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GS Paper: GS2

  • Amendments to FCRA to bring more transparency

    Why in the News

    India’s ambassador to the United States publicly defended the amendments to the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act after a US Congressman claimed the changes would let the Indian government take control of churches and charities. The envoy argued the amendments bring more transparency and follow national security practice adopted by other democracies.

    What is the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act?

    1. Definition: The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) is the law that governs the acceptance and use of foreign donations by non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society bodies, educational institutions, and religious organisations. It requires such bodies to register and channel foreign funds through a laid-down process.
    2. Objective: The stated purpose is to ensure foreign contributions do not compromise national interest or the integrity of public and political life.

    What do the 2026 amendments change?

    1. Vesting of assets already in law: When a registration is cancelled or surrendered, foreign contributions and the assets created from them already vest in a State Government authority under a provision in force since 2010.
    2. A designated safeguard authority: The 2026 Bill adds a designated authority to safeguard those assets rather than leaving them unprotected.
    3. A way back: If the organisation restores its registration, all assets and unused funds are returned in full.
    4. Protection for places of worship: Where a cancelled association created property connected to a place of worship, that property passes to another FCRA-registered association of the same faith to ensure continuity of worship.
    5. Faith-neutral application: The Act applies to all organisations regardless of religion, community, or ideology, and faith-based welfare, religious education, and maintenance of places of worship remain eligible for foreign funding.

    Why does the government say FCRA regulation is justified?

    1. Sovereign step: Regulating foreign financial flows in public and political spaces is presented as a sovereign act driven by national security concerns.
    2. Internal matter: Legislative decisions concerning India are treated as internal affairs decided by Parliament.
    3. Accepted global feature: The government frames such regulation as a standard feature of modern governance in many democracies.

    How do other countries regulate foreign funding?

    1. United States: The Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) has operated since 1938, requiring agents of foreign principals to register and disclose their activities.
    2. United States: The Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA) has operated since 2010, mandating reporting of foreign-held financial accounts.
    3. Australia: Legislated foreign-influence transparency rules in 2018.
    4. Canada: Enacted its foreign-funding framework in 2024.
    5. United Kingdom: Its foreign-influence registration scheme came into force in July 2025.
    6. European Union: Is currently legislating a comparable framework.

    What is the scale of FCRA-regulated funding?

    1. NGO base: India has over three million NGOs, of which only 14,450 hold FCRA registration.
    2. Legislative timeline: India first enacted FCRA in 1976, followed by a new Act in 2010, with further amendments in 2016, 2018, and 2020.
    3. Use of funds: Registered associations routinely receive foreign funds for health, education, disaster relief, research, and humanitarian work.

    Conclusion

    The government’s position is that the 2026 FCRA Bill adds safeguards for the assets of cancelled associations, a route to restore them, and specific protection for places of worship, framed as a transparency and national-security measure rather than a takeover of religious bodies. The next step is passage of the 2026 Bill and the accompanying Rules, which the government describes as the continuation of a phased strengthening of the law since 1976.

    Regulation of Foreign Funding of NGOs in India (Foundational Context)

    1. About: Foreign funding of civil society is regulated so that donations from abroad do not influence India’s internal politics or security.
    2. Administering authority: FCRA is administered by the Ministry of Home Affairs, which grants, renews, and cancels registrations.
    3. Design feature: Registered bodies must receive all foreign contributions in a single designated bank account for monitoring.

    Laws and Rules Governing Foreign Contributions

    1. Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 1976: The original law regulating the acceptance of foreign donations by associations.
    2. Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010: Replaced the 1976 Act, tightened registration, and required renewal every five years; introduced vesting of assets of cancelled associations in a State authority.
    3. 2020 Amendment: Barred sub-granting of foreign funds, capped administrative expenses at 20 percent, and mandated an SBI New Delhi FCRA account.
    4. 2026 Bill and Rules: Add a designated authority to safeguard assets of cancelled registrations and protect property linked to places of worship.

    Back2Basics: FCRA regulatory framework

    1. Governing Act: Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010, as amended.
    2. Administering ministry: Ministry of Home Affairs.
    3. Jurisdiction: Applies to associations, individuals, and companies receiving foreign contributions, excluding certain government bodies.
    4. Key requirement: Mandatory registration or prior permission, five-yearly renewal, and receipt of funds in a designated account.

    Challenges to the FCRA Regime

    1. Compliance burden: Frequent amendments and strict banking rules raise the administrative cost for small NGOs.
    2. Registration cancellations: Large-scale cancellations have disrupted health, education, and relief work dependent on foreign grants.
    3. Chilling effect: Uncertainty over renewals discourages legitimate civil society activity.
    4. Ambiguity in definitions: Broad terms such as activities against national interest allow wide discretion.
    5. International friction: Foreign governments and donors periodically object, creating diplomatic exposure.

