In a first-of-its-kind project in the country, the Maharashtra government has developed a website-based migration tracking system (MTS) application to map the movement of vulnerable seasonal migrant workers through individual unique identity numbers.
What is MTS Project?
The MTS project is envisaged to maintain the continuity of the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) like nutrition supply, immunisation and health check-up etc. to migrant beneficiaries.
It is targeted for children aged up to 18 years, lactating mothers and pregnant women registered with the Anganwadi centres.
Their migration will be tracked for ensuring the portability of the ICDS for their families in their destination districts within or outside the state until their return to their native places.
Need for such a project
Distress-driven seasonal migration of workers is quite prevalent in Maharashtra.
Due to lockdowns, a large number of women and children had got displaced and missed on their nutrition, vaccination and other services under the ICDS scheme.
Like other states, does not have any institutionalized mechanism to enumerate it.
So, through this initiative, the state has sought to capture the data of intra-district, inter-districts and interstate migration of such workers.
Working details of the project
Anganwadi workers have to first register the migrating beneficiaries from their areas on the MTS website app on their laptops or mobile phones by using the workers’ identity cards like Aadhaar, PAN card, or ration cards etc.
Other than names, the Anganwadi workers have to mention the age, weight, and height of the migrant children, who will be placed in nutritional categories like severe, moderate or acute.
Depending on this data, the nutrition benefits will be allocated to the children in their new locations.
On the MTS app, the Anganwadi workers would also collect details about various informal sectors — such as brick kilns, agriculture labour, stone crushing, construction work, sugarcane cutting or sugar factory — where the migrant workers are headed along with their children.
The Ministry of Roads, Transport and Highways (MoRTH) has developed the portal named ‘e-DAR’ (e-Detailed Accident Report).
Why such move?
Road accidents continue to be a leading cause of death, disabilities and hospitalization in the country despite our commitment and efforts.
India ranks first in the number of road accident deaths across the 199 countries and accounts for almost 11% of the accident related deaths in the World.
E-DAR portal
It is designed in consultation with insurance companies to provide instant information on road accidents with a few clicks and help accelerate accident compensation claims, bringing relief to victims’ families.
Digitalised Detailed Accident Reports (DAR) will be uploaded on the portal for easy access.
The web portal will be linked to the Integrated Road Accident Database (iRAD).
From iRAD, applications to more than 90% of the datasets would be pushed directly to the e-DAR.
Stakeholders like the police, road authorities, hospitals, etc., are required to enter very minimal information for the e-DAR forms.
Thus, e-DAR would be an extension and e-version of iRAD.
Its working
The portal would be linked to other government portals like Vaahan and would get access to information on driving licence details and registration of vehicles.
For the benefit of investigating officers, the portal would provide geo tagging of the exact accident spot along with the site map.
This would notify the investigating officer on his distance from the spot of the incident in the event the portal is accessed from any other location.
Details like photos, video of the accident spot, damaged vehicles, injured victims, eye-witnesses, etc., would be uploaded immediately on the portal.
Apart from the state police, an engineer from the Public Works Department or the local body will receive an alert on his mobile device and the official concerned will then examine the accident site.
Check on fake claims
The e-DAR portal would conduct multiple checks against fake claims by conducting a sweeping search of vehicles involved in the accident, the date of accident, and the First Information Report number.
Various moves to curb road accidents
Several initiatives have been taken by the MoRTH which continues to implement a multi-pronged road safety strategy.
It is based on Education, Engineering, Enforcement and Emergency Care consisting inter-alia of setting up Driver training schools, creating awareness, strengthening automobile safety standards, improving road infrastructure, carrying out road safety audit etc.
High priority has been accorded to rectification of black spots.
A major initiative of the Ministry in the field of Road Safety has been the passing of the Motor Vehicle Amendment Act, 2019.
It focuses on road safety include, inter-alia, stiff hike in penalties for traffic violations and electronic monitoring of the same, enhanced penalties for juvenile driving, cashless treatment during the golden hour etc.
Sri Lanka’s economic crisis is aggravating rapidly, putting citizens through enormous hardship.
Reasons for the Crisis
The first wave of the pandemic in 2020 offered early and sure signs of distress.
In-migration: Thousands of Sri Lankan laborers in West Asian countries were left stranded and returned jobless.
Shut-down: Garment factories and tea estates could not function, as infections raged in clusters. Tourism sector to saw a big dip.
Domestic job losses: Thousands of youth lost their jobs in cities as establishments abruptly sacked them or shut down.
Forex decline: It meant that all key foreign exchange earning sectors, such as exports and remittances, along with tourism, were brutally hit.
Policy failures of the Lankan govt
No strategy: The lack of a comprehensive strategy to respond to the crisis then was coupled with certain policy decisions last year.
Ill-advised policies: It included the government’s abrupt switch to organic farming —widely deemed “ill-advised”, further aggravated the problem.
Food hoarding: The government declared emergency regulations for the distribution of essential food items. It put wide import restrictions to save dollars which in turn led to consequent market irregularities and reported hoarding.
