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Distribution: weekly

  • Places in the news: Sittwe Port

    Context

    Notwithstanding the unfortunate developments since the Tatmadaw took over, a recalibration exercise for developing a robust relationship with Naypyidaw is the need of the hour.

    Need for proactive neighbourhood policy with Myanmar

    • Security and economic interests: India should implement an unbiased and proactive “Neighbourhood First” strategy that facilitates the Act East policy crucial for India’s long-term security and economic interests.
    • Myanmar — regardless of who governs its polity — is not only the decisive lynchpin for India’s Act East policy but critical for the economic development and security of India’s Northeast.
    • China factor: Such a policy should take into account the measures that China has taken to arm the Tatmadaw.

    How to support Myanmar?

    • Critical requirements: India should find ways to support Naypyidaw for its critical requirements of systems and platforms like UAVs, surveillance systems and communication equipment.
    • Economic engagement: There is a need for dynamic economic engagement with Myanmar, to expedite the completion of the earlier agreement on the operationalisation of the Sittwe port, the establishment of an oil refinery and joint vaccine production facilities at a cost of $6 billion.
    • People-to-people goodwill: India also needs to proactively employ the existing “people-to-people” goodwill and proximate ties between the two armies.
    • Engage with military leadership to stop highhandedness: India has the singular advantage of acceptability from both factions in Myanmar and it is, therefore, imperative that it takes the lead in engaging with the ruling military leadership, to stop the highhandedness.
    • The visit by India’s Foreign Secretary to Myanmar in the last week of December 2021 was significant.
    • It conveyed the message that India, notwithstanding its commitment to democracy, is amenable to conduct business with the country, regardless of who is in the seat of power.

    Conclusion

    It is of the utmost importance for India to positively engage Naypyidaw and stave off attempts to exploit Myanmar by countries inimical to India’s growth. Any ambiguity or delay in India’s constructive engagement with Myanmar would only serve the interests of anti-India forces.

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  • What is a K-shaped Economic Recovery?

    Former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan has said that the government needed to do more to prevent a K-shaped recovery of the economy hit by the coronavirus pandemic.

    K-Shaped Recovery

    • A K-shaped recovery occurs when, following a recession, different parts of the economy recover at different rates, times, or magnitudes.
    • This is in contrast to an even, uniform recovery across sectors, industries, or groups of people.
    • A K-shaped recovery leads to changes in the structure of the economy or the broader society as economic outcomes and relations are fundamentally changed before and after the recession.
    • This type of recovery is called K-shaped because the path of different parts of the economy when charted together may diverge, resembling the two arms of the Roman letter “K.”

    Try these PYQ:

     

    Q.Economic growth in country X will necessarily have to occur if-

     

    (a) There is technical progress in the world economy

    (b) There is population growth in X

    (c) There is capital formation in X

    (d) The volume of trade grows in the world economy

    Implications of a K-Shaped Recovery

    • Households at the bottom have experienced a permanent loss of income in the forms of jobs and wage cuts; this will be a recurring drag on demand, if the labour market does not heal faster.
    • To the extent that Covid has triggered an effective income transfer from the poor to the rich, this will be demand-impeding because the poor tend to spend-instead of saving.
    • If Covid-19 reduces competition or increases the inequality of incomes and opportunities, it could impinge on trend growth in developing economies by hurting productivity and tightening political economy constraints.

    Also read:

    Shapes of Economic Recovery

     

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  • What are Non-Fungible Tokens (NFTs)?

    A French luxury fashion brand is suing American digital artist who created a series of NFTs (Non-Fungible Tokens), a rapidly growing part of the cryptoworld.

    Non-Fungible Tokens

    • An NFT is a unique, irreplaceable token that can be used to prove ownership of digital assets such as music, artwork, even tweets and memes.
    • The term ‘non-fungible’ simply means that each token is different as opposed to a fungible currency such as money (a ten-rupee note can be exchanged for another and so on).
    • Cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin and Ethereum are also fungible, which means that one Bitcoin can be exchanged for another.
    • But an NFT cannot be exchanged for another NFT because the two are different and therefore unique.
    • Each token has a different value, depending on which asset it represents.

