures> <What are rules of origin? answer in the comments below>

    Concept of spaghetti-bowl effect / Noodle bowl effect

    Concept was propounded by world’s foremost trade economist Prof Jagdish Bhagwati is analogy between the tangling of spaghetti or noodle in a bowl with the tangling of different FTAs, He argues that so many FTAs with their differential tariff rates, rules, procedures muddy water so much that leads to discriminatory trade policy and results in often contradictory outcomes amongst bilateral and multilateral trade partners.

    Let’s understand this with an example- Suppose rule of origin rule in TPP implies that Vietnam can only export textile which is made from Vietnami Yarn. Now Vietnam has an FTA with say B’desh or India and Yarn is covered under it. Indian yarn is cheaper yet Vietnam will not buy it because textile manufactured from it will not be covered under TPP. Multiply it across more than 400 FTAs and you can understand how complex it can get and more complex it gets, advantage developed and bigger countries.

    Small countries don’t have resources to investigate whether US is actually following rules of origin for it’s exports. At much bigger level, it would look like this

     

    It’s safe to say that developing countries like India should invest their energy in successful negotiation of WTO rounds as they can negotiate them better collectively, outcomes are not very complex thus beneficial to less resourceful. But as we can not wait for that to happen indefinitely we should also sign FTAs which would be beneficial to us.

    Mega-Regionalism

    Until recently FTAs were signed mainly bilaterally and regionally <india-Bhutan, ASEAN ka SAFTA, North America ka NAFTA, Europe ka EU> but of late PTAs have begun to morph into mega-regional agreements, which would encompass a large share of world GDP and trade. Consider for instance:

    1. TPP- 40% of Global GDP and 33% of trade (already sgined)
    2. TTIP- 50% of GDP and 30% of merchandise trade, 40% trade in services (negotiations continuing) <TTIP is trans atlantic trade and investment partnership b.w EU and USA>

    India is not a member of either of these two grouping but is negotiating it’s own mega regional- RCEP (regional comprehensive economic partnership) which is not as ambitious in scope as the other two agreements.

    With the signing of TPP and TPIP, India will have access to these markets at higher costs <member countries will get preferential treatment; resulting in some negative impact on Indian exports and thus our GDP growth. Different studies suggest negative impact on India’s GDP from -0.1% to -.2%.

    TPP/ RECP is very, very important topic for prelims/ mains/ interview. For prelims, name of countries in TPP, in RCEP, in ASEAN, in all 3 grouping, in only 2 groupings etc is very important. Look at the figure below, it will help you remember the names well

    Other way to remember the names is continent wise

    • 4 ASEAN members- Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei ,Vietnam
    • 7 RCEP members-  4 ASEAN above + Australia, New Zealand, Japan
    • 5 American countries Canada, Mexico, United States, Chile, Peru (3 from North and central America + 2 from South America)
    • Please note that China and Korea are not part of TPP

    For detailed analysis on TPP for mains/ interview purpose, please read our blogs here- TPP decodified and RSTV summary, importance of TPP

    To PTA or Not to PTA?

    Over the years, India has signed many FTAs, have they benefited us? As number of FTAs and mega regional pacts are proliferating, should we sign more FTAs?

    Any FTA will lead to increase in trade as tariff and non tariff barriers come down but if it leads to much higher imports than exports and thus negative trade balance, impact can be considered as negative.

    Concept of trade creation v/s trade diversion

    Another aspect of FTAS which like Spaghetti bowl effect is a criticism of FTAS wrt WTO- whether actually trade is being created or is it merely shifting to inefficient firms?

    Trade creation -In WTO, a country reduces tariff for every other country in this world and because of this tariff decrease, outside firms can compete with domestic producers and trade increases leading to trade creation.

    Trade diversion– occurs when tariff preferences offered under an FTA causes a shift of imports from firms in non FTA member countries to less efficient firms within the trade bloc, which now become competitive due to tariff reliefs.

