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  • Enemy Property in India

    The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has registered some cases on allegations that huge losses to the exchequer was caused by leasing out prime-value land under the Custodian of Enemy Property for India (CEPI) on forged documents.

    Why in news?

    • Hectares of commercial land located in Uttar Pradesh were leased out at nominal rates in favour of the lessees through manipulation.

    What is “Enemy Property”?

    • In the wake of the India-Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971, there was the migration of people from India to Pakistan.
    • Under the Defence of India Rules framed under The Defence of India Act, 1962, the Government of India took over the properties and companies of those who took Pakistani nationality.
    • These “enemy properties” were vested by the central government in the Custodian of Enemy Property for India.
    • The same was done for property left behind by those who went to China after the 1962 Sino-Indian war.
    • The Tashkent Declaration of January 10, 1966 included a clause that said India and Pakistan would discuss the return of the property and assets taken over by either side in connection with the conflict.
    • However, the Government of Pakistan disposed of all such properties in their country in the year 1971 itself.

    Dealing with enemy property

    • The Enemy Property Act, enacted in 1968, provided for the continuous vesting of enemy property in the Custodian of Enemy Property for India (CEPI).
    • The central government, through the Custodian, is in possession of enemy properties spread across many states in the country.
    • Some movable properties too, are categorised as enemy properties.
    • In 2017, Parliament passed The Enemy Property (Amendment and Validation) Bill, 2016, which amended The Enemy Property Act, 1968, and The Public Premises (Eviction of Unauthorised Occupants) Act, 1971.

     

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  • Extending the Aspirational District Programme (ADP)

    The PM has hoped to extend the Aspirational District Programme (ADP) to block and city levels.

    Aspirational Districts Programme (ADP)

    • Launched in January 2018, the ‘Transformation of Aspirational Districts’ initiative aims to remove this heterogeneity through a mass movement to quickly and effectively transform these districts.
    • The broad contours of the program are Convergence (of Central & State Schemes), Collaboration (of Central, State level ‘Prabhari’ Officers & District Collectors), and Competition among districts driven by a spirit of mass Movement.
    • With States as the main drivers, this program will focus on the strength of each district, identify low-hanging fruits for immediate improvement, measure progress, and rank districts.

    Behind the name

    • PM then negated the idea of naming any scheme based on their backwardness.
    • Rather the name ‘Aspirational’ presents a more affirmative action-based execution of the scheme.

    Selection of districts

    • A total of 117 Aspirational districts have been identified by NITI Aayog based upon composite indicators.
    • The objective of the program is to monitor the real-time progress of aspirational districts based on 49 indicators (81 data points) from the 5 identified thematic areas.

    Weightage has been accorded to these districts as below:

    • Health & Nutrition (30%)
    • Education (30%)
    • Agriculture & Water Resources (20%)
    • Financial Inclusion & Skill Development (10%)
    • Basic Infrastructure (10%)

    Strategy of the ADP

    The core Strategy of the program may be summarized as follows.

    • Making development a mass movement in these districts
    • Identify low hanging fruits and the strength of each district, to act as a catalyst
    • for development.
    • Measure progress and rank districts to spur a sense of competition.
    • Districts shall aspire to become State’s best to Nation’s best.

    Features of the ADP

    • It has transformed into a Jan Andolan.
    • The ADP is different in trying to monitor the improvement of these districts through real-time data tracking.
    • The programme seeks to develop convergence between selected existing central and state government programmes.
    • District performance in the public domain and experience building of the district bureaucracy is another notable feature.
    • The programme is targeted, not towards any single group of beneficiaries, but rather towards the population of the district as a whole.

    What makes this program special?

    The program reflects what has become of the development project in India under neoliberalism, especially after the end of planning.

    • Long overdue sectors have been given more emphasis.
    • It is not a tailor-made program with one-size-fit strategy. More onus has been laid on the districts. It has a district-intervention strategy.
    • It works on the principle of SWOT (strength, weakness, opportunity and threats) model and comparison with national best parameters for effective resource management.
    • It is the most reviewed programme by the Prime Minister.
    • A general idea behind the idea is that a good work never goes un-noticed. It is duly appreciated on social media as well as by the officials.

    Programmatic Strengths

    • A key strength of the ADP is the collection of baseline data and follow-ups at regular intervals.
    • Sustaining this effort would create a robust compilation of statistics for use by both researchers and policy-makers.
    • In doing this, the government also brings much-needed attention to human development and a willingness to meet the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
    • Incremental progress being made in the chosen districts as reflected in the rankings.
    • The programme also claims to be “non-partisan and unbiased” and geared towards all-India growth.
    • The selection of districts indeed suggests that the programme has not favored any bias either regional, political or any other.
    • The programme seeks convergence of central and state schemes anchored around specific activities.

    Issues with the programme

    • Using the case of Bihar, they argue that the programmes selection of districts itself is problematic.
    • In fact, it actually excludes the most backward districts because per capita income, the most basic measure of development, has not been considered.
    • There seems to be some ambiguity around the issue of whether the programme is concerned only with improved access or also with the quality of service provided.
    • The indicators used are not defined relationally, rather they are static human development indicators that do not see people mired in dynamic social relations.
    • It is also accused that the state is not making any new or focused public investment (except for possible use of Flexi-funds) into these districts, on the other hand, it is moralizing about their inability to improve (through rankings).
    • The programme is carrying the burden of proving the government’s “developmental” work without addressing any of the fundamental issues around achieving equitable development.
    • Yet, the NITI Aayog justifies the overall approach as capitalizing on “low-hanging fruit.”

