💥Mains Ready By December. Smash Mains & Smash PYQ Admissions Open

GS Paper: GS3-08.Issues related to direct and indirect farm subsidies and MSP

  • Centre announces hike in MSP

    The Central government has hiked the minimum support price (MSP) for the coming Kharif season. The decision was taken by the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs.

    Answer this PYQ from CSP 2018 in the comment box:

    Q.Consider the following:

    1. Areca nut
    2. Barley
    3. Coffee
    4. Finger millet
    5. Groundnut
    6. Sesamum
    7. Turmeric

    The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs has announced the Minimum Support Price for which of the above?

    (a) 1, 2, 3 and 7 only

    (b) 2, 4, 5 and 6 only

    (c) 1, 3, 4, 5 and 6 only

    (d) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 7

    What is the Minimum Support Price (MSP) system?

    • MSP is a form of market intervention by the Govt. of India to insure agricultural producers against any sharp fall in farm prices.
    • MSP is price fixed by GoI to protect the producer – farmers – against excessive fall in price during bumper production years.

    Who announces it?

    • MSP is announced at the beginning of the sowing season for certain crops on recommendations by Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices(CACP) and announced by Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) chaired by the PM of India.

    Why MSP?

    • The major objectives are to support the farmers from distress sales and to procure food grains for public distribution.
    • They are a guaranteed price for their produce from the Government.
    • In case the market price for the commodity falls below the announced MSP due to bumper production and glut in the market, government agencies purchase the entire quantity offered by the farmers at the announced MSP.

    Historical perspective

    • Till the mid-1970s, Government announced two types of administered prices:
    1. Minimum Support Prices (MSP)
    2. Procurement Prices
    • The MSPs served as the floor prices and were fixed by the Govt. in the nature of a long-term guarantee for investment decisions of producers, with the assurance that prices of their commodities would not be allowed to fall below the level fixed by the Government, even in the case of a bumper crop.
    • Procurement prices were the prices of Kharif and rabi cereals at which the grain was to be domestically procured by public agencies (like the FCI) for release through PDS.
    • It was announced soon after harvest began.
    • Normally procurement price was lower than the open market price and higher than the MSP.

    Crops Covered

    1. Government announces minimum support prices (MSPs) for 22 mandated crops and fair and remunerative price (FRP) for sugarcane.
    2. The mandated crops are 14 crops of the kharif season, 6 rabi crops and two other commercial crops.
    3. The list of crops is as follows:
    • Cereals (7) – paddy, wheat, barley, jowar, bajra, maize and ragi
    • Pulses (5) – gram, arhar/tur, moong, urad and lentil
    • Oilseeds (8) – groundnut, rapeseed/mustard, toria, soyabean, sunflower seed, sesamum, safflower seed and nigerseed
    • Raw cotton
    • Raw jute
    • Copra
    • De-husked coconut
    • Sugarcane (Fair and remunerative price)
    • Virginia flu cured (VFC) tobacco

    Exception for Sugar

    • The pricing of sugarcane is governed by the statutory provisions of the Sugarcane (Control) Order, 1966 issued under the Essential Commodities Act (ECA), 1955.
    • Prior to 2009-10 sugar season, the Central Government was fixing the Statutory Minimum Price (SMP) of sugarcane and farmers were entitled to share profits of a sugar mill on 50:50 basis.
    • As this sharing of profits remained virtually unimplemented, the Sugarcane (Control) Order, 1966 was amended in October 2009 and the concept of SMP was replaced by the Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP) of sugarcane.
  • [pib] Fertilizer Subsidy in India

    A historic decision was taken to increase the subsidy for DAP fertiliser from Rs. 500 per bag to Rs. 1200 per bag, which is an increase of 140%.

    Hike in subsidies

    • It was discussed that the price of fertilizers is undergoing an increase due to the rising prices of phosphoric acid, ammonia etc internationally.
    • Despite the rise in international market prices of DAP, it has been decided to continue selling it at the older price of Rs.1200 and the central government has decided to bear all the burden of price hike.
    • The amount of subsidy per bag has never been increased so much at once.