    How does NFT transaction take place?

    • NFT transactions are recorded on blockchains, which is a digital public ledger, with most NFTs being a part of the Ethereum blockchain.
    • NFTs became popular in 2021, when they were beginning to be seen by artists as a convenient way to monetize their work.

    Why are they in high demand?

    • One of the other attractions is that NFTs are a part of a new kind of financial system called decentralized finance (DeFi), which does away with the involvement of institutions such as banks.
    • For this reason, decentralized finance is seen as a more democratic financial system because it makes access to capital easier for lay people by essentially eliminating the role of banks and other associated institutions.
    • Even so, because NFTs operate in a decentralized system, any person can sell a digital asset as one.
    • This can sometimes create problems. For instance, if you were to sell someone else’s artwork as an NFT, you could essentially be infringing on a copyright.

     

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  • [pib] One District One Product (ODOP) Initiative

    As a major boost to Centre and State collaboration in promoting products under the ODOP Initiative – a State Conference was recently held by the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT).

    One District One Product (ODOP)

    • ODOP spearheaded by the Uttar Pradesh government in 2018, is an important initiative that is being adopted all over India to realize the true potential of each district.
    • ODOP is an initiative which is seen as a transformational step forward towards realizing the true potential of a district, fuel economic growth and generates employment and rural entrepreneurship.
    • It is operationally merged with ‘Districts as Export Hub’ initiative being implemented by DPIIT as a major stakeholder.
    • The main philosophy is to select, brand and promote one product from each district of India that has a specific characteristic feature to enable profitable trade in that product and generate employment.

    Why need this scheme?

    • India is home to several agricultural and non-agricultural (including manufacturing) products that are region-specific.
    • Every district has products that are unique and provide livelihoods and generate income.
    • This scheme is in tune with the PM’s call to transform every district into an export hub and realize the goal of Atmanirbhar Bharat.

    What needs to be done for its success?

    The important aspect that the policy initiatives in India should thus be mindful of are:

    • Ownership of the initiative should lie at the center of implementation.
    • The stakeholders irrespective of the sector along the value chain need to be identified and provided information and awareness.
    • It is important to streamline other initiatives such as registration of Geographical Indications (GI), formation and development of farmer producer organizations etc.

     

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  • [Burning Issue] IAS cadre rules amendments

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    Context

    The Central Government has proposed four amendments to Rule 6(1) of the IAS (Cadre) Rules, 1954 dealing with deputation, and has sought the views of State governments before January 25, 2022.

    Historical background of All India Services

    • It was Sardar Patel who had championed the creation of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) and the Indian Police Service (IPS) as “All India Services” (AIS) whose members would be recruited and appointed by the Centre and allotted to various States, and who could serve both under the State and the Centre.
    • Speaking to the Constituent Assembly on October 10, 1949, Patel said, “The Union will go, you will not have a united India if you have not a good All India Service which has the independence to speak out its mind, which has a sense of security….”.
    • The All India Services (AIS) comprises three civil services:
    1. the Indian Administrative Service,
    2. the Indian Police Service and
    3. the Indian Forest Service
    • A unique feature of the AIS is that the members of these services are recruited by the centre (Union government in federal polity), but their services are placed under various State cadres.
    • They have the liability to serve both under the State and under the centre.
    • Officers of these three services comply to the All India Services Rules relating to pay, conduct, leave, various allowances etc.
    • The All India Services Act, 1951, provides for the creation of two more All India Services, namely, the Indian Engineering Service and the Indian Medical Service.

    Central deputation of All India Service officers

    • Consultative process: AIS officers are made available for central deputation through a consultative process involving the Centre, the States and the officers concerned.
    • The Centre would choose officers only from among those “on offer” from the States.
    • Concurrence of the State government: The existing Rule 6(1) states that a cadre officer may be deputed to the Central Government (or to another State or a PSU) only with the concurrence of the State Government concerned.
    • However, it has a proviso which states that in case of any disagreement, the matter shall be decided by the Central Government.
    • Unfortunately, both the Centre and the States have at times flouted these healthy conventions for political considerations.