    Way forward

    • The program has been able to make difference in the lives of citizens of India, in education, health, nutrition, financial inclusion, skill development and this has made a difference to some most backward and most geographically far-flung districts of the nation.
    • ADP is ‘aligned to the principle of “leave no one behind—the vital core of the SDGs. Political commitment at the highest level has resulted in the rapid success of the program the report said.
    • UNDP has recommended revising a few indicators that are slightly close to reaching their saturation or met by most districts like ‘electrification of households’ as an indicator of basic infrastructure.

     

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  • Pak. may get off FATF ‘grey list’ after on-site check

    Pakistan got a reprieve from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) as it announced that the country could be removed from the “grey list” after a visit by a fact-finding team.

    What is the news?

    • FATF noted Pakistan’s constructive claims of actions to curb terror funding.
    • It would formally be taken off the “grey list” in October.
    • China is working relentlessly to get Pakistan off FATF ‘grey list’.

    India’s stance

    • New Delhi has been sceptical of Pakistan’s commitment to completely end terror safe havens in the country.
    • Infiltration in J&K continues and small arms and IEDs are being habitually pushed across the LoC.

    What is the FATF?

    • The FATF is an international watchdog for financial crimes such as money laundering and terror financing.
    • It was established at the G7 Summit of 1989 in Paris to address loopholes in the global financial system after member countries raised concerns about growing money laundering activities.
    • In the aftermath of the 9/11 terror attack on the US, FATF also added terror financing as a main focus area.
    • This was later broadened to include restricting the funding of weapons of mass destruction.
    • The FATF currently has 39 members.

    Working of FATF

    • The decision-making body of the FATF, known as its plenary, meets thrice a year.
    • Its meetings are attended by 206 countries of the global network.
    • It includes members, and observer organisations, such as the World Bank, some offices of the UN, and regional development banks.

    Functions of FATF

    • The FATF sets standards or recommendations for countries to achieve in order to plug the holes in their financial systems and make them less vulnerable to illegal financial activities.
    • It conducts regular peer-reviewed evaluations called Mutual Evaluations (ME) of countries to check their performance on standards prescribed by it.
    • The reviews are carried out by FATF and FATF-Style Regional Bodies (FSRBs), which then release Mutual Evaluation Reports (MERs).
    • For the countries that don’t perform well on certain standards, time-bound action plans are drawn up.
    • Recommendations for countries range from assessing risks of crimes to setting up legislative, investigative and judicial mechanisms to pursue cases of money laundering and terror funding.

    What are the Black List and the Grey List?

    • The words ‘grey’ and ‘black’ list do not exist in the official FATF lexicon.
    • They however designate countries that need to work on complying with FATF directives and those who are non-compliant.
    1. Black List: The blacklist, now called the “Call for action” was the common shorthand description for the FATF list of “Non-Cooperative Countries or Territories” (NCCTs).
    2. Grey List: Countries that are considered safe haven for supporting terror funding and money laundering are put in the FATF grey list. This inclusion serves as a warning to the country that it may enter the blacklist.

    Consequences of being:

    (1) In the grey list:

    • Economic sanctions from IMF, World Bank, ADB
    • Problem in getting loans from IMF, World Bank, ADB and other countries
    • Reduction in international trade
    • International boycott

    (2) In the black list:

    • High-risk jurisdictions subject to call for action
    • Countries have considerable deficiencies in their AML/CFT (anti-money laundering and counter terrorist financing) regimens
    • Enhanced due diligence
    • Members are told to apply counter-measures such as sanctions on the listed countries

    Note: Currently, North Korea and Iran are on the black list.

    Pakistan and FATF

    • Pakistan, which continues to remain on the “grey list” of FATF, had earlier been given the deadline till the June to ensure compliance with the 27-point action plan against terror funding networks.
    • It has been under the FATF’s scanner since June 2018, when it was put on the Grey List for terror financing and money laundering risks.
    • FATF and its partners such as the Asia Pacific Group (APG) are reviewing Pakistan’s processes, systems, and weaknesses on the basis of a standard matrix for anti-money laundering (AML) and combating the financing of terrorism (CFT) regime.

    Why is Pakistan on the grey list?

    • Pakistan has found itself on the grey list frequently since 2008, for weaknesses in fighting terror financing and money laundering.
    • It never addressed concerns on the front of terror financing investigations and prosecutions targeting senior leaders and commanders of UN-designated terrorist groups.
    • However, now steps had been taken in this direction such as the sentencing of terror outfit chief Hafiz Saeed, prosecution of Masood Azhar and seizure of their properties.
    • India meanwhile, a member of FATF, suspects the efficacy and permanence of Pakistani actions.

    How FATF impacts Pakistan?

    • The FATF grey list made it more difficult for Pakistan to get financial aid from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the European Union (EU).
    • This will further create an economic crisis for Pakistan which is already struggling to control its financial position.
    • Bearing the cost of global politics the impact of FATF grey-listing on Pakistan’s economy has claimed that FATF’s decision has led to a loss of USD 38 billion for Pakistan so far.