    Fertilizer Subsidy in India

    • Subsidy as a concept originated during the Green Revolution of the 1970s-80s.
    • Fertiliser subsidy is purchasing by the farmer at a price below MRP (Maximum Retail Price), that is, below the usual demand-and-supply-rate, or regular production and import cost.
    • Fertiliser subsidy ultimately goes to the fertiliser company, even though it is the farmer that benefits.
    • Before 2018, companies were reimbursed after the material was dispatched and received by the district railhead or designated godown.
    • 2018 saw the beginning of DBT (Direct Benefit Transfer), which would transfer money directly to the retailer’s account.
    • However, the companies will be paid only after the actual sale to the farmer.

    Put answers in the comment box for this PYQ:

    Q.What are the advantages of fertigation in agriculture? (CSP 2020)

    1.Controlling the alkalinity of irrigation water is possible.
    2. Efficient application of Rock Phosphate and all other phosphatic fertilizers is possible.
    3. Increased availability of nutrients to plants is possible.
    4. Reduction in the leaching of chemical nutrients is possible.

    Select the correct answer using the code given below:
    (a) 1, 2 and 3 only

    (b) 1,2 and 4 only

    (c) 1,3 and 4 only

    (d) 2, 3 and 4 only

    How is the subsidy paid and who gets it?

    • The subsidy goes to fertiliser companies, although its ultimate beneficiary is the farmer who pays MRPs less than the market-determined rates.
    • Companies, until recently, were paid after their bagged material had been dispatched and received at a district’s railhead point or approved godown.
    • From March 2018, a new so-called direct benefit transfer (DBT) system was introduced, wherein subsidy payment to the companies would happen only after actual sales to farmers by retailers.
    • With the DBT system, each retailer — there is over 2.3 lakh of them across India — now has a point-of-sale (PoS) machine linked to the Department of Fertilizers’ e-Urvarak DBT portal.

    How does this system work?

    • A popular example of how this system works is that of the neem coated urea fertiliser.
    • Its MRP (Maximum Retail Price) is fixed by the government at Rs. 5922.22 per tonne.
    • The average cost of domestic production is at Rs 17,000 per tonne. The difference is footed by the centre in the form of subsidy.
    • This fertiliser has high Nitrogen content and is cheaper than usual fertilizers.
    • While this may be perceived as a good thing, excess of Nitrogen can disrupt the NPK (Nitrogen, Phosphorus and Potassium) balance in the soil.

    What about non-urea fertilizers?

    • The non-urea fertiliser is decontrolled or fixed by the companies.
    • However, the government pays a flat per tonne subsidy to maintain the nutrition content of the soil, and ensure other fertilizers are economical to use.
    • The non- urea fertilizers are further divided into two parts, DAP (Diammonium Phosphate) and MOP (Muriate of Phosphate).

    Issues with such subsidies

    • A flawed subsidy policy is harmful not just for the farmer, but to the environment as well.
    • Indian soil has low Nitrogen use efficiency, which is the main constituent of Urea. Consequently, excess usage contaminates groundwater.
    • The bulk of urea applied to the soil is lost as NH3 (Ammonia) and Nitrogen Oxides. The WHO has prescribed limits been breached by Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan.
    • For human beings, “blue baby syndrome” is a common side ailment caused by Nitrate contaminated water.
    • This hampers the ability of the body to carry Nitrogen, with a high probability of death.
  • Agriculture policy should target India’s actual farming population

    The article highlights the ambiguity about the number of farmers in India and related issues.

    How many farmers does India really have

    • The Agriculture Ministry’s last Input Survey for 2016-17 pegged the total operational holdings at 146.19 million.
    • The NABARD All India Rural Financial Inclusion Survey of the same year estimated the country’s “agricultural households” at 100.7 million.
    • The Pradhan Mantri Kisan Samman Nidhi (PM-Kisan) has around 111.5 million enrolled beneficiaries.
    • Agricultural households, as per NABARD’s definition, cover any household whose value of produce from farming activities is more than Rs 5,000 during a year.
    • That obviously is too little to qualify as living income.