Continuous borrowing: Fears of a sovereign default rose by the end of 2021, with the country’s foreign reserves plummeting to $1.6 billion, and deadlines for repaying external loans looming.
Brief background of India-SL relations
India is the only neighbor of Sri Lanka, separated by the Palk Strait; both nations occupy a strategic position in South Asia and have sought to build a common security umbrella in the Indian Ocean.
There are deep racial and cultural links between the two countries. Both share a maritime border.
The India- SL relations have been however tested by the Sri Lankan Civil War and by the controversy of Indian intervention during the war.
In recent years Sri Lanka has moved closer to China, especially in terms of naval agreements.
India has signed a nuclear energy deal to improve relations and made a nuclear energy pact with Sri Lanka in 2015.
India’s role in the Lankan Civil War
In the 1970s–1980s, the RAW and the state government of Tamil Nadu were believed to be encouraging the funding and training for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a separatist insurgent force.
In 1987, faced with growing anger amongst its own Tamils, and a flood of refugees India intervened directly in the conflict for the first time.
This was after the Sri Lankan government attempted to regain control of the northern Jaffna region by means of an economic blockade and military assaults; India supplied food and medicine by air and sea.
Why did India intervene?
Indian intervention in Sri Lankan civil war became inevitable as that civil war threatened India’s unity, national interest and territorial integrity.
Outcomes
The peace accord assigned a certain degree of regional autonomy in the Tamil areas with a body controlling the regional council and called for the Tamil militant groups to lay down their arms.
Further India was to send a peacekeeping force, named the IPKF to Sri Lanka to enforce the disarmament and to watch over the regional council.
The accord failed over the issue of representations. The result was that the LTTE now found itself engaged in military conflict with the Indian Army.
Areas of cooperation
(1) Political Relations
Regular Exchange: Political relations between the two countries have been marked by high-level exchanges of visits at regular intervals.
Bilateral Cooperation: A joint statement covering all areas of bilateral cooperation, titled ‘MitratvaMaga’ was issued following the Virtual Summit of 2020.
(2) Commercial Relations
ISFTA: The India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement (ISFTA) in 2000 contributed significantly towards the expansion of trade in areas such as infrastructure, connectivity, transportation, housing, health, livelihood and rehabilitation, education, and industrial development.
Trading Partner: India has traditionally been among Sri Lanka’s largest trade partners and Sri Lanka remains among the largest trade partners of India in the SAARC.
In 2020, India was Sri Lanka’s 2nd largest trading partner with the bilateral merchandise trade amounting to about USD $ 3.6 billion.
India and Sri Lanka are member nations of several regional and multilateral organizations such as the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), South Asia Co-operative Environment Programme, South Asian Economic Union and BIMSTEC.
India is Sri Lanka’s third-largest export destination, after the US and UK.
Exports: Sri Lankan exports to India have increased substantially since 2000 when ISLFTA came into force.
FDI: India is also one of the largest contributors to Foreign Direct Investment in Sri Lanka. According to BoI, FDI from India amounted to about US$ 1.7 billion during the period 2005 to 2019.
(3) Development Cooperation
Grants: The overall commitment by GOI is to the tune of more than USD 3.5 billion.
Demand-driven and people-centric nature of India’s development partnership with Sri Lanka have been the cornerstone of this relationship.
The Indian Housing Project: India has so far committed to construct close to 62,500 houses in Sri Lanka, making it one of the largest projects undertaken by GoI abroad.
Emergency Ambulance Service: The Service which was initially launched in July 2016 is now expanded to all the Provinces.
At a total cost of more than USD 22.5 million, close to 300 ambulances were provided by GOI under this project.
Other Projects: India is also involved in projects for renovation of Palaly Airport, Kankesanthurai Harbor, construction of a Cultural Centre in Jaffna, interconnection of electricity grids between the two countries, construction of a 150-bed hospital in Dickoya and setting up a coal power plant in Sampur as a joint venture between National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) and Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB).
Latest Development: India-SL agreed for joint development of Trincomalee Oil Tank farmed in 2022 after 35 years of wait.
(4) Projects under Lines of Credit
Sectors: 11 Lines of credit (LOC) have been extended to Sri Lanka by the Export Import Bank of India in the last 15 years.
Important sectors under these LOCs include: Railway, transport, connectivity, defense, solar.
Infrastructure: Some important Projects completed are- supply of defense equipments; up-gradation of the railway line from Colombo to Matara; track laying by IRCON on Omanthai-Pallai sector; reconstruction of the Railway line; signaling and telecommunication system; supply of engine kits for buses, diesel locomotives railways, DMUs, Carrier and fuel tank wagons etc.
Rehabilitation: A project for the rehabilitation of the Kankesanthurai harbor is being executed under a LOC of USD 45.27 million, bringing immense economic benefits to the Northern region of Sri Lanka.
Solar Energy: A US$ 100 million LoC for undertaking solar projects in Sri Lanka has been signed for rooftop solar units for Government buildings, rooftop solar units for low-income families and a floating solar power plant.
Security: In 2019, a LOC of USD 400 million for development and infrastructure projects and USD 50 million for security and counter-terrorism were announced.