    Steps taken by Pakistan

    • Pakistan is currently banking on its potential exclusion from the grey list to help improve the status of tough negotiations with the International Monetary Fund to get bailout money.
    • Pakistan is now making a high-level political commitment to the FATF and APG to address its strategic AML/CFT deficiencies.

     

     

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  • [pib] BIS develops an Standard for ‘Non-electric Cooling Cabinet made of Clay’

    Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS), the National Standards Body of India, has developed an Indian Standard, IS 17693: 2022 for ‘non-electric cooling cabinet made of clay’.

    IS 17693: 2022

    • BIS standard specifies the construction and performance requirements of a cooling cabinet made out of clay, which operates on the principle of evaporative cooling.
    • These cabinets may be used to store perishable foodstuff without the need of electricity.
    • This standard helps BIS in fulfilling 6 out of 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) like No poverty, Zero hunger, Gender equality, Affordable and clean energy, Industry, innovation, and infrastructure, and Responsible consumption and production.

    Why such move?

    • Named as ‘Mitticool refrigerator’, Mansukh Bhai Prajapati from Gujarat is the innovator behind the refrigerator which projects an eco-friendly technology.
    • It is a natural refrigerator made primarily from clay to store vegetables, fruits, milk, and also for cooling water.
    • It provides natural coolness to foodstuffs stored in it without requiring any electricity.
    • Fruits, vegetables, and milk can be stored reasonably fresh without deteriorating their quality.

    Back2Basics: Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS)

    • BIS is the National Standards Body of India working under the aegis of the Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food & Public Distribution.
    • It is established by the Bureau of Indian Standards Act, 1986 which came into effect on 23 December 1986.
    • The organization was formerly the Indian Standards Institution (ISI), set up under the Resolution of the Department of Industries and Supplies in September 1946.
    • The ISI was registered under the Societies Registration Act, 1860.
    • A new Bureau of Indian standard (BIS) Act 2016 has been brought into force with effect from 12 October 2017.
    • The Act establishes the Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) as the National Standards Body of India.

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  • India better placed to avoid Risks of Stagflation: RBI

    India’s economy is better placed than many other countries to avoid the risk of potential stagflation worldwide, said the Reserve Bank of India Deputy Governor.

    Why in news?

    • Stagflation remains a risk to the US economy, and there are similarities between the situation in the 1970s and today, a/c to World Bank.
    • Surging prices for oil and food are pushing up the cost of living, and business executives are voicing concerns about the outlook for the economy.

    What is Stagflation?

    • Stagflation is a stagnant growth and persistently high inflation. It, thus, describes a rather rare and curious condition of an economy.
    • Iain Macleod, a Conservative Party MP in the United Kingdom, is known to have coined the phrase during his speech on the UK economy in November 1965.

    What happens in Stagflation?

    • Typically, rising inflation happens when an economy is booming — people are earning lots of money, demanding lots of goods and services and as a result, prices keep going up.
    • When the demand is down and the economy is in the doldrums, by the reverse logic, prices tend to stagnate (or even fall).
    • But stagflation is a condition where an economy experiences the worst of both worlds — the growth rate is largely stagnant (along with rising unemployment) and inflation is not only high but persistently so.

    Possible reasons behind

    • Volatility due to war: Global economic conditions continued to deteriorate as commodity prices and financial market volatility have led to heightened uncertainty.
    • Monetary tightening: In advanced economies, the war against inflation would entail significant monetary tightening, complicating the growth-inflation outlook.
    • Global slowdown: Emerging market economies grapple with the global trade slowdown, capital outflows and imported inflation.

    Why is it so unpopular?

    • The combination of slow growth and inflation is unusual, because inflation typically rises and falls with the pace of growth.
    • The high inflation leaves less scope for policymakers to address growth shortfalls with lower interest rates and higher public spending.

    Back2Basics: Inflation and its impact

    • Depression: It is Economic depression is a sustained, long-term downturn in economic
    • Deflation: It is the general fall in the price level over a period of time.
    • Disinflation: It is the fall in the rate of inflation or a slower rate of inflation. Example: a fall in the inflation rate from 8% to 6%.
    • Reflation: It is the act of stimulating the economy by increasing the money supply or by reducing taxes, seeking to bring the economy back up to the long-term trend, following a dip in the business cycle. It is the opposite of disinflation.
    • Skewflation: It is the skewed rise in the price of some items while remaining item prices remain the same. E.g. Seasonal rise in the price of onions.
    • Stagflation: The situation of rising prices along with falling growth and employment, is called stagflation. Inflation is accompanied by an economic recession.

     

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  • Theri Desert in Tamil Nadu

    Most of us may not know the small desert situated in the state of Tamil Nadu. It consists of red sand dunes and is confined to the Thoothukudi district.

    Theri Desert

    • The red dunes are called theri in Tamil.
    • They consist of sediments dating back to the Quaternary Period and are made of marine deposits.
    • They have very low water and nutrient retention capacity.
    • The dunes are susceptible to aerodynamic lift.
    • This is the push that lets something move up. It is the force that is the opposite of weight.