    Who is real farmer

    • Agricultural households, as per NABARD’s definition, cover any household whose value of produce from farming activities is more than Rs 5,000 during a year.
    • That obviously is too little to qualify as living income.
    • A “real” farmer is someone who would derive a significant part of his/her income from agriculture.
    • This, one can reasonably assume, requires growing at least two crops in a year.
    • The 2016-17 Input Survey report shows that out of the total 157.21 million hectares (mh) of farmland with 146.19 million holdings, only 140 mh was cultivated.
    • And even out of this net sown area, a mere 50.48 mh was cropped two times or more, which includes 40.76 mh of irrigated and 9.72 mh of un-irrigated land.
    • Taking the average holding size of 1.08 hectares for 2016-17, the number of “serious full-time farmers” cultivating a minimum of two crops a year  would be hardly 47 million.
    • The above figure is also consistent with other data from the Input Survey.
    • These pertain to the number of cultivators planting certified/high yielding seeds (59.01 million), using own or hired tractors (72.29 million) and electric/diesel engine pumpsets (45.96 million), and availing institutional credit (57.08 million).
    • Whichever metric one considers, the farmer population significantly engaged and dependent on agriculture as a primary source of income is well within 50-75 million.
    • The current agriculture crisis is largely about these 50-75 million farm households.

    Lack of price parity

    • At the heart of farmers’ crisis is the absence of price parity.
    • In 1970-71, when the minimum support price (MSP) of wheat was Rs 76 per quintal, 10 grams of 24-carat gold cost about Rs 185.
    •  Today, the wheat MSP is at Rs 1,975/quintal, gold prices are Rs 45,000/10g.
    • The absence of farm price parity didn’t hurt much initially when crop productivity was rising.
    • Since the 1990s, yields have further gone up to 5.1-5.2 tonnes/hectare in wheat and 6.4-6.5 tonnes for paddy. But so have production costs. 
    • The demand for making MSP a legal right is basically a demand for price parity that gives agricultural commodities sufficient purchasing power with respect to things bought by farmers.

    Way forward

    • Most government welfare schemes are aimed at poverty alleviation and uplifting those at the bottom of the pyramid.
    • But there’s no policy for those in the “middle” and in danger of slipping to the bottom.
    •  When crop prices fail to keep pace with escalating costs — of not only inputs, but everything the farmer buys — the impact is on the 50-75 million surplus producers.
    • Any “agriculture policy” has to first and foremost address the problem of price parity.
    • Farmers’ interest be even better served by the government guaranteeing a minimum “income” rather than “price” support.
    • Subsistence or part-time agriculturalists, on the other hand, would benefit more from welfare schemes and other interventions to boost non-farm employment.

    Conclusion

    Whether it is crop, livestock or poultry, agriculture policy has to focus on “serious full-time farmers”, most of them neither rich nor poor. This rural middle class that was once very confident of its future in agriculture today risks going out of business. That shouldn’t be allowed to happen.

  • PM-Kisan: Income support to farmers needs to be more inclusive

    The article highlights the challenge of exclusion error in the PM-KISAN and suggests measures to deal with the issue by drawing on the success of KALIA and Rythu Bandhu.

    Exclusion in PM-KISAN

    • Budget FY22 announced an allocation of Rs 65,000 crore to the PM-Kisan scheme.
    • Since 2019, the PM-Kisan has been the largest component of the agriculture budget each year.
    • The scheme is targeted at farmers who own cultivable land as per land records of the state.
    • Unfortunately, this leaves out vulnerable sections such as tenant farmers, women farmers, tribal families and landless labourers.
    • The exclusion is the result of the challenge of first identifying these people, since our existing systems do not formally recognise them as farmers.

    The need to identify farmers

    • Despite 73.2% of rural women engaging in agriculture, only 12.8% are reported to own land.
    •  Among tribal communities, of the 20 million tribal families, less than 2 million have received individual forest rights pattas; the rest are ‘invisible’ and left out of government safety nets.
    • Landless agricultural labourers and tenant farmers account for close to 150 million people in rural India, and they too are not part of state land records.
    • Although there are multiple welfare schemes for farmers, there is no standard government definition of a farmer.
    • The 2007 MS Swaminathan Committee called out that the term ‘farmer’ would include any person actively engaged in growing crops and other agricultural commodities, and would include not only landholders, but also cultivators, labourers, sharecroppers, tenants and tribal families, amongst others.