These LOC Agreements are currently under discussion.
(5) Cultural relations
India and Sri Lanka have a shared legacy of historical, cultural, religious, spiritual and linguistic ties that is more than 2,500 years old.
In contemporary times, the Cultural Cooperation Agreement signed by the Government of India and the Government forms the basis for periodic Cultural Exchange Programmes between the two countries.
(6) People-to-people ties: Buddhism
Buddhism is one of the strongest pillars connecting the two nations and civilizations from the time when Emperor Ashoka sent his children Arhat Mahinda and Sangamitta to spread the teachings of Lord Buddha at the request of King Devanampiya Tissa of Sri Lanka.
Underlining the deep people-to-people connect and shared Buddhist heritage, the venerated relics of Lord Buddha from Kapilawasthu discovered in 1970 in India have been exhibited two times in Sri Lanka.
India in 2020, announced USD 15 million grant assistance for the protection and promotion of Buddhist ties between India and Sri Lanka.
It may be utilized for the construction/renovation of Buddhist monasteries, education of young monks, strengthening engagement of Buddhist scholars and clergy, development of Buddhist heritage museums, etc.
Transport- In July 2020, the GoI declared the Kushinagar Airport in India, the place of Lord Buddha’s Mahaparinibbana, as an international airport, to allow Buddhist pilgrims from around the world to visit the revered site associated with Lord Buddha with ease.
The Swami Vivekananda Cultural Centre (SVCC)– since its inception in 1998, is actively promoting awareness of Indian culture by offering classes in Bharatnatyam, Kathak, Hindustani and Carnatic vocal, Violin, Sitar, Tabla, Hindi and Yoga.
(7) Tourism
e-Visa- Tourism also forms an important link between India and Sri Lanka. GoI formally launched the e-Tourist Visa (eTV) scheme for Sri Lankan tourists on 14 April 2015.
Visa Fee- Subsequently, in a goodwill gesture, the visa fee for eTV was sharply reduced. In 2019, out of the total 1.91 million tourists, 355,000 tourists arrived from India.
Sri Lankan tourists too are among the top ten sources for the Indian tourism market.
Visa on arrival- On 24 July 2019 Sri Lanka included India in the free visa on arrival scheme and commenced the scheme on 1 August 2019.
Plummeting relations
The ties began to worsen between the two since February, 2021 when Sri Lanka backed out from a tripartite partnership with India and Japan for its East Container Terminal Project at the Colombo Port, citing domestic issues.
However, later, the West Coast Terminal was offered under a public private partnership arrangement to Adani Ports and Special Economic Zones Ltd.
Sri Lanka in a state of economic emergency: Sri Lanka is running out of foreign exchange reserves for essential imports like food. It has recently declared a state of economic emergency.
Covid Impact:
Sri Lanka increased policy rates after the covid pandemic in response to rising inflation in August 2021 caused by currency depreciation.
Tourism sector has suffered since the Easter Sunday terror attacks of 2019, followed by the pandemic.
Earnings fell from $3.6 billion in 2019 to $0.7 billion in 2020, even as FDI inflows halved from $1.2 billion to $670 million over the same period.
Sri Lanka’s fragile liquidity situation has put it at high risk of debt distress. Its public debt-to-GDP ratio was at 109.7% in 2020, and its gross financing needs remain high at 18% of GDP.
Its gross official reserves slipped to $2.8 billion, which is equivalent to just 1.8 months of imports. More than $2.7 billion of foreign currency debt will be due in the next two years.
Major outstanding issues
Fishing disputes
There have been several alleged incidents of Sri Lankan Navy personnel firing on Indian fishermen fishing in the Palk Strait, where India and Sri Lanka are only separated by 12 nautical miles.
The issue started because of Indian fishermen having used mechanized trawlers, which deprived the Sri Lankan fishermen (including Tamils) of their catch and damaged their fishing boats.
The Sri Lankan government wants India to ban use of mechanized trawlers in the Palk Strait region, and negotiations on this subject are undergoing.
So far, no concrete agreement has been reached since India favors regulating these trawlers instead of banning them altogether.
Alleged political interference
A media report from Colombo soon after Rajapaksa’s defeat in the January 8 elections of 2015 had said that an Indian Intelligence official was instrumental in uniting rival political parties — the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United National Party (UNP) — against him during the polls.
In October 2018, President Sirisena alleged that Indian intelligence agencies were plotting his assassination.
Katchatheevu Island
It is an uninhabited island that India ceded to Sri Lanka in 1974 based on a conditional agreement called “Kachchativu island pact”.
Later on, Sri Lanka declared Katchatheevu, a sacred land given the presence of a Catholic shrine.
But Tamil Nadu claimed that Katchatheevu falls under the Indian Territory and Tamil fishermen have traditionally believed that it belongs to them and therefore want to preserve the right to fish there.
China factor
Sri Lanka has a history of taking independent decisions even if they cause misgivings in India.
In the period of low profile relationship between the two nations, Sri Lanka apparently started favoring China over India.
China is Sri Lanka’s largest bilateral creditor: China’s loans to the Sri Lankan public sector amounted to 15% of the central government’s external debt, making China the largest bilateral creditor to the country.