    Mineral composition of Theris

    • The analysis of the red sand dunes reveal the presence of heavy and light minerals.
    • These include Ilmenite, Magnetit, Rutile, Garnet, Zircon, Diopside, Tourmaline, Hematite, Goethite, Kyanite, Quartz, Feldspar, Biotite.
    • The iron-rich heavy minerals like ilmenite, magnetite, garnet, hypersthene and rutile present in the soil had undergone leaching by surface water.
    • They were then oxidised because of the favourable semi-arid climatic conditions.

    How did they form?

    • Theris appear as gentle, undulating terrain.
    • The lithology of the area shows that the area might have been a paleo (ancient) coast in the past.
    • The presence of limestone in many places indicates marine transgression.
    • The present-day theris might have been formed by the confinement of beach sand locally, after regression of the sea.
    • When high velocity winds from the Western Ghats blew east, they induced migration of sand grains and accumulation of dunes.

    Another story of their formation

    • Another view is that these are geological formations that appeared in a period of a few hundred years.
    • The red sand is brought from the surface of a broad belt of red loam in the plains of the Nanguneri region (about 57 kilometres) by south west monsoon winds during May-September.
    • The winds after draining the moisture behind the Mahendragiri hill and the Aralvaimozhi gap of the Western Ghats become dry and strike the plains in the foothills, where vegetation is sparse.
    • Deforestation and the absence of vegetative cover in the Aralvaimozhi gap and the Nanguneri plains are considered to be the major causes of wind erosion.

     

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  • India-Iran Relations

    Context

    Iran’s Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian’s three-day visit to India, last week, was the first ministerial-level visit from Iran since Ebrahim Raisi assumed the Iranian presidency in August last year.

    Chabahar Port - A Rethink is Needed | Vivekananda International Foundation

    Background

    • Bilateral relations between India and Iran span millennia marked by meaningful interactions.
    • Both countries shared borders until 1947 and share several common features in their language, culture and traditions.
    • The diplomatic links were established on 15th March 1950, when both countries signed a Treaty of Friendship and Perpetual Peace.
    • However, Iran’s joining of Baghdad pact in 1954 and the Cold War politics prevented both countries from having closer relations until the 1990s.
    • Islamic Revolution of 1979, hostage of US diplomats, Iran-Iraq War and Tehran’s support for Hezbollah and Hamas among others resulted in a range of political and economic sanctions, leading to Iran being isolated at a global level
    • In the 1990s, both countries’ interests converged around energy, Central Asia and security, mostly around the Pakistan-Afghan region.
    • This resulted in the signing of ‘The Delhi Declaration’, which provided the vision of the countries’ defence and strategic partnership and “Tehran Declaration”, which set forth the areas of possible cooperation

    India-Iran relations: A shared vision for equitable, pluralistic and co-operative international order

    • The “Tehran Declaration” signed during former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s visit to Iran affirmed the shared vision of the two countries for an “equitable, pluralistic and co-operative international order”.
    • It recognised then Iranian President Mohammad Khatami’s vision of a “dialogue among civilisations” as a paradigm of international relations based on principles of tolerance, pluralism and respect for diversity.
    • Advancing the standing in global order: Two decades later, as India strengthens new partnerships within its regional vision centred on the Indo-Pacific, both countries remain driven by the goals of advancing their standing at the regional and global level.
    • Both are keen to project themselves as independent strategic actors determined to play a role in shaping a new multipolar order in their shared Eurasian neighbourhood and also at the global level.

    Why does India need Iran?

    • Energy security: Conventionally, for energy security
    • Iran is amongst India’s top oil suppliers
    • Strategic importance: Since the 1990s, Iran’s importance has become ‘strategic’
    • Security reasons: Iran’s cooperation is critical for India’s security given that
    • Pak supports terrorism in India
    • Influence in Afghanistan: India’s influence in Afghanistan is marginal.
    • Countering Pakistan: India needs Iran to moderate Pak’s influence in West Asia
    • Iran is a leader in the Muslim world.
    • Access to Afghanistan and Central Asia

    Significance of Iran for India

    • Geopolitical logic in relations: The sanctions imposed by the US on Iran after it withdrew from the nuclear deal in 2018 may have virtually destroyed India-Iran trade, especially India’s energy imports from Iran, but the geopolitical logic underpinning relations between the two countries remains firm.
    • Land bridge to Central Asia and Eurasia: Iran has sought to leverage its crossroad geographical location straddling the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea, India has come to see it as its land bridge to Central Asia and Eurasia.
    • INSTC: Despite the difficulties posed by decades of American sanctions, Iran has, along with India, Russia and a few other countries in the Eurasian region, continued to work on the multi-modal International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC).
    • During Raisi’s visit to Moscow, the two sides had pledged to redouble their efforts to build the railway line between Iran’s Caspian port of Rasht and Astara on the Iran-Azerbaijan border.
    • Alternative Caspian Sea Route: The activation of an alternative Caspian Sea route speaks volumes about the positive outlook of Iran, India and Russia on this corridor despite a variety of geopolitical challenges.
    • Iran’s Chabahar port, where India is developing two berths that it will lease for commercial operations for 10 years, is also a story of perseverance in the ties between the two countries.