    The politicization of the deputation process

    • Unfortunately, both the Centre and the States have at times flouted the above healthy conventions for political considerations.
    • In July 2001, the Centre unilaterally “placed at its disposal” the services of three IPS officers of Tamil Nadu cadre.
    • In December 2020, the Centre did the same in respect of three IPS officers of West Bengal cadre.
    • In May 2021, the Centre unilaterally issued orders for the central deputation of the Chief Secretary of West Bengal just before his last day in service.
    • In all these cases, the States concerned refused to relieve the officers. 
    • Some States used to vindictively withhold the names of some of the officers who had opted for central deputation or delay their relief after they were picked up by the Centre.
    • On the other hand, Union government was unable to fill vacancies at director and joint secretary level in various Central ministries.
    • Around 40% or 390 Central Staffing Scheme (CSS) posts are at joint secretary level (more than 19 years experience) and 60% or 540 such posts are at the rank of deputy secretary (nine years) or director rank (14 years of service).
    • The proposed amendment to rule: The Central Government has proposed four amendments to Rule 6(1) of the IAS (Cadre) Rules, 1954 dealing with deputation.

    Proposed amendments

    Four amendments are proposed to Rule 6 of IAS (Cadre) Rules.

    • One of the major changes proposed is if the State government delays posting a State cadre officer to the Centre within the specified time, “the officer shall stand relieved from cadre from the date as may be specified by the Central government.”
      • Presently, officers have to get a no-objection clearance from the State government for Central deputation.
    • The other change proposed is the Centre will decide the actual number of officers to be deputed to the Central government in consultation with the State and the latter should make eligible the names of such officers
      • According to existing norms, States have to depute the All India Services (AIS) officers, including IPS officers, to the Central government offices and at any point it cannot be more than 40% of the total cadre strength.
    • The third proposed amendment says that in case of any disagreement between the Centre and the State, the matter shall be decided by the Central government and the State shall give effect to the decision of the Centre “within a specified time.”
    • The fourth change proposed is that in specific situation (discretionary power) where services of cadre officers are required by the Central government in “public interest” the State shall give effect to its decisions within a specified time.

    Is the problem acute?

    • According to 2021 data, of the total 6,709 IAS officers in the country, 445 were posted with the Union — only 6.6%. In 2014, of the 4,605 officers, 651 were posted with the Union (14 %).
    • In 2021, only 10% mid-level IAS officers (deputy secretary/director, 9-14 years experience) were posted with the Centre in 2021, a sharp fall from 19% in 2014, even though the total pool of such officers at this rank expanded from 621 in 2014 to 1130 in 2021, an increase of around 80%.

    Issues with the proposed amendments

    • The contemplated changes have grave implications for the independence, security and morale of IAS officers.
    • Infringement of rights of States: States are right in perceiving the proposed amendments as a serious infringement of their rights to deploy IAS officers as they deem best, especially when the cutting edge of policy implementation is mostly at the State level.
    • States may prefer officers of the State Civil Services to handle as many posts as possible.
    • Against cooperative federalism: In S.R. Bommai vs Union of India (1994), the Supreme Court held that “States have an independent constitutional existence and they have as important a role to play in the political, social, educational and cultural life of the people as the Union. They are neither satellites nor agents of the Centre”.
    • Consent of Officers neglected: The proposed amendment more or less compels a State government to offer IAS officers for central deputation even when these officers themselves may not wish to go on central deputation.
    • Scope for Political Misuse: New rules may be misused for political considerations. For instance: Centre can unilaterally place at its disposal the services of the Chief Secretary, Principal Secretary to CM and other key officers of a State ruled by a rival party, thereby hampering the smooth administration of states.
    • May decline the sheen of All India Services: The contemplated changes have grave implications for the independence, security and morale of IAS officers. If States begin to doubt the loyalty of IAS officers, they are likely to reduce the number of IAS cadre posts and also their annual intake of IAS officers. They may prefer officers of the State Civil Services to handle as many posts as possible

    Conclusion

    In a federal setup, it is inevitable that differences and disputes would arise between the Centre and the States. But all such quarrels should be resolved in the spirit of cooperative federalism and keeping the larger national interest in mind.