Sri Lanka has increasingly relied on Chinese credit to address its foreign debt burden.
China’s Exports surpasses India: China’s exports to Sri Lanka surpassed those of India in 2020 and stood at $3.8 billion.
India’s exports were $3.2 billion.
Infrastructural Investment by China: Owing to Sri Lanka’s strategic location at the intersection of major shipping routes, China’s investment stands at $12 billion between 2006 and 2019.
Unable to service its debt, in 2017, Sri Lanka lost the unviable Hambantota port to China for a 99-year lease.
Sri Lanka passed the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Act, which provides for establishing a special economic zone around the port and also a new economic commission, to be funded by China.
The Colombo port is crucial for India as it handles 60% of India’s trans-shipment cargo.
Shifting interests due to economic crisis: Sri Lanka’s economic crisis may further push it to align its policies with Beijing’s interests.
This comes at a time when India is already on a diplomatic tightrope with Afghanistan and Myanmar.
Other South Asian nations like Bangladesh, Nepal and the Maldives have also been turning to China to finance large-scale infrastructure projects.
Why is Sri Lanka important to India?
India is Sri Lanka’s closest neighbor. Both sides have built upon a legacy of intellectual, cultural, religious and linguistic interaction.
Sri Lanka has always been politically and economically important to India given its strategic geographical position in the Indian Ocean. The relationship has been marked by close contacts at all levels.
Sri Lanka sits at the epicenter of the arc connecting the Persian Gulf to the Strait of Malacca. An island nation with an economy that’s mainly reliant on tourism and tea exports, Sri Lanka’s blessed geography puts it at a crucial juncture of the busy shipping lanes of the Indian Ocean.
India also has a vital strategic stake in Sri Lanka for its own security interests. An unfriendly Sri Lanka or a Sri Lanka under influence of a power unfriendly to India would strategically discomfit India.
For the Indian Navy, Sri Lanka is important as the switching of naval fleets from the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian Sea and vice versa requires the fleets to go around the island nation.
Both countries share a common broad understanding on major issues of international interest and experience common social-political problems relating to community divides.
What does Sri Lanka expect from India?
The humanitarian work by Indian agencies like supplies of medicines, doctors and providing refuge to more than 3 lakhs IDP’s during the decade-old civil war has created a sense of mutual cooperation among the countries natives.
SL is one of the leading recipients of India’s Line of Credits.
India has always rushed for the relief at the first signs of the rains and floods in SL recently. SL still commends the post-tsunami HADR relief operations carried out by India in the end-2004.
India’s military, intelligence and security establishment has maintained its relations with its Sri Lankan counterpart, and both sides have been on the same page at all times.
The security environment in the neighborhood will be discussed in light of the 21 April Easter Church bombings, and lessons learned from it.
India is also the largest provider of defense training programs for Sri Lankan soldiers and Defence officials.
A greater role for India
(1) Gathering convergence towards SL
Delhi needs to invest some political capital in resolving problems such as the long-standing dispute over fisheries.
Beyond its objection to China’s BRI projects, Delhi, either alone or in partnership with like-minded countries like Japan, should offer sustainable terms for infrastructure development.
Delhi also needs to contribute more to the development of Colombo’s defence and counter-terror capabilities.
(2) Answering the Tamil Question
The second structural factor shaping India’s relations with Sri Lanka is the Tamil question.
Delhi has certainly learned the dangers of being drawn too deep into the domestic conflicts of neighboring countries.
If the new government in Colombo can advance reconciliation with the Tamil minority, it will be easier for India to strengthen ties with the Gotabaya government.
(3) No china factor indeed
Labeling governments in Sri Lanka as “pro-China” or “pro-India” is irrelevant. It is evident that China’s economic and strategic salience in the subcontinent is not tied to the regime leadership.
Previous Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena who considered as pro-India came to power criticizing the Chinese projects in Sri Lanka, but within two years into power, it extended full backing to the Chinese projects.
(4) Harnessing the ray of hope
Our challenges in Sri Lanka will continue, but we are off to a good start with the new government.
The new president has made repeated statements that his government would like Sri Lanka to be a “neutral country” and that “Sri Lanka won’t do anything that will harm India’s interests.”
Gotabaya was also critical of the previous government giving Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease to China.
He went on to add that giving land as investment for developing a hotel or a commercial property was not a problem but the strategically important, economically important harbor, giving that is not acceptable.
The Rajapaksas have acknowledged that India has not interfered in the recent elections.
The first visit abroad by Gotabaya Rajapaksa to India has its own symbolic significance, translating into a diplomatic gesture his statement to the EAM that while China is a trade partner, India is a relative.
While this year’s Economic Survey focuses on improving the quality and quantity of data for better and quicker assessment of the state of the economy, it pays little attention to access to the data by citizens, ignoring the criticality of data for a healthy and informed public discourse on issues of policy relevance.
Strengthening data architecture
The government has been proactively strengthening the data architecture for tackling corruption and better targeting of beneficiaries.
Since 2014, the scope of UIDAI has seen a huge expansion.