    Irritants in Indo-Iran ties

    • India’s relations with Saudi Arabia, US and Israel:  Growing Saudi-India-US-Israel relations have irked Iran.
    • In retaliation, Iran, for the first time, has linked the plight of Muslims in Gaza, Yemen, and Bahrain, with those in Kashmir
    • Iran-Pak-China ties: Warming Iran-Pak-China ties have annoyed India.
    • Sluggish Chabahar port development: Slow Chabahar port development has annoyed Iran.
    • China-Iran strategic partnership:
      • An economic and security partnership deal between Iran and China was recently made public, creating a global alarm, especially for India and the US.
      • The foundation for this deal was laid during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Iran in 2016
      • The draft agreement involves Chinese investments worth $400 billion into the Iranian economy over 25 years.
      • Of this, $280 billion will be allocated for the oil and gas sector and the remaining funding will be for other core sectors like banking, telecommunications, ports and railways.
      • In return, China would get a steady supply of Iranian oil at a heavily discounted rate during the same period.
      • This deal creates a win-win situation for both countries.
      • It lifts Iran’s sanction-hit economy and helps China set a firm foothold in the Middle East.

    US sanctions:

    • Iran’s aim to develop nuclear weapons has come under strong criticism from Trump Administration since the beginning.
    • Thus, the US has withdrawn from the Iran nuclear deal in 2018 after it was signed in 2015 and imposed unilateral sanctions on Iran.
    • The US’ sanctions and aggressive policies have created a situation of economic and geostrategic uncertainty.
    • Indian investors are wary of having businesses in Iran for the fear of the US.
    • Also, India deviated from the policy of not abiding by unilateral sanctions by ceasing to purchase Iranian oil.
    • Due to this, Iran did not back India’s bid to mobilise international support against Beijing’s aggression in the Ladakh.

    Other issues:

    • Iran is against India’s decision to abrogate Article 370 and 35A.
    • It has called on India and Pakistan to show restraint and prevent the killing of innocent Kashmiris, revealing possible close ties between Pakistan and Iran.
    • Iran also voiced against “extremist Hindus and their parties” during the 2020 Delhi riots.
    • Apart from these issues, Iran also sidelined India’s ONGC from exploration rights at its Farzad B Gas field, stating that it will engage the company at a later date.

    Way forward

    • As India is treading a fine line in balancing relations with the US, China and Iran while striving to augment its political influence in West Asia, embracing one country over the other is not an option for India.
    • Therefore, a multilateral foreign policy is a way forward.
    • India must retain its involvement in the Chabahar port development because of the geostrategic significance.
    • In the immediate term, India should improve its multi-alignment credentials to absorb investments into the port projects from the public and private sector, boost maritime cooperation among littoral countries to enhance the transit of goods, and foster regional partnership for the Chabahar port development.
    • Based on the mutual geostrategic and energy interests, India could collaborate with Japan under the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor.
    • Japan’s participation would enhance the multilateral characteristics of the transit hub in the region, unlike the China-owned Gwadar port. This will further enhance multilateral investments to solidify regional economic partnerships that enable the sustainability of the port.
    • Also, India needs to evolve a better strategy on Iran beyond waiting to see how the US may react, beyond having to issue a clarification in response to Iran’s sudden provocations and beyond allowing voids of partnerships that China may fill.
    • In order to do so, India must create a new alliance of countries having similar geostrategic interests, which are also facing issues with US’ unrealistic and aggressive foreign policy strategy and China’s expansionistic policies.

    Conclusion

    While the revival of the nuclear deal could give a fillip to India’s economic ties with Iran, India’s interests in continental Asia will be served well by heeding to the calls for developing a long-term roadmap for bilateral relations.

     

  • Freebie model of Governance

    Context

    The newly elected Punjab government’s announcement of providing up to 300 units of free power to every household has raised questions: What constitutes “freebies”?

    Two categories for providing support

    • In India government provides two types of support.
    • 1] support to low-income households for augmenting their consumption of selected goods and services.
    • 2] Government also provides incentives to support selected categories of investors and producers.
    • Different objectives: The economic objectives in these two categories are quite different.
    • The first category would include the free or subsidised provision of foodgrains and services such as health and education.
    • Examples of the second group include the central government’s recent initiative for production-linked incentives to various sectors and tax concessions.
    • In the past, incentives in the form of reduction of corporate taxes have been offered to promote investment in general, or in certain regions such as backward areas.

    What commodities should be distributed free?

    • The key question is to decide what commodities should be distributed free or at a subsidised level and what the level of subsidy should be.
    • Essential goods: The provision of foodgrains at a heavily subsidised price to target groups has found general acceptance, particularly among political parties, even though there are some critics of the measure.
    • The distribution of commodities which are considered “essential”, primarily foodgrains, faces no criticism.
    • Merit goods: There is also a category of goods which are called “merit” goods where significant positive externalities are associated with their consumption — for instance, health and education-related provisions, including mid-day meals and breakfast.
    • In such cases, subsidisation is justified: If only market prices prevail, the community will consume less than what is socially desirable.

    What should be the suitable mode of providing support?