    Way Forward

    1. Predictable timelines: Fix clear, time-bound decisions on registration, renewal, and restoration to reduce uncertainty.
    2. Proportionate compliance: Scale reporting requirements to the size of the organisation.
    3. Transparent grounds: Publish specific reasons for cancellation to allow effective appeal.
    4. Stakeholder consultation: Consult civil society and faith-based bodies before framing subordinate Rules.

    [2025, GS2, 10 marks] Civil Society Organizations are often perceived as being anti-State actors rather than non-State actors. Do you agree? Justify.”

  • In opposing creamy layer for SC/STs, what the government argued

    Why in the News

    The Centre has filed an affidavit in the Supreme Court opposing the introduction of a “creamy layer” income filter within reservations for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). It has argued that the historical disadvantage faced by these communities is rooted in untouchability and social exclusion, not economic backwardness, and that any change to reservation policy is for Parliament to decide, not the courts.

    What is the creamy layer concept?

    1. Definition: The creamy layer is an income and status filter that excludes the socially and economically advanced members of a backward class from reservation benefits. Its purpose is to ensure quota benefits reach the genuinely disadvantaged within a group rather than its better-off sections.
    2. Origin and current scope: It was introduced by the 1992 Indra Sawhney judgment as a test for Other Backward Classes (OBCs). It has never been applied to SCs and STs.

    Who does reservation currently apply to in India?

    1. Category-wise quota: Central reservation stands at 15 percent for SCs, 7.5 percent for STs, and 27 percent for OBCs on the non-creamy-layer principle.
    2. Economically Weaker Sections: A 10 percent quota for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) applies to those outside the SC, ST, and OBC categories.
    3. The ceiling: The Indra Sawhney judgment fixed a 50 percent ceiling on total reservations, though the EWS quota and some State laws now exceed it.
    4. Creamy layer coverage: The creamy layer income exclusion currently applies only to OBCs, not to SCs or STs.

    Which constitutional provisions govern reservation?

    1. Article 15(4): Allows the State to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes, SCs, and STs.
    2. Article 16(4): Permits reservation in public appointments for any backward class inadequately represented in State services.
    3. Article 16(4A) and 16(4B): Enable reservation in promotions for SCs and STs and the carry-forward of unfilled reserved vacancies.
    4. Articles 341 and 342: Empower the President to notify the initial lists of SCs and STs; once notified, inclusion or exclusion can be made only by an Act of Parliament.
    5. Article 335: Requires that reservation claims be balanced with the maintenance of administrative efficiency.
    6. Articles 338 and 338A: Establish the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes.
    7. 103rd Constitutional Amendment, 2019: Inserted Articles 15(6) and 16(6) to provide the 10 percent EWS reservation.

    What did the petition seek?

    1. Income-based preferences: The Public Interest Litigation (PIL), filed by a politician and advocate, sought income-based preferences across all reserved categories, including OBCs and EWS.
    2. Elite capture argument: It argued that affluent families within the SC and ST categories monopolise reservation benefits, depriving the most marginalised of access to education and public employment.
    3. Reliance on the 2024 ruling: It relied on the 2024 Supreme Court judgment permitting sub-classification of SCs and STs, in which four of the seven Constitution Bench judges suggested extending the creamy layer principle to these groups.

    What is sub-classification of Scheduled Castes?

    1. Definition: Sub-classification allows a State to divide the single SC list into sub-groups and reserve a portion of the SC quota for the most backward castes within it. The 2024 judgment upheld this power, holding SCs are not a socially homogeneous class.

    Why does the government distinguish SC/ST identification from OBC identification?

    1. Basis of SC status: SCs face historical disadvantage stemming from the practice of untouchability, a form of social exclusion not tied to income.
    2. Basis of ST status: STs are identified by their distinct cultures, geographical isolation, and backwardness.
    3. Basis of OBC status: OBCs are identified primarily through a combination of social, educational, and economic disadvantages, which makes an economic filter relevant to them.
    4. Objective of SC/ST quotas: The stated aim is social equality, overcoming historical discrimination, and inclusive participation in public life, since discrimination against these groups does not occur on the basis of economic conditions.

    What legal precedents did the Centre cite?

    1. Indra Sawhney (1992): Upheld the Mandal Commission report on OBC reservation and introduced the creamy layer test, expressly confining it to OBCs and holding it has no relevance for SCs and STs.
    2. E V Chinnaiah (2005): Held that even if a situation ever required excluding a creamy layer from SCs, only Parliament could take the necessary legislative steps.
    3. Separation of powers: The affidavit argued courts cannot direct the executive to adopt a particular policy merely because a fairer or wiser alternative exists, and the judiciary cannot substitute for the legislature in framing public policy.

    Why is the demand for a creamy layer contested?

    1. The case for it: Affluent SC and ST families capturing quota benefits leaves the poorest within these groups without access, which undercuts the stated goal of reaching the most marginalised.
    2. The case against it: Caste-based discrimination and untouchability persist regardless of a family’s income, so an economic filter would exclude people who still face social stigma.
    3. The judicial split: The 2024 Bench itself divided, with a minority favouring the extension of the creamy layer to SCs and STs, which keeps the question legally open.