JAM (Jan Dhan-Aadhaar-Mobile) has private details of citizens.
The government is sufficiently empowered to collect and use information about its citizens touching all the spheres of their life.
Along with traditional instruments such as the Census, sample surveys and registers of various departments, the government is now armed with real-time data.
Erosion in citizens’ right to access data and widening information gap
Delayed release of survey data: The citizen’s right to access relevant data for quality public discussion seems to be gradually eroding.
In this process, the government has refused to hold itself accountable.
This is evident from repeated events of delayed release of various survey data.
For example, data from the consumption survey 2017-18 has not yet been released.
Similarly, the first Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS 2017-18) was released only after the 2019 general election.
Undermining of scientific data: Further, instead of relying on the Annual Survey of Industries (ASI), a systematically designed survey for estimation of industrial sector GDP, the government has started to depend on self-reported, unverified data submitted to the Ministry of Corporate Affairs since 2011.
Now that ASI is nearly redundant for official estimation purposes, the future of this database is uncertain.
Another example of undermining the scientific database is the delay in the release of Water and Sanitation Survey data 2018.
The information gaps in the area of migration are well documented.
Information gap: While the JAM architecture and pandemic induced tracking tools allow for the mapping of individuals, researchers and the civil society do not have access to that information, which is useful to ascertain the level and prevalence of migration across regions within the country.
Conclusion
This data divide between the state and its citizens is a potential threat to the smooth functioning of a democracy. Without bridging this data gap, the scope of modern technology for tracking development cannot be realised.
Hate speech is at the root of many forms of violence that are being perpetrated and has become one of the biggest challenges to the rule of law and to our democratic conscience.
Consequences of hate speech
Electoral mobilisation along the communal line: One of the most visible consequences of hate speech is increased electoral mobilisation along communal lines which is also paying some electoral dividends.
Hate speech, in itself, must be understood and treated as a violent act and urgently so.
With elected members currently sitting in the legislative assemblies and Parliament giving political sanction to citizens mobilised into mob violence and complicit public officials, hate speech is becoming the dominant mode of public political participation.
Role of Election Commission
In 2019, the Supreme Court reprimanded the Election Commission, calling it “toothless” for not taking action against candidates engaging in hate speech during the election campaigns in UP.
The Commission responded by saying that it had limited powers to take action in this matter.
So far, the Supreme Court does not appear to have acted decisively in response to allegations of hate speech in electoral campaigns, indicating that the EC must assume more responsibility and the EC has argued that in matters of hate speech, it is largely “powerless”.
In any case, the EC’s role is confined to the election period.
Legal provisions to deal with hate speech
The Indian Penal Code, as per Sections 153A, 295A and 298, criminalises the promotion of enmity between different groups of people on grounds of religion and language, alongside acts that are prejudicial to maintaining communal harmony.
Section 125 of the Representation of People Act deems that any person, in connection with the election, promoting feelings of enmity and hatred on grounds of religion and caste is punishable with imprisonment up to three years and fine or both.
Section 505 criminalises multiple kinds of speech, including statements made with the intention of inducing, or which are likely to induce, fear or alarm to the public.
It covers incitement of violence against the state or another community, as well as promotion of class hatred.
Recommendations and suggestions
The Law Commission in its 267th report published in March 2017, recommended introduction of new provisions within the penal code that specifically punish incitement to violence in addition to the existing ones.
Responsibility of Media: In recent years, hate speech in all its varieties has acquired a systemic presence in the media and the internet, from electoral campaigns to everyday life.
This epidemic of mediatised hate speech is, in fact, a global phenomenon.
According to the Washington Post, 2018 can be considered as “the year of online hate”.
Conclusion
Enough damage has been done. We cannot wait another day to address this growing challenge.
With the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) governing both Delhi and Punjab, collaboration for clean air should be the mantra for both State governments.
Impact of air pollution on Delhi and Punjab
Punjab is home to nine of the 132 most polluted cities in the country identified by the Central Pollution Control Board.
In 2019, Delhi and Punjab together faced economic losses estimated to be approximately ₹18,000 crore due to worsening air pollution.
Therefore, by collaborating for clean air, both States can ensure improvements in citizen well-being and labour productivity.
How can the two States collaborate?
1] Arrive at a common understanding of sources
Those in charge of the two States must talk.
Setting aside their disagreements on the contribution of stubble burning to Delhi’s air pollution, the States should arrive at a common understanding of sources polluting the region.
2] Create platforms for knowledge exchange
Cross-learning on possible solutions: A common knowledge centre should be set up to facilitate cross-learning on possible solutions to developmental challenges in both States.
Such a centre would especially benefit Punjab given the host of measures that the Delhi government has already taken to improve air quality in Delhi.
Information on air quality levels and source assessment studies are critical in developing long-term strategies for pollution mitigation.
3] Collaborate to execute proven solutions
Co-design solutions: The two States could co-design solutions that would improve air quality.
Institutionalise a task force: They could jointly institutionalise a task force comprising experts from State-run institutions to pilot these solutions and assess their impact.
This would ensure wider acceptance of the proposed solution, which has not been the case in the past.