    Let’s understand this with an example-

    Suppose country B is imports mangoes from country C and D, Until now, it imposed 20% tariff on both, thus major market share is captured by country D which is more efficient but  now, B and C sign an FTA and now mangoes from C are imported at zero tariff. Consider this

    Country  cost of production Tariff rate Actual landed cost before FTA Landed cost after FTA with C
    C 110 20% 132 110
    D 100 20% 120 120

    Now C has become more competitive and trade will get diverted from D to C, that’s another side effect of FTAs.

    Impact of FTAs on India’s trade

    • The overall effect on trade of FTA is positive and statistically significant
    • With ASEAN, trade has resulted in more imports than exports, this widening our trade deficit
    • Impact of FTAs on different industry segments fall differently <it’s only to be expected>

    Conclusion

    • FTAs have increased trade with FTA countries more than would have happened otherwise.
    • Increased trade has been more on the import than export side, most likely because India maintains relatively high tariffs and hence had larger tariff reductions than its FTA partners
    • The trade increases have been much greater with the ASEAN than other FTA.

    What should be India’s stance towards FTAs and mega regional trade agreements?

    • Multilateral trade liberalisation remains the best way forward
    • But the WTO process seems to have been overtaken by preferential trade agreements
    • Against this background, India has a strategic choice to make: to play the same PTA game as everyone else or be excluded from this process

    In the current context of slowing demand and excess capacity with threats of circumvention of trade rules, progress on FTAs, if pursued, must be combined with strengthening India’s ability to respond with WTO-consistent measures such as anti-dumping and conventional duties and safeguard measures.

  • Economic Survey For IAS | Chapter 07 | Fiscal Capacity for the 21st Century


    What is Fiscal Capacity?

    It’s simply ability to generate revenues. As majority of the revenue of governments around the world is through taxes (other from various fees/user charges/ dividends etc), Tax to GDP ratio is often taken as proxy for the fiscal capacity of a govt.

    Survey argues that state capacity and taxes are crucial determinants of long run political and economic development. But Why?

    Govt can only spend as much as it earns (plus some limited amount of borrowings). So fiscal capacity i.e tax to GDP ratio also determines it’s spending capacity.

    Political development-If spending is about the entitlements of citizenship in a democracy, taxation is about the obligations of citizenship <rights and duties>. As more and more people come into the tax net via some form of direct taxation <in indirect taxation, people don’t feel like they are paying. Don’t we all generally think, only some 4% of India pays tax while every one who buys something pays some form of indirect tax>, they will more actively take part in nation building<their money is at stake>.

    Economic development- Democracy is a contract between the state and its citizens. The state’s role is to create the conditions for prosperity for all by providing essential services <such as law and order, enforcing contracts, roads, transport, health, education etc, for instance without enforceable property rights markets can’t function> and protecting the less well-off via redistribution <subsidies etc, providing minimum standard of living and reducing inequality>

    What is citizen’s role in this contract?

    • The citizen’s part of the contract is to hold the state accountable when it fails to honour the contract <provide essential services and redistribute to reduce inequality>
    • But a citizen’s stake in exercising accountability diminishes if he does not pay in a visible and direct way for the services the state commits to providing <esp essential services. He is not paying, what does he care if state does not provide>
    • If a citizen does not pay he either becomes a free rider (using the service without paying) or exits (not using the service at all). Both reduce the accountability of the state.

    For instance, not many taxpayers send their children to state run schools i.e exit from the service, thus reducing accountability which leads to further deterioration in the quality of schooling. They simply don’t have stakes in the system. That’s why some promote banning or reducing to the minimum the role of private sector in primary education. And it is for this reason that Allahbad High Court ordered public servants to compulsorily send their kids to Public school. Indian express link here <whether order was complied with or not, I have no idea, May be UP wale can help us>

    Taxation is not just about financing public spending, it is the economic glue that binds citizens to the state in a necessary two way relationship.