    Learning from KALIA and Rythu Bandhu

    • Odisha has been a frontrunner in implementing an inclusive farmer welfare scheme, the KALIA.
    • The KALIA provides an unconditional income support of Rs 12,500 to landless agricultural households and an annual Rs 10,000 to small and marginal land-owning farmers as well as tenant farmers.
    • Odisha leveraged existing databases such as the Paddy Procurement Automation System, the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana and the National Food Security Act, and deployed close to 50,000 government staff at state, district and block levels to conduct extensive on-ground verification to identify eligible beneficiaries.
    • Telangana took a different approach prior to rolling out the Rythu Bandhu Scheme, a direct benefit transfer scheme for land-owning farmers.
    • The Rythu Bandhu Scheme targeted only land-owning farmers.
    • But the state took on the onus of updating land records before implementing the scheme.
    • The revenue and agriculture departments partnered to undertake a state-wide Land Records Updation Programme (LRUP).
    • This shows that updating and digitising land records databasse is possible with focused efforts.

    Way forward

    • Instead of every scheme having its own farmer beneficiary database, the ideal solution would be to leverage the existing land records databases in every state.
    • The design should ensure women’s names are not excluded.
    • Implementation of the Forest Rights Act 2006 needs to be accelerated so that tribal families receive forest rights pattas and become part of the land records database.
    • The next challenge is to build in incentives in the process to encourage the maintenance of the land record database, such that all future transactions such as sale, gift etc. are regularly updated to increase the reliability of the records.

    Consider the question “How lack of definition of farmer leads to inclusion and exclusion errors in the schemes for farmers. Suggest the measures to deal with the issue.”

    Conclusion

    The pandemic, more so than anything else, has highlighted the need for the government to have robust social security mechanisms to reach the most vulnerable sections of the population, and making PM-Kisan more inclusive is an important step in that direction.


    Source:

    https://www.financialexpress.com/opinion/pm-kisan-income-support-to-farmers-needs-to-be-more-inclusive/2217436/

  • Enabling the Business of Agriculture (EBA) 2019,

    Enabling the Business of Agriculture (EBA) 2019, published by the World Bank highlights the constraints faced by farmers. The article highlights the key findings of the publication.

    Constraints in carrying out farming activity

    • Debates around the farm laws have brought to light the issue of developing a sound regulatory framework to promote India’s agricultural growth.
    • The fact remains that farmers, mainly smallholders, across India continue to face various constraints.
    • They include constraints in accessing agricultural inputs, markets, finance, human resources, and information, which are critical for increasing farmers’ competitiveness.
    • A recent publication by the World Bank titled Enabling the Business of Agriculture (EBA) 2019 measures the extent to which government regulatory systems in 101 countries worldwide make it easier for their farmers to operate agricultural activities.
    • These indicators measure the strength of a country’s agricultural regulatory environment pertaining to market integration and entrepreneurship in agriculture.
    • Among 101 countries covered, India ranked 49 on the EBA aggregate score.

    Key takeaways from EBA for India

    • India lags behind its close competitors in world agriculture, namely China, Brazil, and Russia.
    • Compared to these three countries, India has the weakest performance on five out of eight indicators.
    • They are registering fertilizer and machinery, securing water, sustaining livestock, and protecting plant health indicators.
    • Registering fertilizer and machinery indicators measure domestic laws and regulations that provide farmers access to fertilizer and agricultural machinery.
    • The regulatory processes that help farmers make appropriate decisions regarding the level of investment in irrigation are measured by securing water indicator.
    • Sustaining livestock indicator captures the quality of regulations affecting farmers’ access to livestock farming inputs.
    • The quality of legislation on phytosanitary standards (SPS) is captured through the protecting plant health indicator.

    Need to develop a suitable regulatory system

    • Governments can play a critical role in this regard by enacting laws and regulations.
    • Such laws and regulations can influence farmers’ access to agricultural inputs, cost of production, agricultural markets and value chains, the competitiveness of farmers, and private investment in the farming sector.
    • The regulatory system that governs irrigation management is essential for reducing the variability of farm output, prices, and incomes, minimising vulnerability to natural shocks, and incentivising the production of riskier and high returns crops.
    • Gaining access to the global agricultural value chain requires a sound regulatory framework on SPS.