For instance, the PUSA bio-decomposer (developed by the Indian Agricultural Research Institute), has received mixed reviews from farmers.
The decomposer only makes sense for early maturing varieties of paddy, as even with the decomposer, stubble would take between 25 to 30 days to decompose.
Therefore, it is of little use in high burn districts such as Sangrur, Punjab, where late-maturing paddy varieties are dominant.
4] Create a market for diversified crop products
Moving away from paddy-wheat cycle: Shifting away from the ‘paddy-wheat cycle’ through crop diversification is a sure shot solution to stubble burning.
But, the lack of an assured market for agricultural products, other than wheat and paddy, has acted as a deterrent.
For years now, the Delhi government has toyed with the idea of introducing ‘Aam Aadmi kitchens’ in Delhi.
These community kitchens could potentially incorporate crops other than wheat and paddy in meals offered.
5] Extending inter-State cooperation to other States in Indo-Gangetic plains
Both State governments should assert the need for extending inter-State cooperation to other States in the Indo-Gangetic plains in different inter-State forums.
One such forum is the Northern Zonal Council which has representation from Chandigarh, Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.
Both Delhi and Punjab must use this platform to highlight the need for coordination with neighbouring States to alleviate the pollution crisis.
Conclusion
With a collaborative plan of action, we can be optimistic about cleaner air in the years to come.
One of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s closest allies warned NATO that if Sweden and Finland joined the US-led military alliance then Russia would have to bolster its defences in the region, including by deploying nuclear weapons.
Why in news?
Finland, which shares a 1,300-km border with Russia, and Sweden are considering joining the NATO alliance.
Why do they want to join NATO?
The possible accession of Finland and Sweden into NATO to get collective Western security against Russia — would be one of the biggest strategic consequences of the Ukraine war.
Finland gained independence from Russia in 1917 and fought two wars against it during Second World War during which it lost some territory to Moscow.
Sweden has not fought a war for 200 years and post-war foreign policy has focused on supporting democracy internationally, multilateral dialogue and nuclear disarmament.
What is NATO?
NATO is a military alliance established by the North Atlantic Treaty (also called the Washington Treaty) of April 4, 1949.
It sought to create a counterweight to Soviet armies stationed in Central and Eastern Europe after World War II.
Its original members were Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
NATO has spread a web of partners, namely Egypt, Israel, Sweden, Austria, Switzerland and Finland.
Why was it founded?
Ans. Communist sweep in Europe post-WWII and rise of Soviet dominance
After World War II in 1945, Western Europe was economically exhausted and militarily weak, and newly powerful communist parties had arisen in France and Italy.
By contrast, the Soviet Union had emerged from the war with its armies dominating all the states of central and Eastern Europe.
By 1948 communists under Moscow’s sponsorship had consolidated their control of the governments of those countries and suppressed all non-communist political activity.
What became known as the Iron Curtain, a term popularized by Winston Churchill, had descended over central and Eastern Europe.
Ideology of NATO
NATO ensures that the security of its European member countries is inseparably linked to that of its North American member countries.
It commits the Allies to democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law, as well as to the peaceful resolution of disputes.
It also provides a unique forum for dialogue and cooperation across the Atlantic.
What is Article 5 and why is it needed?
Article 5 was a key part of the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty, or Washington Treaty, and was meant to offer a collective defence against a potential invasion of Western Europe.
It states: (NATO members) will assist the party or parties so attacked by taking forthwith, individually and in concert with the other parties, such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area.
However, since then, it has only been invoked once, soon after the 9/11 attack in the United States.
Why has Article 5 not been invoked this time?
The reason is simple: Ukraine is a partner of the Western defence alliance but not a NATO member.
As a result, Article 5, or the Collective Defence Pledge, does not apply.
While NATO has said it will not be sending troops to Ukraine, it did invoke Article 4, which calls for a consultation of the alliance’s principal decision-making body, the North Atlantic Council.
In its history, it has only been activated half a dozen times.
But the fact that this time around eight-member nations chose to invoke it was enough to demonstrate the seriousness of the situation at a global level.
What may prompt NATO to invoke Article 5?
NATO will invoke Article 5 only if Russia launches a full-blown attack on one of its allies.
Some top US officials have warned of the impact of some of Russia’s cyberattacks being felt in NATO countries.
When you launch cyberattacks, they don’t recognize geographic boundaries.
Some of that cyberattack could actually start shutting down systems in eastern Poland.
But what is NATO’s problem with Russia?
Russia has long been opposed to Ukraine’s growing closeness with European institutions, particularly NATO.
The former Soviet republic shares borders with Russia on one side, and the European Union on the other.
After Moscow launched its attack, the US and its allies were quick to respond, imposing sanctions on Russia’s central bank and sovereign wealth funds.
India is likely to receive a normal monsoon for the fourth consecutive year, the India Meteorological Department (IMD) said in its first Long Range Forecast (LRF) for this year.
What is Long Period Average (LPA)?
The IMD predicts a “normal”, “below normal”, or “above normal” monsoon in relation to a benchmark “long period average” (LPA).