    Precocious Indian phenomenon of economic development lagging political development

    In terms of democracy index, India is highly developed with periodic free and fair elections, a very noisy and vibrant democracy but in terms of economic development India lags far behind the OECD countries.

    Difference in taxpaying <only 4% of voting age population paying direct tax> and voting <universal adult franchise with >60% voting> might explain the phenomenon in India of there being reasonably effective episodic accountability <regular elections with non performing govts being shown the door> as opposed to ongoing accountability <reflected in corruption, law and order problem>.

    • For instance, there has not been a single famine in independent India <Amartya Sen’s famous theory that famine simply don’t occur in democracies as they can’t afford it. Govt will simply lose power after a famine> but malnutrition remains a major challenge <discussed in chapter 4, women and children>. <Reason is simple, malnutrition is not as dramatic as famine so doesn’t attract media attention and in India accountability is episodic not ongoing>.
    • Or the Indian state can organize mega-events <commonwealth games, gigantic elections> but routine safety for women is not ensured.
    • Or state responds effectively to floods and tsunamis but finds water and power metering more challenging <can not perform routine tasks which calls for ongoing accountability but performs heroically in dramatic events which remain in public memory and thus public enforces accountability at the time of election i.e periodic accountability>

    So does India tax and spend less as liberals/ left leaning commentators (Amartya Sen and Dreaze argue)?

    Learn these facts and analysis by heart and reproduce them in essay / general studies /interview.

    • India taxes (16.6%) and spends (26.6%) less than OECD countries (34% and 43%) and less than its emerging market peers (21% and 31%)
    • For it’s level of economic development (countries with similar per capita income), India does not  tax and spend less
    • But controlling for both the level of economic and political development (democracy), India seems to tax less and spend less and this is most significant with respect to social expenditure (on health and education) 
    • India spends on average about 3.4 percentage points less vis-à-vis comparable countries on health and education <that’s a huge amount, India spends about 3.3% of GDP on education and 1.3% on health i.e 4.6% total while comparable democracies at similar level of economic development spend 8% on health and education>

    Democracies tax and spend more, in part because they face greater pressures to redistribute and India lags behind here.

    India’s tax to GDP ratio has increased by about 10% over the past six decades from about 6% in 1950-51 to 16.6% in 2013-14 (very slow growth)

    This analysis seems like indictment of the Indian development experience since India has been a democracy for nearly 70 years. But in most of the advanced democracies, the big increases in fiscal capacity have been in response to wars (world wars) or in response to extreme crises (Great Depression of the 1930s) which led to a sharp expansion of the welfare state and the need to finance it. Independent India has not experienced shocks of such large magnitudes that created pressures to enhance state capacity.

    western democracies have also had a much longer period of political evolution <USA became republic in 1789 v.s Inda in 1950> allowing them to build state capacity <taxation and expenditure institutions>

    Now that we have established India taxes and spends less compared to other democracies, should India start taxing and redistributing more?

    • The history of Europe and the US suggests that typically, states first provide essential services (physical security, health, education, infrastructure, etc.) before they take on their redistribution role. Why?
    • Because unless the middle class in society perceives that it derives some benefits from the state, it may be largely unwilling to finance redistribution
    • In other words legitimacy to redistribute is earned through a demonstrated record of effectiveness in delivering essential services
    • if the state’s role is predominantly redistribution, the middle class will seek to exit from the state, will avoid paying taxes and coccon themselves in walled communities <state’s redistribution role is perceived as illegitimate as they pay taxes but state can’t even provide them essential services such as infrastructure, law and order, decent primary education>

    As we saw earlier, in India they already send their kids to private schools thus reducing the pressure on the state <ongoing accountabilty is absent, lower class i.e poor are unable to hold state accountable for they don’t even have enough time to invest in these matters>. They thus reduce accountability and legitimacy of state even further.

    A state that prioritises or over-emphasises redistribution without providing basic public goods, risks unleashing this vicious spiral.