    • The question of a suitable model for providing budgetary support arises in the context of both consumption and production-supporting initiatives.
    • 1] In the first case, budgetary support to a targeted segment of the population for augmenting their consumption of essential items may be provided either through direct income support or by a free or highly subsidised provision. 
    • Procurement set up and distribution system: When the provision of subsidised goods is involved, there may, in general, be a requirement of a procurement set-up and a public distribution system.
    • Managing procurement and distribution by government agencies involves additional costs which tend to be higher than the corresponding supply through the market because of leakages and avoidable administrative costs.
    • 2] Production-related incentives: In the case of production-related incentives, alternative methods include direct budgetary support and indirect support through tax concessions.
    •  Both have a differential impact.
    • These schemes also require to be carefully designed to avoid their misuse and minimise their costs. The provision of free power to farmers was often misused.
    • In the case of tax concessions, there have not been any convincing studies as to whether the stated initial objectives were achieved in line with the large budgetary costs.
    • The magnitudes involved amounted to 1.9 per cent and 2.5 per cent of the GDP in 2018-19 and 2019-20 respectively.

    What should be a prudent fiscal limit for funding such programmes?

    • Let us consider the case of distribution of commodities that are meant to support consumption.
    • Limited budgetary resources: This question should be considered in light of our limited budgetary resources.
    • Stagnating revenue to GDP ratio: In India, the revenue to GDP ratio has been stagnating over a long period of time.
    • During 2010-11 to 2019-20, combined revenue receipts of central and state governments, relative to GDP, have languished in the narrow range of 18.4 per cent to 20.3 per cent.
    • In contrast, in many developed and emerging market economies, this ratio tends to be much higher.
    • In 2019, these ratios were 36 per cent and 30.1 per cent for the UK and USA.

    Suggestions

    • It is advisable to limit the distribution of commodities and services at highly subsidised levels to essential and merit goods.
    • Infrastructure expansion: Production may be incentivised more effectively by other methods such as infrastructure expansion.
    • Determining the total quantum of support: In respect of production-related incentives also, greater care is required for determining the total quantum of support as well as the specific forms of such support.
    • Limit of 10 %: It would be prudent to limit overall fiscal support for the distribution of commodities to less than 10 per cent of the total expenditure of the central government and state governments until their revenue GDP or GSDP ratios are successfully increased in a sustained way.

    Conclusion

    Governments that do not pay adequate attention to the strength of their fisc eventually become exposed to the cost of the choices that they make.

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    Back2Basics: Merit goods

    • Merit goods are the goods that are provided generally by the government to certain sections of the society.
    • Unlike in the case of pure public goods, the merit goods are not provided to the entire society; rather they are given to certain targeted people.
    • The government here believe that the deserving people may under-consume such goods and hence provides these to them at low cost or no cost.

    Positive externalities

    • A positive externality exists if the production and consumption of a good or service benefits a third party not directly involved in the market transaction.
    • For example, education directly benefits the individual and also provides benefits to society as a whole through the provision of more informed and productive citizens.

  • IPC Sec 295A: Dealing with Hate Speech and Blasphemy

    The debate surrounding the comments by some political spokespersons has put the spotlight on the IPC Sec 295A which deals with criticism of or insult to religion.

    What is the news?

    • India does not have a formal legal framework for dealing with hate speech.
    • However, a cluster of provisions, loosely termed hate speech laws, are invoked.
    • There are primarily some laws to deal with offences against religions.

    What is Section 295A?

    • Section 295A, define the contours of free speech and its limitations with respect to offences relating to religion.
    • It prescribes punishment for deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs.
    • It calls for imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to [three years], or with fine, or with both.
    • It has been invoked on a wide range of issues from penalising political satire and seeking bans on or withdrawal of books to even political critique on social media.

    Chapters to penalise religious offences

    Section 295A is one of the key provisions in the IPC chapter to penalise religious offences. The same chapter includes offences to penalise:

    1. Damage or defilement of a place of worship with intent to insult the religion (Section 295)
    2. Trespassing in a place of sepulture (burial) (Section 297)
    3. Uttering, words, etc, with deliberate intent to wound the religious feelings of any person (Section 298) and
    4. Disturbing a religious assembly (Section 296)

    Origins of the law

    • Colonial origins of the hate speech provisions are often criticised for the assumption that Indians were susceptible to religious excitement.
    • Section 295A was brought in 1927.
    • The antecedents of Section 295A lie in the communally charged atmosphere of North India in the 1920s.
    • The amendment was a fallout of an acquittal under Section 153A of the IPC by the Lahore High Court in 1927 in Rajpaul v Emperor, popularly known as the Rangila Rasool case.

    Frequency of use

    • The state often invokes Section 295A along with 153A of the IPC, which penalises promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc.
    • It acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony and Section 505 of the IPC that punishes statements conducing to public mischief.

    What about online hate speech?

    • In cases where such speech is online, Section 66A of the Information Technology Act was invoked.
    • However, in a landmark verdict in 2015, the Supreme Court struck down Section 66A as unconstitutional on the ground that the provision was “vague” and a “violation of free speech”.
    • However, the provision continues to be invoked.

    Issues with such laws

    • The broad, vague terms in the laws are often invoked in its misuse.
    • Lower conviction rates for these provisions indicate that the process — where a police officer can arrest without a warrant — is often the punishment.
    • Critics have pointed out that these laws are intended for the state to step in and restore “public order” rather than protect free speech.

     

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  • Back in news: India- ASEAN Relations

    The Foreign Minister of Myanmar is unlikely to be part of the 24th ASEAN-India Ministerial summit.

    What is the news?