The LPA of rainfall is the rainfall recorded over a particular region for a given interval (like month or season) average over a long period like 30 years, 50 years, etc.
LPA refers to the average rainfall recorded from June to September for the entire country, the amount of rain that falls every year varies from region to region and from month to month.
The IMD’s prediction of a normal monsoon is based on the LPA of the 1971-2020 period, during which India received 87 cm of rain for the entire country on average.
It has in the past calculated the LPA at 88 cm for the 1961-2010 period, and at 89 cm for the period 1951-2000.
Why LPA is needed?
The IMD records rainfall data at more than 2,400 locations and 3,500 rain-gauge stations.
Because annual rainfall can vary greatly not just from region to region and from month to month, but also from year to year within a particular region or month.
An LPA is needed to smooth out trends so that a reasonably accurate prediction can be made.
A 50-year LPA covers for large variations in either direction caused by freak years of unusually high or low rainfall, as well as for the periodic drought years.
It also takes into account the increasingly common extreme weather events caused by climate change.
Range of normal rainfall
The IMD maintains five rainfall distribution categories on an all-India scale. These are:
Normal or near normal, when the percentage departure of actual rainfall is +/-10% of LPA, that is, between 96-104% of LPA;
Below normal, when departure of actual rainfall is less than 10% of LPA, that is 90-96% of LPA;
Above normal, when actual rainfall is 104-110% of LPA;
Deficient, when departure of actual rainfall is less than 90% of LPA; and
Excess, when the departure of actual rainfall is more than 110% of LPA.
The Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA) has launched ‘SVANidhi se Samriddhi’ program in additional 126 cities across 14 States/ UTs.
About PM SVANidhi Scheme
The Pradhan Mantri Street Vendor’s Atmanirbhar Nidhi Scheme is aimed at benefiting over 50 lakh vendors who had their businesses operational on or before March 24 2020.
It is a Central Sector Scheme.
The scheme was announced by Finance Minister as a part of the economic package for those affected by the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown.
The loans are meant to help kick-start activity for vendors who have been left without any income since the lockdown was implemented on March 25.
The scheme was valid until March 2022.
What is SVANidhi se Samriddhi Program?
SVANidhi se Samriddhi program was started to provide social security benefits to street vendors for their holistic development and socio-economic upliftment.
Quality Council of India (QCI) is the implementing partner for the programme.
Under the program, socio-economic profiling of PMSVANidhi beneficiaries and their families is conducted to assess their eligibility for 8 Government of India’s welfare schemes and facilitate sanctions of eligible schemes.
These schemes include:
Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana,
PM Suraksha Bima Yojana,
Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana,
Registration under Building and other Constructions Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act (BOCW),
Pradhan Mantri Shram Yogi Maandhan Yojana,
National Food Security Act (NFSA) portability benefit – One Nation One Ration Card (ONORC),
After weeks of economic turmoil, Sri Lanka announced that it would be defaulting on all of its external debt worth $51 billion.
After running out of foreign exchange for imports, Colombo called the move a last resort.
The island nation is grappling with its worst economic downturn since independence, with regular blackouts and acute shortages of food and fuel.
Sri Lankan Crisis: A backgrounder
(1) Fragility of Sri Lankan Economy
Post-independence from the British in 1948, Sri Lanka’s agriculture was dominated by export-oriented crops such as tea, coffee, rubber and spices.
A large share of its gross domestic product came from the foreign exchange earned from exporting these crops. That money was used to import essential food items.
Over the years, the country also began exporting garments, and earning foreign exchange from tourism and remittances (money sent into Sri Lanka from abroad, perhaps by family members).
Any decline in exports would come as an economic shock, and put foreign exchange reserves under strain.
(2) Series of BoP Crises
For this reason, Sri Lanka frequently encountered balance of payments crises.
From 1965 onwards, it obtained 16 loans from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Each of these loans came with conditions including that once Sri Lanka received the loan they had to reduce their budget deficit, maintain a tight monetary policy, cut government subsidies for food for the people of Sri Lanka, and depreciate the currency.
But usually in periods of economic downturns, good fiscal policy dictates governments should spend more to inject stimulus into the economy. This becomes impossible with the IMF conditions.
Despite this situation, the IMF loans kept coming, and a led the economy soaked up more and more debt.
The last IMF loan to Sri Lanka was in 2016. The country received US$1.5 billion for three years from 2016 to 2019.
The conditions were familiar, and the economy’s health nosedived over this period. Growth, investments, savings and revenues fell, while the debt burden rose.
(3) Terror attack changed the course
A bad situation turned worse with two economic shocks in 2019.
There was a series of bomb blasts in churches and luxury hotels in Colombo in April 2019.
The blasts led to a steep decline in tourist arrivals – with some reports stating up to an 80% drop – and drained foreign exchange reserves.
Second, the new government under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa irrationally cut taxes.
Growth demands stability and stability lies on effective leadership which is totally blurred in Sri lanka which is suffering from ongoing financial crisis.
(4) Pandemic
In March 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic struck.
In April 2021, the Rajapaksa government made another fatal mistake. To prevent the drain of foreign exchange reserves, all fertiliser imports were completely banned.