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  • Budgeting for the education emergency

    Context

    Faced with an unprecedented education emergency, this is the time to substantially ramp up public spending on education and make it more effective.

    Low allocation for education

    • UNESCO’s 2030 framework for action suggests public education spending levels of between 4% and 6% of GDP and 15%-20% of public expenditure.
    • A recent World Bank study notes that India spent 14.1 % of its budget on education, compared to 18.5% in Vietnam and 20.6% in Indonesia, countries with similar levels of GDP.
    • But since India has a higher share of population under the age of 19 years than these countries, it should actually be allocating a greater share of the budget than these countries.
    • Public spending on education in most States in India was below that of other middle-income countries even before the pandemic.
    • Most major States spent in the range of 2.5% to 3.1% of State income on education, according to the Ministry of Education’s Analysis of Budgeted Expenditure on Education.
    • This compares with the 4.3% of GDP that lower-middle-income countries spent, as a group, between 2010-11 and 2018-19.
    •  In the 2021-22 Budget, the Central government’s allocation for the Education Department was slashed compared to the previous year, even though the size of the overall budget increased.
    • Of the major States and Delhi, eight either reduced or just about maintained their budget allocation for education departments in 2021-22 compared to 2020-21.

    Way forward

    • The vast majority of the 260 million children enrolled in preschool and school, especially in government schools, did not have meaningful structured learning opportunities during the 20 months of school closures.
    • Infusion of resources: The education system now needs not only an infusion of resources for multiple years, but also a strengthened focus on the needs of the poor and disadvantaged children.
    • What it is spent on and how effectively resources are used are important.
    • It is clear what additional resources are required for.
    • The needs include: back-to-school campaigns and re-enrolment drives; expanded nutrition programmes; reorganisation of the curriculum to help children learn language and mathematics in particular, and support their socio-emotional development, especially in early grades; additional learning materials; teacher training and ongoing support; additional education programmes and collection and analysis of data.
    • Focus on teacher training:  How does expenditure on technology compare with the amounts spent on teacher training, which represents just 0.15% of total estimated expenditure on elementary education?
    • Teachers are central to the quality of education, so why does India spend so little on teacher training?

    The opacity of education finance data in India

    • The opacity of education finance data makes it difficult to comprehend this.
    • For instance, the combined Central and State government spending on education was estimated to be 2.8% of GDP in 2018-19, according to the Economic Survey of 2020-21.
    • This figure had remained at the same level since 2014-15.
    • On the other hand, data from the Ministry of Education indicates that public spending on education had reached 4.3% of GDP in the same year, rising from 3.8% of GDP in 2011-12.
    • The difference in the figures is due to the inclusion of expenditure on education by departments other than the Education Department.
    •  Including expenditure on education by, for example, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment (on Anganwadis, scholarships, etc.), the Ministry of Science and Technology (for higher education) is of course legitimate.
    • However, the composition of these expenditures is not readily available.

    Conclusion

    The questions for this Budget should be clear. How much additional funds are being allocated for different levels of education by the principal departments in 2021-22? Are the funds being spent on the specific measures required to address the education emergency facing the children?

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  • A chance to support growth, fiscal consolidation

    Context

    The adverse effect of the third wave of COVID-19, which is mainly affecting the last quarter of 2021-22, may call for a further downward adjustment in the growth rate to about 9%.