    • Myanmar’s absence is the souring ASEAN-Myanmar.
    • This is after the coup that overthrew the Aung San Suu Kyi government in Myanmar.
    • This shows India’s concern over the junta in Myanmar which has refused to enter into a negotiation

    What is ASEAN?

    • ASEAN is a political and economic union of 10 member states in Southeast Asia.
    • It brings together ten Southeast Asian states – Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam – into one organisation.
    • It was established on 8th August 1967 in Bangkok, Thailand with the signing of the Bangkok Declaration by the founding fathers of the countries of Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, and the Philippines.
    • The preceding organisation was the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA) comprising of Thailand, the Philippines, and Malaysia.
    • Five other nations joined the ASEAN in subsequent years making the current membership to ten countries.

    India-ASEAN Relations: A Backgrounder

    • Look-East Policy in 1992 gave an upthrust to India -ASEAN relation and helped India in capitalizing its historical, cultural and civilizational linkages with the region.
    • India entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in goods with the region in 2003 which has facilitated the bilateral trade which now stands at approximately USD 76 Billion.
    • Further, the launch of Act East Policy in 2014 has added a new vigour to India-ASEAN relations.

    Significance of ASEAN to India

    • ASEAN’s centrality in India’s foreign policy – A cohesive, responsive, and prosperous ASEAN is central to India’s Indo-Pacific Vision and India’s Act East Policy and contributes to Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR).
    • Economic – ASEAN is the one of the largest market in the world comparative to the EU and North American markets.
      • It’s also the 4th most popular investment destination globally.
    • Investment opportunities for Indian businesses – Cost of production is lower in Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar, which means that Indian firms can gain significantly by investing in these countries.
    • Countering China – Cooperation between India and ASEAN is crucial to counter China’s power projection in the region. Both have territorial and border issues with China, disputes over the South China Islands and waters for ASEAN and over land boundaries for India.
    • Integration with regional and global supply chains – Increasing engagement with ASEAN is pivotal to facilitate India’s integration with regional and global supply chain movements.
    • North-East development – Connectivity projects with the ASEAN nations keeping Northeast India at the centre can ensure the economic growth of the land-locked north-eastern states.
      • Collaboration with the ASEAN nations is necessary to counter insurgency in the Northeast, combat terrorism, etc.
    • Maritime security – The Indian Ocean carries 90% of India’s trade and its energy sources. Presence of choke points such as the Malacca strait makes the South-East Asian region significant for countering traditional and non-traditional maritime threats like piracy and terrorism.
    • Indian Diaspora – About 9-8% of the population in Malaysia and Singapore is of Indian origin, in Myanmar-4% and Indonesia about 0.5%.

    Areas of Cooperation

    • Economic Cooperation – ASEAN is India’s 4th largest trading partner.
      • India signed FTA in goods in 2009 and an FTA in services and investments in 2014 with ASEAN.
      • India has a Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) with various countries of the ASEAN region which has resulted in concessional trade and a rise in investments.
    • Political Cooperation – ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) was established to undertake policy research, advocacy and networking activities with organizations and think-tanks in India and ASEAN.
      • Delhi Dialogue – Annual Track 1.5 event for discussing politico-security and economic issues between ASEAN and India.
    • Financial Assistance – India provides financial assistance to the ASEAN nations through various mechanism like ASEAN-India Cooperation Fund, ASEAN-India S&T Development Fund and ASEAN-India Green Fund.
    • Connectivity – India has been undertaking several connectivity projects like India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral (IMT) Highway and the Kaladan Multimodal Project.
      • India is also trying to establish a Maritime Transportation Agreementwith ASEAN and also Plans for a Railway link between New Delhi in India to Hanoi in Vietnam.
    • Socio-Cultural Cooperation – Programmes to boost People-to-People Interaction with ASEAN are organized, such as inviting ASEAN students to India, Special Training Course for ASEAN diplomats, Exchange of Parliamentarians, etc.
    • Defence Cooperation – Joint Naval and Military exercises are conducted between India and most ASEAN countries.
      • Vietnam has traditionally been a close friend on defense issues, Singapore is also an equally important partner.
    • Maritime Cooperation – adopted Delhi Declaration and decided to identify Cooperation in the Maritime Domain as the key area of cooperation under the ASEAN-India strategic partnership.
      • India is developing its maiden deep-sea port in a strategically located Sabang port in Indonesia.

    REGIONAL COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP (RCEP) AGREEMENT

    • RCEP is a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) that has been signed between 15 countries including the 10 ASEAN members, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand.
      • RCEP was first proposed in 2011 with an aim to create a consolidated market for the ASEAN countries and their trade partners.
      • RCEP now forms the world’s largest trade bloc, covering over 2.2 billion people and accounting for 30% of the world’s economy.
    • Though India was a part of the RCEP’s negotiations, it dropped out in November 2019, citing significant outstanding issues that remain unresolved.