    India’s strong areas

    • The comparative score of India on supplying seed, trading food, and accessing finance indicators is high.
    • Supplying seed indicator evaluates laws and regulations that ensure timely release of seed to farmers.
    • The trading food indicator assesses laws and regulations that facilitate exporting of farm products by farmers.
    • The regulatory framework on the use of warehouse receipts is assessed using accessing finance indicator.
    • A robust warehouse receipts system enables the farmers to obtain the credit needed to invest in agriculture.

    Opportunity for India

    • The future of world agriculture and food production is expected to increasingly depend on middle-income countries such as China, India, Brazil, and Indonesia.
    • To make the best use of this great opportunity, India needs to put in place an agricultural regulatory system that would make it easier for its farmers to conduct agricultural activities.

    Consider the question “Farmers, mainly smallholders, across India continue to face various constraints in carrying out farming activities. What are the implications of such constraints? What role government can play in removing these constraints?”

    Conclusion

    The EBA project results reveal that, compared to its close competitors, the strength of India’s agricultural regulatory environment is weak on the whole and with respect to key performance indicators.

  • Minimum Selling Price for Sugar

    The Indian Sugar Mills’ Association (ISMA) has asked for an increase in the Minimum Selling Price of Sugar.

    Try this PYQ:

    Q.The Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP) of sugarcane is approved by the:

    (a) Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs

    (b) Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices

    (c) Directorate of Marketing and Inspection, Ministry of Agriculture

    (d) Agricultural Produce Market Committee

    Minimum Selling Price (MSP) for Sugar

    • The price of sugar is market-driven & depends on the demand & supply of sugar.
    • However, with a view to protecting the interests of farmers, the concept of MSP of sugar has been introduced since 2018.
    • MSP of sugar has been fixed taking into account the components of Fair & Remunerative Price (FRP) of sugarcane and minimum conversion cost of the most efficient mills.

    How is the pricing of Sugarcane done?

    • With the amendment of the Sugarcane (Control) Order, 1966, the concept of Statutory Minimum Price (SMP) of sugarcane was replaced with the Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP)’ of sugarcane in 2009-10.
    • The cane price announced by the Central Government is decided on the basis of the recommendations of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP).
    • This is done in consultation with the State Governments and after taking feedback from associations of the sugar industry.

  • Farm laws must reflect regional and crop diversities

    The article argues for consideration of the regional variation in the conditions of farmers and their concerns in the context of recently introduced farm laws.

    Argument against diversification

    • In Punjab, Haryana and western UP, minimum support price (MSP)-based agriculture has a logic.
    • Not all regions must diversify.
    • The region has great alluvial soil, good irrigation and almost a century-long tradition of the application of science to agriculture.
    • In south Punjab, with less irrigation, and parts of Haryana not covered by the Indira Gandhi Canal, some diversification to pulses, cotton etc. could work but the solid specialisation in this region remains.

    Issue of middlemen

    • Arhtiyas (middlemen) are important in Indian agricultural markets.
    • They are a part of the supply chain in north-west India.
    • Here they are not like the middlemen elsewhere.
    • They function simply as agents of the procurement agencies.
    • This was done by the past government to reduce overhead costs of procurement.

    Steps need to be taken

    • The e-markets, forwards and farmer-managed companies are not the dominant mode of rural organisations.
    • Agriculture is the one good sector in otherwise dismal year.
    • So, we need to strengthen it, not feed off on its glory, even outside north-west India.
    • We have the largest spread of agricultural markets in the world according to spatial maps.
    • But they are not APMCs.
    • With weak markets (outside of grains) and without first-stage processing and other infrastructure, the farmer knows he is at the mercy of the trader and comes out on the streets when that is not understood.

    Evolution of MSP

    • The MSP played a crucial role in the days of compulsory procurement and zonal restrictions.
    • Each crop had its own report then.
    • Later separate reports were replaced by two reports, one for kharif and another one for rabi, apart from one for sugarcane (an annual crop).
    • The 1982 rabi report stated that relative prices and, in that context, MSP had the role of an intervention mechanism when markets failed, outside the compulsory procurement area.
    • Later, the concept of transport costs and managerial costs became important.