    Growth in FY 2021-22

    •  As per the NSO’s advance estimates, at the end of 2021-22, the magnitude of GDP in real terms is estimated at INR₹147.5-lakh crore that is only a shade higher than INR₹145.7-lakh crore in 2019-20.
    • Thus, due to the three waves of COVID-19 that India has experienced, two years of real growth in economic activities have been wiped out. 
    • As per the advance estimates, the gross fixed capital formation (GFCF) relative to GDP at current prices stands at 29.6% in 2021-22.
    • Capacity utilisation in India continues to have considerable slack.
    • Private final consumption expenditure (PFCE) also shows a low growth of 6.9% in 2021-22.
    • Any pick-up in demand would continue to be constrained by low-income growth in sectors characterised by a high marginal propensity to consume (MPC) such as the trade, transport, et al. sector and the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise (MSME) sector more broadly.
    • It may thus be prudent to expect a real GDP growth in the range of 6%-7%.
    • Growth in 2022-23 would also continue to be constrained by supply-side bottlenecks and high prices of global crude and primary products.
    • Growth in 2022-23 would depend on the basic determinants such as the saving and investment rates in the economy.

    Suggestions

    • Extend GST compensation period: The GST compensation provision would also come to an end in June 2022.
    • This would cause a major revenue shock at least for some States such as Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Andhra Pradesh.
    • While this matter may be considered by the GST Council, the compensation arrangement should be extended by two years in some modified form.
    • With respect to non-tax receipts, the scope of the National Monetization Pipeline (NMP) may be extended to cover monetisation of government-owned land assets.
    • Disinvestment initiatives may have to be accelerated.
    • Expenditure prioritisation in 2022-23 should focus on reviving both consumption and investment demand.
    • Urban counterpart to MGNREGA: Since consumption demand remains weak, some fiscal support in the form of an urban counterpart to Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) may be considered.

    Focusing on fiscal consolidation

    • It would be appropriate now to consider a graduated return to fiscal consolidation while using fiscal policy to lay the base for faster growth in the years to come.
    • The Fifteenth Finance Commission had suggested a fiscal consolidation path where the Centre’s fiscal deficit was benchmarked at 5.5% of GDP for 2022-23.
    • In their pessimistic scenario, it was kept at 6% of GDP. 
    • It may be prudent to limit the reduction in fiscal deficit-GDP ratio to about 1% point of GDP in 2022-23.
    • This would imply a fiscal deficit in the range of 5.5%-6% of GDP.
    • From here on, a stepwise reduction of 0.5% points per year would enable a level of about 4% of GDP by 2025-26.
    • By this time, as suggested by the Fifteenth Finance Commission, a high-powered inter-governmental group should be constituted to re-examine the sustainability parameters of debt and fiscal deficit of the central and state governments.

    Conclusion

    Expenditure prioritisation in 2022-23 should focus on reviving both consumption and investment demand while aiming for the gradual return to the fiscal consolidation.

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  • Netaji’s relationship with Nehru, Gandhi and the Congress

    In public discourse, the popular imagination of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose is increasing all across the length and breadth of our country these days.

    Back in 2016, when there was ruckus over de-classification of some files associated with Netaji, a question too appeared in UPSC CSE Mains:

     

    Q. Highlight the differences in the approach of Subhash Chandra Bose and Mahatma Gandhi in the struggle for freedom.

     

    We can expect a repetition again considering the scale of ongoing debate around Netaji and the vitality of his INA leading to immediate withdrawal of British rulers from India.

    Also read:

    Celebration of Parakram Diwas

    Context

    The Bose-Gandhi rivalry is frequently understood as the biggest dichotomy of the Indian nationalist movement.

    Bose: A complex character of freedom movement

    • Bose was a complex character. His complexity comes alive when one realizes his disagreement with the Congress leadership, when Bose took over the Indian National Army (INA).
    • He constituted four regiments, three of which were named after Gandhi, Nehru and Maulana Azad.
    • He had profound respect for his colleagues.
    • In 1943, while Gandhi was in jail, Bose on the former’s birthday gave a moving address over the Azad Hind Radio where he referred to Gandhi as ‘father of the nation’.
    • This was probably the first time this epithet was used for Gandhi, and soon it became ubiquitous.

    Bose and his association with INC

    • Bose was a key member and a frontline leader of the Indian National Congress.
    • He plunged into the anti-colonial movement under Gandhi’s leadership in 1921 and rose to be the president of the Congress in 1938 and 39.
    • There were certain differences of opinion with the Gandhian high command in 1939, but he remained true to the Congress ideal of freedom.