Sri Lanka was declared a 100% organic farming nation.
This policy, which was withdrawn in November 2021, led to a drastic fall in agricultural production and more imports became necessary.
A fall in the productivity of tea and rubber due to the ban on fertiliser also led to lower export incomes.
(5) Immediate triggers of the crisis
Leadership issues: Another instance that proved detrimental for Sri Lankan leadership is government where few members of the cabinets were immediate relatives of the Prime Minister (Rajapaksas).
Ukraine War: The invasion of Ukraine has further exacerbated the economic calamity of the country as Russia is the second biggest market to Sri Lanka in tea exports and its tourism sector is heavily reliant upon these two nations as most of the tourist arrivals are from Russia and Ukraine.
All these factors led to the implosion of Sri Lankan economy.
Is China the real culprit behind?
Many believe Sri Lanka’s economic relations with China are a main driver behind the crisis. The United States has called this phenomenon “debt-trap diplomacy”.
This is where a creditor country or institution extends debt to a borrowing nation to increase the lender’s political leverage – if the borrower extends itself and cannot pay the money back, they are at the creditor’s mercy.
A reality check
Sri Lanka’s economy, in recent months, started experiencing, what economists refer to as a ‘twin crisis’: in form of a combined balance of payment and sovereign debt crisis.
(1) Debts
The most “burdensome debt” in terms of maturity and rates is typically owed to international sovereign bonds.
Loans from China accounted for only about 10% of Sri Lanka’s total foreign debt in 2020.
The largest portion – about 30% – can be attributed to international sovereign bonds.
Japan actually accounts for a higher proportion of their foreign debt, at 11%.
(2) Losses from Ports
Defaults over China’s infrastructure-related loans to Sri Lanka, especially the financing of the Hambantota port, are being cited as factors contributing to the crisis.
But these facts don’t add up. The construction of the Hambantota port was financed by the Chinese Exim Bank.
The port was running losses, so Sri Lanka leased out the port for 99 years to the Chinese Merchant’s Group, which paid Sri Lanka US$1.12 billion.
Repercussions of the crisis
Sustenance crisis: For Sri Lankans, the crisis has turned their daily lives into an endless cycle of waiting in lines for basic goods, many of which are being rationed.
Energy sources exhausted: Soldiers are stationed at gas stations to calm customers, who line up for hours in the searing heat to fill their tanks. Some people have even died waiting.
Sacking of the public savings: Even members of the middle class with savings are frustrated, fearing they could run out of essentials like medicine or gas.
Public outrage: Meanwhile, Sri Lanka has imposed several curbs on social media and news flow, its stock market and currency is sharply down. Unrest is brewing, so police action, possibly brutal, looks inevitable.
What’s next for Sri Lanka?
In all probability, Sri Lanka will now obtain a 17th IMF loan to tide over the present crisis, which will come with fresh conditions.
Sri Lanka is now seeking financial support from the IMF and turning to regional powers that may be able to help.
Earlier, President Rajapaksa had weighed the pros and cons of working with the IMF and had decided to pursue a bailout from the US.
Sri Lanka has also requested help from China and India, with New Delhi already issuing a credit line of $1 billion in March.
Lessons to be learnt
(1) For India
While the Sri Lankan economic crisis may not directly impact India for now, the crisis itself offers useful political economy lessons for the Indian government.
Populist freebies has a dear cost: A majoritarian government announcing populist measures amidst a low-growth performance cycle creates macroeconomic crisis scenarios over time.
SL had fared better than India: Unlike Sri Lanka, India’s per capita income and performance in social sectors like healthcare, education and social security is worse.
Long term inflation is risky: India’s unemployment and joblessness crisis is far worse – in aggregate. Inflation too has remained high with the RBI struggling to keep consumer prices low.
The idea here is not to compare Sri Lanka with India as like-with-like. They are two different and geographically distinct nation-states with different social, political and economic features.
(2) Other SAARC members
Nations are collapsing: From Afghanistan and Pakistan, and now, Sri Lanka (with Nepal in queue), each nation’s political economy landscape appears to be in a depressing situation.
SAARC has become dysfunctional: Besides India, no other South Asian countries have offered any form of support or assistance to Sri Lanka, which raises alarm over the absence of regional cooperation in South Asia.
Way forward
Fiscal consolidation and discipline: What the Lankan economy would need is a robust path towards revenue based fiscal consolidation.
Near-term monetary policy tightening: It is needed to ensure that the recent breach of the inflation target band is only temporary.
Institution building reforms: such as revamping the fiscal rule, would also help ensure the credibility of the strategy, as the IMF report suggests.
Flexible exchange rate policy: Other (longer-term) reforms would need to include the creation of a flexible exchange rate policy and a medium-to-long-term debt reduction strategy, while ensuring most government spending in targeted social areas continues for developmental objectives.
Conclusion
It is no doubt that the over-dependence on China for economic development could be a miserable option for any country, and the latest examples of it, are Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
Also, Sri Lanka is a prime example of a third world country led by a post-colonial elite on the brisk of collapsing as a nation.