    Way forward

    • The Essential Commodities Act should be ditched.
    • Good laws are good because progress starts with them, but not all laws are good everywhere.
    • A modified version of the laws with a roadmap can be on the agenda — not everywhere, but most places outside the lands of the five rivers.

    Conclusion

    The amended laws should be considered in the context of regional variation in the country and necessary changes should be made to address the concerns of the farmers.

  • Farm lessons from China, Israel

    China and Israel offer two important lessons for India to transform its agriculture: agri-market reforms and water accounting.

    Lessons from Israel and China

    • India, China and Israel — started off their new political journey in late 1940s, but today China’s per capita income in dollar terms is almost five times that of India, and Israel’s almost 20 times higher than India.
    • China produces three times more agri-output than India from a smaller arable area.
    • China started off its economic reforms in 1978 by taking up agriculture first.
    • It dismantled its commune system of land holdings and liberated agri-markets that allowed farmers to get much higher prices.
    • As a result, in 1978-84, farmers’ incomes in China increased by almost 14 per cent per annum, more than doubling in six years.
    • Israel cultivates high-value crops for exports (citrus fruits, dates, olives) by using every drop of water and recycling urban waste water for agriculture, by de-salinisation of sea waters.
    • Water accounting in Israel is something exemplary.

    Need for agri-reform in India

    • The average holding size in China was just 0.9 ha in 2016-18, smaller than India’s 1.08 ha in 2015-16.
    • So there is no doubt that small holders can do wonders, if they are given the right incentives, good infrastructure and research support, and the right institutional framework to operate.
    • In India, the 1991 reforms did not include agriculture.
    • Indian agri-food policies remained more consumer-oriented with a view to protect the poor.
    • Export controls, stocking limits on traders, movement restrictions, etc all continued at the hint of any price rise.
    • The net result of all this was farmers’ incomes remained low and so did those of landless agri-labourers.

    Way forward

    • India needs to change its policy framework from being subsidy-led to investment-driven, from being consumer-oriented to producer-oriented, and from being supply-oriented to demand-driven by linking farms with factories and foreign markets, and, finally, from being business as usual to an innovations-centred system.
    • Until India breaks away from the policy of free power for agriculture, there would be no incentive for farmers to save water.
    • In a state like Punjab where almost 80 per cent of blocks are over-exploited or critical, meaning the withdrawal of water is much more than the recharge.
    • Highly subsidised urea and open-ended procurement have become a deadly cocktail that are eating away the natural wealth of Punjab.
    • Out-of-box thinking is needed to break this regressive cycle for a brighter future for Punjab, for our own children.

    Consider the question “What are the implications of subsidy oriented policies for Indian agriculture.”

    Conclusion

    Lessons from China and Israel suggest that India need reform in agri-food policies and water accounting to address several issues plaguing agriculture.

  • Bringing transparency in Budget in agri-food sector

    The article analyses the Union Budget and highlights the emphasis on transparency by showing the borrowing of the FCI and arrears of the fertiliser companies in the Budget.

    Transparency in food subsidy and arrears of fertiliser industry

    • Year after year, a substantial part of the food subsidy was being put under the carpet by increasing the Food Corporation of India’s (FCI) borrowings.
    • The amount had crossed Rs 3 lakh crore.
    • The revised estimate (RE) for FY 2020-21 is 3.66 times the budgeted figure, indicating that almost all borrowings of FCI have been cleared.
    • This is indeed a historic step towards introducing transparency in the Union Budget.
    • The Budget also cleared off the fertiliser industry’s arrears.
    • Against the budgeted figure of Rs 71,309 crore for FY 2020-21, the revised estimate is Rs 1,33,947 crore, an increase of Rs 62,638 crore.

    Neglect of R&D

    • From a policy perspective one must point to the huge bias towards subsidies as compared to investments, especially research and development.
    • The allocation for agri-R&D is a meagre Rs 8,514 crore in FY 2021-22 against a RE of Rs 7,762 crore in FY 2020-21.
    • The marginal returns in terms of agri-growth from expenditures on agri-R&D are almost five to 10 times higher than through subsidies.
    • India spends not even half of what a private global company like Bayer spends on agri-R&D — almost Rs 20,000 crore every year.
    • This is why growth momentum in agriculture remains subdued and India keeps spending on freebies with sub-optimal results.