    Point is that India should invest more in essential services, law and order, infrastructure, pollution, congestion, health, education to earn the legitimacy before taking on big re-distributive role.

    Number of taxpayers in India (Too few or adequate)

    In India roughly 5.5% of earning individuals or 4% of voting age population is in the tax net.

    Controlling for level of economic development, India does not have too few taxpayers but again if we compare India with countries with similar level of income but those who are democracies (political development), India seems to have too few taxpayers. It should be 23% while India only has 4%.

    Top personal income distribution (Inequality in India)

    Inequality is generally measured by Gini coefficient (more on that in separate back 2 basics economics article some other day). Other measure is to compare income of top quintile (20%) with bottom quintile (20%). But of late, greater focus has been on income and wealth of top 1%, even more of top 0.1%.


     

    We can see from the figure below that increasingly there is greater concentration of income among top 1% and even more so among top 0.1%. In 2012 top 0.1% held 5.1% of national income up from 3.6% in 1998.


    Moving To A Better Equilibrium On Taxation And Spending

    India has not fully translated its democratic vigour into commensurately strong fiscal capacity <As we saw India taxes and spends less among democracies>

    Reform through inaction — Do not increase exemption threshold. As income rises, more people would automatically come into tax net.

    Additional 1.65 crore people would have been in the tax system and tax-GDP would have increased by 0.32% by 2013 if govt had not raised exemption threshold from 1.50 lakh to 2 lakh.

    But beyond this low hanging fruit of not increasing exemption limit, to increase fiscal capacity (tax more) state must also increase it’s legitimacy.

    • Government’s spending priorities must include essential services that all citizens consume: public infrastructure, law and order, less pollution and congestion, etc.<so that middle class does not exit v/s redistribution>
    • Reducing corruption must be a high priority not just because of its economic costs but also because it undermines legitimacy<if citizens think public resources i.e their hard earned money going for taxes is being wasted, they would try to avoid paying taxes>
    • Subsidies to the well-off (1 lakh cr, disccused in chapter 6) need to be scaled back.
    • Tax exemptions Raj which often amount to redistribution towards the richer private sector will also need to be phased out. <govt announced phasing down of exemption and reducing taxes but not much guidance from the budget>
    • Reasonable taxation of the better-off, regardless of where they get their income from—industry, services, real estate, or agriculture–will also help build legitimacy<presently agri income is not taxed and we all know politicians show all their black income as income from agriculture and plantation>
    • Property taxation needs to be developed. Property taxes are especially desirable because they are progressive <rich owns more property, will pay more>, buoyant and difficult to evade, since they are imposed on a non-mobile good, which can with today’s technologies, be relatively easily identified.

    Higher property tax rates can be the foundation of local government’s finances, which can thereby provide local public goods and strengthen democratic accountability and more effective decentralization. It would also put sand in the wheels of property speculation. Smart cities require smart public finance and a sound property taxation regime is vital to India’s urban future.


  • Roundup of the week (March13 – March 19) – II

    #3. Compulsory licensing to make patented drugs cheaper <Patients over patents>

    Issue arose as US industry groups recently claimed the Indian government offered them a “private” assurance that compulsory licences will not be issued, save in emergencies and for non-commercial purposes.

    Issues -1. Should govt be assuring them privately <policies should be made transparently>

    2. When should govt use the flexibility of compulsory licensing (CL) under TRIPS-

    Some basics – Compulsory licencing is a safeguard under TRIPS provision of WTO based on national circumstances <not just under public health emergencies or urgency>

    Under Indian patents act, to grant CL three conditions need to be satisfied

    1. three years from the date of the grant of a patent
    2. the invention is not available to the public at an affordable price
    3. drug/ invention is not being manufactured in India

    Under CL, govt allows domestic generic producers to manufacture drug without the consent of Patent holder who agrees to market the drug at substantially lower rate. pay some royalty to patent holder.