    Reasons behind India pulling out of RCEP

    • Trade imbalance with RCEP members – India’s trade deficit with RCEP countries has almost doubled in the last five-six years.
    • Chinese Angle – From a geopolitical perspective, RCEP is China-led or is intended to expand China’s influence in Asia. India has already signed FTA with all the countries of RCEP except China.
    • Signing of RCEP can lead to cheaper products from China flooding the Indian market.
    • Lack of adequate protection for domestic industries – India’s proposals for strict Rules of Origin (to prevent routing of products from non-RCEP countries) and an Auto-trigger mechanism to impose tariffs when imports crossed a certain threshold which were not accepted.
    • Lack of Service component – Most developed RCEP countries where India can export services, have been unwilling to negotiate wide-ranging disciplines in services that can create new market access for trade in services in this region.
    • Concerns by local industries – A large number of sectors including dairy, agriculture, steel, automobiles, etc had expressed serious apprehensions on RCEP citing dominance of cheap foreign goods would dampen its business.
    • India’s FTA experience – India’s FTAs has generally led to greater imports than exports, giving rise to high trade deficits with FTA partners like South Korea, Japan, and ASEAN.

    Possible Implications of India not joining RCEP

    Protectionist image – Withdrawal from RCEP along with other recent measures like call for self-reliance under Atmanirbhar Abhiyan, etc can be perceived as India taking a protectionist stance in terms of trade policy.

    Lost opportunity for India’s export sector – RCEP was envisaged to strengthen Asian supply chains, bring in investments and boost the member countries’ competitiveness in global markets.

    Effect on bilateral ties with RCEP countries – There are concerns that the decision will hamper India’s bilateral trade with RCEP member countries as they would be inclined to bolster trade within the bloc.

    Lost opportunity in securing a position in the post COVID world: RCEP is expected to help member countries emerge from the economic devastation caused by the pandemic through access to regional supply chains.

    Arguments for reviewing India’s decision

    • Global Economic Stagnation due to Covid-19 pandemic – RCEP can serve as a bulwark in containing the free fall of the global economy and re-energising economic activity.
      • RCEP presents a unique opportunity to support India’s economic recovery, inclusive development, and job creation even as it helps strengthen regional supply chains.
    • Economic Realism – India should deter seeing RCEP only from the Chinese perspective.
      • India can draw inspiration from Japan & Australia, as they chose to bury their geopolitical differences with China to prioritise what they collectively see as a mutually beneficial trading compact.
    • Strategic Need – RCEP’s membership is a prerequisite to having a say in shaping RCEP’s rules, which is necessary to safeguard India’s interests and the interests of several countries that are too small to stand up to the largest member, China.
    • As the summary of the final agreement shows, the pact does cover and attempt to address some issues that India had flagged, including rules of origin, trade in services, movement of persons. Therefore, this makes the case of India to review its decision and look RCEP through the lens of economic realism.

    Challenges in India-ASEAN Relations

    • China factor – India’s effort in this regard is meagre when compared to China’s dominance in the region
      • China’s assertive military, political and economic rise, as well as the South China Sea disputes have divided ASEAN without unanimity amongst them.
    • Economic challenges – India has an unfavourable balance of trade with the ASEAN nations.
    • RCEP deal – India walking out of RCEP can become a sticking point between India and ASEAN, since India’s domestic market was considered a key element in the RCEP negotiations.
      • India has not signed RCEP for various reasons like non-transparency in RCEP, RCEP’s non-accounting of India’s service sector relaxations, etc.
      • By not signing the RCEP India also lose access to new market opportunities created in East Asia.
    • Slow development in Bilateral relations – Many bilateral deals with these nations are yet to be finalised, leading to the halting of various aspects of diplomatic ties.
    • Delayed projects – Though India has committed to many connectivity projects, they have not been completed at the rate on par with China
      • China, on the other hand, through its BRI, is able to gain the trust of these countries.

    India’s pulling out of the RCEP deal shows the limitations of the ties with the ASEAN nations. Maintaining cordial ties, both bilaterally and multilaterally with these nations is essential for both India’s economic and security interests.

    South-East Asian nations are looking at India to take on a greater role for the economic integration of the region and for ensuring an open and inclusive Indo-Pacific. Many of the members of the ASEAN perceive India as a much-needed counterbalance to China.

    Way Forward

    • An alternative economic corridor based multimodal connectivity such as Mekong-India Economic Corridor may be promoted, which will connect Indian coast with unexplored Southeast Asian coast and beyond.
      • Strengthening land, air, and sea linkages will enhance people-to-people flows, as well as boost business, investment, and tourism.
      • With China having three times more commercial flights than India to Southeast Asia, improving air connectivity between India and ASEAN countries should also be high on the agenda.
    • India has proposed setting up of an ASEAN-India Network of Universities (AINU) to enhance our educational ties.
    • India can become the military partner after the Atma Nirbar Bharat, Make in India projects are successfully implemented.
      • No ASEAN country has close military ties with China as they never trusted China for military alliance.
    • Concept of QUAD must be expanded to include the ASEAN countries and become a QUAD+ arrangement.
      • Vietnam and Indonesia have expressed a positive note on QUAD in the region.
    • Digital technologies – Given the reluctance of ASEAN states to take help from Chinese giants in the field (due to concerns regarding China’s ability to own data), Indian IT sector may take some advantage.
    • Strengthening cultural connect – Tourism can be further encouraged between India and the ASEAN with some creative branding by the two sides.

    Failure of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has made India look outside South Asia towards countries of Southeast Asia for economic and political cooperation.

    The ASEAN region has become strategically important for India due to its growing importance in the world politics. And for India to be a regional power as it claims to be, continuing to enhance its relations with ASEAN in all spheres must be a priority.