    Subsidies needs a rethink

    1) Food subsidy

    • The FCI’s economic cost of rice is Rs 37/kg and of wheat about Rs 27/kg.
    • This economic cost is roughly 40 per cent higher than the procurement price.
    • This calls for giving the public distribution system’s beneficiaries the choice of direct cash transfers.
    • This could create a more diversified demand which, in turn, will support diversification in agriculture.
    • Further, in food subsidy, it is time to revise the issue prices for beneficiaries except for the antyodaya (most marginal) category.
    • Percentage of population covered by the food subsidy should be brought down to 40 per cent.

    2) Fertiliser subsidy

    • Massive subsidisation of urea, to the tune of almost 70 per cent of its cost, is leading to its sub-optimal usage.
    • It is time to move towards direct cash transfers to farmers based on a per hectare basis and free up prices of fertilisers.
    • This will help reduce leakages and imbalance in NPK (nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium) usage and lead to efficiency, equity and environmental sustainability.

    Consider the question “If one looks at India’s Union Budget, it is easy to notice huge bias towards subsidies and neglect of the research and development in agriculure in the allocation for agriculture sector. What are the implications of such bias?” 

    Conclusion

    Overall, the expenditure on agri-R&D needs to be doubled or even tripled in next three years, if growth in agriculture has to provide food security at a national level and subsidies on food and fertilisers need to be contained. At the same time, food subsidy and fertiliser subsidy needs rationalisation.

  • [pib] 14 new Minor Forest Produce (MFP) included Minimum Support Price (MSP) scheme

    14 new Minor Forest produce items have been included under the Mechanism for Marketing of Minor Forest Produce through Minimum Support Price scheme.

    Which are the 14 new MFP?

    Tasar Cocoon, Cashew Kernel (Anacardiumoccidentale), Elephant Apple Dry, Bamboo Shoot (Phyllostachys edulis), Malkangani Seed, Mahul Leaves, Nagod (Vitex negundo), Gokhru (Tribulus terrestris), Pipla/ Uchithi, Gamhar/ Gamari (dry bark), Oroxylumindicum, Wild Mushroom dry, Shringraj (Eclipta Alba), Tree Moss (Bryophytes).

    Now try this PYQ from CSP 2018:

    Q. Consider the following:

    1. Areca nut
    2. Barley
    3. Coffee
    4. Finger millet
    5. Groundnut
    6. Sesamum
    7. Turmeric

    The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs has announced the Minimum Support Price for which of the above?

    (a) 1, 2, 3 and 7 only

    (b) 2, 4, 5 and 6 only

    (c) 1, 3, 4, 5 and 6 only

    (d) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 7

    About MSP for MFP Scheme

    • Under the scheme, Minimum Support Price for Minor Forest Produce (MFP) has been fixed for select MFP.
    • The scheme is designed as a social safety net for improvement of livelihood of MFP gatherers by providing them fair price for the MFPs they collect.
    • The Scheme has been implemented in eight States having Schedule areas as listed in the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of India.
    • From November 2016, the scheme is applicable in all States.

    Back2Basics: Forest Produce in India

    • Forest produce is defined under section 2(4) of the Indian Forest Act, 1927.
    • Its legal definition includes timber, charcoal, catechu, wood-oil, resin, natural varnish, bark, lac, mahua flowers, trees and leaves, flowers and fruit, plants (including grass, creepers, reeds and moss), wild animals, skins, tusks, horns, bones, cocoons, silk, honey, wax, etc.
    • Forest produce can be divided into several categories.
    • From the point of view of usage, forest produce can be categorized into three types: Timber, Non-Timber and Minor Minerals.
    • Non-timber forest products [NTFPs] are known also as minor forest produce (MFP) or non-wood forest produces (NWFP).
    • The NTFP can be further categorized into medicinal and aromatic plants (MAP), oilseeds, fibre & floss, resins, edible plants, bamboo, reeds and grasses.