    So far, India has issueed only one compulsory license for a kidney cancer drug where in sharp contrast to Bayer’s (innovator) Rs 2.8 lakh per month price tag, Natco offered to sell its version of the drug at Rs 8,800 per month.

     

    Under CL, govt allows domestic generic producers to manufacture drug without the consent of Patent holder who agrees to market the drug at substantially lower rate. pay some royalty to patent holder.

    So far, India has issueed only one compulsory license for a kidney cancer drug where in sharp contrast to Bayer’s (innovator) Rs 2.8 lakh per month price tag, Natco offered to sell its version of the drug at Rs 8,800 per month.

    Consider these per month treatment costs


     

    Needless to say, India should fully utilize flexibility available under TRIPS to make drugs affordable while also respecting interests of innovators. Full article here. <What are the other public health safeguards under TRIPS? Answer in the comments>


     

    #4. Issue of drug pricing : a bitter pill to swallow

    In India National Pharmaceutical Pricing authority (NPPA) brought 348 drugs into India’s National List of Essential Medicines (NLEM) under the Drug Price Control Order (DPCO), 2013. But there were significant loopholes based on which Supreme court termed whole policy irrational and unreasonable.

    1. Only drugs covered, not all the formulations and combinations of the drugs
    2. only 18% of the domestic market share of drugs under price control
    3. in some cases, maximum price of a medicine is fixed well above the price of the market leader

    Price controls remain an effective answer to ensuring affordability. Even free markets in the West utilise price, volume and cost-effective controls to mitigate health-care inflation. Canada has its Patented Medicine Prices Review Board, while Egypt has brought all medicines under price control. Lebanon has utilised regressive margin pricing and improved transparency by publishing patient prices on its online Lebanon National Drug Index.

    1. Read full article here
    2. Follow this story to read imp updates of ministry of health

    #5. Swearing in of democratically elected president in Myanmar

    As Suu Kyi can not be president <barred constitutionally as her son and husband hold british passport>, her aide U Htin Kyaw became the president. To know ,What potential it holds to transform India- Myanmar relations, read this explianer. The hindu editorial here


    #6. Revisiting the sedition Law

    Govt admitted in parliament that definition of sedition is too wide and requires reconsideration. Govt should now be bold in revisiting the sedition law.

    Vague and ‘over-broad’ definitions of offences often result in mindless prosecutions based merely on the wording of the act that seems to allow both provocative and innocuous speeches to be treated as equally criminal. One way to limit its mischief is to narrow the definition; but a more rational and constitutional option would be to scrap the provision altogether.

    Read everything you need to know including supreme court judgement, law commision recommendatins about sedition in this awesome explainer.

    The Hindu editorial here

    Keep a note of SAARC and India Pakistan relations as SAARC summit will be in nov in Islamabad just before mains and will be a hot topic <just when aspirants stop reading newspaper but UPSC knows that event is before mains and can set the question>

    1. Read this primer on SAARC
    2. Follow ‘Foreign Policy Watch: India-SAARC Nations’ story to keep yourself updated

    Self Study and Questions to answer

    1. Learn the differences b/w money bill and financial bill ( both types of financial bill).
    2. Powers of speaker? How is speaker appointed and removed?
    3. Compare and contrast Rajya Sabha with Legislative councils. Also compare Rajya Sabha with US Senate and House of Lords.
  • Roundup of the week (March13 – March 19) – I

    Having successfully run the daily show (daily newscards) for over a year, we now begin last week tonight (roundup of the week gone by). In this initiative every Saturday or Sunday night, we shall discuss, major events of the last week.

    We already cover daily news in crisp bullet points without any opinion- left, right or centre- to let you have your own opinion on various issues. In this initiative, we shall discuss most imp. op-eds of the week. Only outlines and issues within major events will be discussed here. Links of CD news stories, external oped links, RSTV videos will be attached to give you holistic picture.

    So let’s discuss major events of week gone by.