    Joining the Indian National Congress

    • On July 16, 1921, Bose had returned to Bombay from London where he had gone on his father’s insistence to prepare for the Indian Civil Services examination.
    • Despite qualifying for the services he had refused to take up the opportunity.
    • Such was Bose’s zeal to join the freedom struggle that on the very afternoon he arrived in India he went to meet Gandhi at Mani Bhawan.

    Relations with the mainstream leaders

    (A) Bose vs. Gandhi

    • Bose wanted to know how the different aspects of the movement were going to culminate in the non-payment of taxes, the last stage of the campaign.
    • Secondly, he wanted to know how the non-payment of taxes would eventually force the British to leave and thirdly how Gandhi could promise Swaraj in one year.
    • On Gandhi’s advice Bose moved to Calcutta, where he worked closely with the lawyer and Congress leader C R Das.
    • As president of the Congress, his first disagreement with Gandhi happened in December 1938 when Bose was eager to form a coalition government in Bengal along with the Krishak Praja Party.
    • The following year, Bose was hopeful for re-election as Congress president. A second term was very rare and Gandhi was pretty much against the idea of re-electing Bose.
    • Bose found support from the younger and left leaning members of the Congress and also from the literary giant Rabindranath Tagore.
    • Tagore had personally written to Gandhi requesting a second term for Bose. However, Bose was aggrieved to know that Gandhi saw this as a ‘personal defeat’.

    (B) Bose vs. Nehru

    • Both leaders were of same age, similar political leanings and often finding themselves frustrated by Gandhi’s commitment to non-violence.
    • However, while Nehru was starry-eyed in his reverence for Gandhi, Bose though immensely respectful of Gandhi, found his political strategies to be ambiguous.
    • Bose and Nehru had been in prison at that time and both expressed disappointment and anger over unilateral withdrawal of non-cooperation movement over Chauri Chaura incident.
    • Both were left-leaning radical men, unswerving in their commitment to ‘purna swaraj’ and to the forming of a socialist state in independent India.
    • When Bose sought the support of the Nazi government in Germany, he found himself ideologically at the farthest end to Nehru’s views.

    (C) Bose vs. Patel

    • In response to Bose’s re-election, several members of the Congress Working Committee resigned including Vallabhbhai Patel and Rajendra Prasad.
    • Patel had an old rivalry with Bose, which was both personal and political.
    • Their relationship had deteriorated rapidly with the death of Patel’s elder brother Vithalbhai in 1933.
    • Bose had been very close to Vithalbhai and had nursed him during his last days.
    • In his will, Vithalbhai had left a substantial portion of his property to Bose.
    • Vallabhbhai had cast aspersions on the authenticity of the will and a long legal battle had followed culminating in the victory of Patel.

    As Congress president

    • In February 1938 Bose had taken over as president of the Congress and the next two years would be defining in creating his political profile as a Congressman and in drawing the rift with Gandhi and Nehru.
    • At the Haripura session of the Congress, Bose made his presidential address, which is known to be the lengthiest and most important speech he ever made to the party.
    • He made it clear that he stood for unqualified Swaraj.
    • However, it needs to be noted that nowhere in the speech did Bose suggest any criticism or deviation from Gandhi’s methods.

    Resignation from INC

    • On April 29, 1939 Bose resigned from his post as president of the Congress Party.
    • In a statement to the press, he mentioned the efforts he had made to find a common ground with Gandhi.
    • These having failed, he felt his presidency may be a sort of obstacle or handicap in the path of the Congress as it sought to reconcile its two wings.

    Life after leaving Congress

    (A) World War II

    • In September 1939 German tanks invaded Poland, marking the beginning of the Second World War.
    • The war was to have a most significant impact in the history of modern India.
    • Bose was a special invitee in the three-day meeting of the Congress Working Committee from September 9 to decide India’s position on the war.
    • For Bose, the war served as a golden opportunity for India to launch a civil disobedience movement in order to win independence.
    • For Bose the stance taken by the resolution to support British was completely unacceptable.
    • Nehru had nothing but hatred towards Fascism and Nazism and sought for some concessions from the British government to fight Mussolini and Hitler.