    #1. Aadhar bill–  Major issues


     

    Manner of passing of the bill – Money bill or not

    Some basics- Article 110 deals with money bill. Essentially any bill that contains provisions related to only 6 provisions: taxes, money going into or out of Consolidated Fund of India or Contingency fund of India, Receipt into Public account of India (I haven’t listed all 6 in detail for brevity, you can get the sense from the summary) and finally 7th provision is any matter incidental to the above issues.

    If bill deals with these issues plus any other issues, it will not be termed as money bill (read the word only in the definition of money bill) but financial bill under article 117.

    Govt’s argument- Bill mainly deals with transfer of money (subsidies) out of CFI and other matters are incidental to it (7th provision), hence money bill. While opposition claims main purpose is giving statutory baking to Aadhar, withdrawal of money is incidental to it, hence not a money bill.

    Read this Indian express oped to know why this is not a money bill .

    Why govt introduced it as money bill– NDA does not have majority in RS and in money bills RS can only suggest recommendations within 14 days. Loksabha can reject them as they did in this bill. Also money bill can be introduced only in LS on recommendation of president. Speaker certifies it as money bill and speaker’s certification can not be challenged.

    Read this link to understand why govt rejected all 5 amendments suggested by LS.

    But wait, is the decision of speaker final? Well, constitution says so but in India supreme court can do anything. Even under 10th schedule, anti defection law, speaker’s decision was final but supreme court held it justiciable (What was the logic given by supreme court? Answer in comments>

    Similarly supreme court changed the term procedure established by law to due process of law for all practical purposes, word consultation in judicial appointment to concurrence. How did supreme court do that? Read the whole story here

    2nd issue is that of privacy – risk of mass surveillance plus govt’s stand in the court that Privacy is not a fundamental right. Basically as Aadhar will b linked to almost every service we avail, govt will have the vast data to profile the citizens, snoop on them. Also national security clause gives sweeping powers to govt.  Read these opeds to know how it has potential to violate privacy.

    1. Jean Dreaze on Aadhar’s potential for mass surveillance 
    2. don’t compromise on privacy
    3. Aadhar and right to privacy being a fundamental right

    Attorney general in Supreme Court on right to privacy

    8 judge bench of supreme court in  M P Sharma And Others vs Satish Chandra, District Magistrate Delhi (1954),  and 6  judge bench in Kharag Singh vs State of Uttar Pradesh (1962), held that the right to privacy was not a fundamental right. It has not been overruled in any subsequent judgment by a larger Bench, hence not a fundamental right.

    3rd issue is whether Biometric will be effective in India <fingerprinting might not work in manual labour> and issue of making Aadhar mandatory while earlier it was sold as a voluntary number.

    Read these 9 issues related to Aadhar bill

    Whether or not, you read those external links, please follow these CD stories

    1. Aadhaar Cards: The Identity Revolution
    2. Right To Privacy In India – Is It a Fundamental Right?

    #2. Pictorial warning on tobacco containing products


     

    Summary– In late 2014, ministry of health proposed that 85% of a cigarette packet’s surface area on both the sides should carry health warnings, up from 40% on one side of the packet.

    But now parliamentary committee recommended that

    • pictorial warnings be restricted to only 50% on both the sides of the cigarette packets
    • In the case of bidis, chewing tobacco and other tobacco products, warning be restricted 50% of the display area on only one side of the packet

    Logic– Cylindrical packing of Bidi, no concept of 2 sides but what abut horizontal packing of tobacco containing paan Masala. But wait why ain’t tobaco containing paan masala banned in every state? They are food product and thus banned under safety guidelines, Read more here

    Anyway the argument for not increasing pictorial warning is

    1. encourage illicit trade
    2. revenue earned through tobacco excise
    3. employment

    Health costs of tobacco-

    1. revenue earned is just 17% of the health burden of tobacco.
    2. 1m tobacco-related deaths

    I don’t need to say, what should be done with the recommendations. Full oped here