    (B) Escape to Germany

    • Bose organized mass protests in Calcutta for the removal of the Holwell monument that stood in Dalhousie Square as a memorial to those who died in the Black Hole of Calcutta.
    • He was arrested by the British government for the protests, but was released soon after he went into a seven-day hunger strike.
    • Bose’s arrest and the subsequent release set the scene for him to escape to Germany via Afghanistan and the Soviet Union.

    After Netaji’s demise ( rather disappearance)

    • It is also worth noting that at the end of the Second World War, Nehru put on his barrister’s gown and joined the defense team for the INA prisoners at the time of the Red Fort trials.
    • In the several speeches of Nehru after Bose’s death, the former referred to Netaji in the most affectionate way.
    • In August 1947, in his first speech from the ramparts of the Red Fort, Nehru mentioned only two people by name and were Gandhi and Bose. It was quite a warm reference.

     

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  • Suspension of MLAs

    • Some legislators were suspended for one year by the Maharashtra Assembly for alleged disorderly conduct.
    • The unusually long period of suspension has been questioned by the Supreme Court, which is hearing a challenge to the Assembly’s action.

    A case in apex court

    • The court has reserved its judgment after hearing elaborate arguments.
    • The main question before the court is whether suspension for a whole year is valid.

    Suspending MLAs: A fact check

    • Each state has their individual rules for the conduct of assembly. These rules provides for the suspension of MLAs.
    • Under Rule 53 of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly Rules, 1960, only the Speaker has the power to suspend MLAs indulging in unruly behavior.
    • Therefore, the motion to suspend cannot be put to vote as this would allow the Government to suspend as many Members of Opposition as it sees fit.

    Constitutional ground behind this suspension

    • The Court referred to Article 190 (4) of the Constitution which says that if for a period of 60 days, a member of a House, without its permission, is absent; the House may declare his or her seat vacant.
    • Suspension of MLAs beyond this period would lead to their disqualification.

    What did the Supreme Court observe?

    • Suspension of the MLAs would amount to punishing the constituencies as a whole.
    • Each constituency has equal amount of right to be represented in the House, observed the court.
    • The apex court observed that any state cannot create a constitutional void, a hiatus situation for any constituency.
    • It said the House cannot suspend a member beyond 59 days.

    What does the State government say?

    • Counsel for the State government has argued that there is no limitation on the power of the legislature to punish for breach of privilege or disorderly conduct in the course of its proceedings.
    • Once the power to punish a member for disorderly conduct is recognized, there can be no judicial review of the manner in which it is exercised.
    • Further, during suspension, a member continues to hold office, but only loses their voice in the legislature.

     

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  • Kerala gets its first-ever Scientific Bird Atlas

    The Kerala Bird Atlas (KBA), the first-of-its-kind State-level bird atlas in India, has created solid baseline data about the distribution and abundance of bird species across all major habitats, giving an impetus to futuristic studies.

    Kerala Bird Atlas (KBA)

    • The KBA has been prepared based on systematic surveys held twice over 60 days a year during the wet (July to September) and dry (January to March) seasons between 2015 and 2020.
    • It was conducted as a citizen science-driven exercise with the participation of over 1,000 volunteers of the birdwatching community.
    • The KBA accounts for nearly three lakh records of 361 species, including 94 very rare species, 103 rare species, 110 common species, 44 very common species, and 10 most abundant species.
    • It was found that the species count was higher during the dry season than in the wet season while species richness and evenness were higher in the northern and central districts than in the southern districts.

    Significance of KBA

    • The KBA offers authentic, consistent and comparable data through random sampling from the geographical terrain split.
    • It is arguably Asia’s largest bird atlas in terms of geographical extent, sampling effort and species coverage derived from the aggregation of 25,000 checklists.
    • The KBA is considered to be a valuable resource for testing various ecological hypotheses and suggesting science-backed conservation measures.

     

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