    What are the major debates surrounding reservation?

    1. Social justice versus economic upliftment: Whether reservation is a remedy for historical social injustice or a tool for economic advancement, which decides if income can ever be a valid filter.
    2. The 50 percent ceiling: The Indra Sawhney cap is under pressure from State laws and the EWS quota, raising whether the ceiling is still binding.
    3. Sub-classification and creamy layer for SC/ST: The 2024 ruling reopened whether SCs form a homogeneous class and whether the better-off within them should be excluded.
    4. The empirical gap: The absence of updated caste and income data on quota beneficiaries weakens both the elite-capture claim and its rebuttal.
    5. EWS and reserved categories: The exclusion of SCs, STs, and OBCs from the EWS quota is debated as either fair balancing or fresh discrimination.

    What are the challenges to applying a creamy layer to SC/STs?

    1. Persistence of untouchability: Social exclusion continues irrespective of income, so an economic test may exclude those still facing discrimination.
    2. Absence of reliable data: No comprehensive dataset tracks the income profile of SC and ST beneficiaries, making a fair income threshold hard to set.
    3. Constitutional bar on judicial rewriting: Under Articles 341 and 342, only Parliament can alter SC and ST entitlements, limiting judicial intervention.
    4. Risk of under-representation: An income filter could shrink the eligible pool and leave reserved seats unfilled where few qualify.
    5. Definitional complexity: Fixing who counts as advanced within a socially stigmatised group is contested and administratively difficult.

    Conclusion

    The Centre’s position is that SC and ST reservation addresses caste-based social exclusion, not poverty, so the creamy layer test built for OBCs cannot be transposed onto them, and any change is a matter for Parliament. The dispute turns on an unresolved question of whether reservation is fundamentally a social-justice remedy or an economic one. Until Parliament acts or the Supreme Court settles the 2024 split, the creamy layer will not apply to SCs and STs.

    Back2Basics:

    Indra Sawhney v. Union of India (1992)

    1. What it decided: A nine-judge Supreme Court bench upheld 27 percent OBC reservation based on the Mandal Commission report.
    2. Creamy layer: It introduced the creamy layer exclusion for OBCs and confined it to them.
    3. The ceiling: It capped total reservation at 50 percent, except in extraordinary circumstances.
    4. Promotions: It barred reservation in promotions, a bar later addressed through the 77th Constitutional Amendment and Article 16(4A).

    Reservations in India

    1. About: Reservation is a form of protective discrimination that sets aside seats in education, public employment, and legislatures for historically disadvantaged groups.
    2. Scale: It covers SCs, STs, OBCs, and EWS across central and State institutions, with categories and percentages varying by State.
    3. Constitutional anchor: It flows from the equality code in Articles 14 to 16 read with the Directive Principle in Article 46, which directs the State to promote the interests of weaker sections.

    Way Forward

    1. Generate quota data: Collect updated caste-wise and income-wise data on beneficiaries to ground policy in evidence rather than assertion.
    2. Respect the legislative domain: Leave changes to SC and ST entitlements to Parliament as required by Articles 341 and 342.
    3. Target the most backward: Use the 2024 sub-classification power to reach the poorest castes within the SC list without diluting the social-justice basis.
    4. Strengthen non-quota support: Expand scholarships, coaching, and infrastructure so advancement does not depend on reservation alone.
  • Ten years later, looking back and ahead at GeM

    Why in the News

    The Government e-Marketplace (GeM) completed 10 years, connecting around 1.37 lakh government buyers with 25 lakh sellers/service providers and achieving nearly ₹20 lakh crore cumulative Gross Merchandise Value (GMV).

    What is GeM?

    • GeM: Government e-Marketplace.
    • Launched on 9 August 2016.
    • A digital platform for government procurement of goods and services.
    • Replaced the Directorate General of Supplies and Disposals (DGS&D).
    • Integrates product discovery, bidding, contract award and payment.

    How does GeM Improve Procurement?

    1. End-to-end digitisation: Covers the complete procurement cycle.
    2. Transparency: Creates an auditable digital trail.
    3. Reduced discretion: Limits face-to-face interaction and scope for favouritism.
    4. Single window: Simplifies registration and standardises procurement.
    5. Inclusion: Gives Micro and Small Enterprises (MSEs), start-ups and women-led firms direct access to government buyers.

    What Does the Data Show?

    • Cumulative GMV: About ₹20 lakh crore.
    • Buyers: 1.37 lakh.
    • Sellers/service providers: 25 lakh.
    • Categories: 10,644 product and 350 service categories.
    • MSEs: Around 60% of orders by volume and over 45% of GMV.
    • Measured benefit: IIT Delhi study estimated ₹86,571.69 crore in benefits over the last three financial years through price and process efficiencies.

    What Problems Does GeM Address?

    • Reduces corruption and procurement discretion.
    • Improves Ease of Doing Business (EoDB) for suppliers.
    • Expands opportunities for MSMEs and start-ups.
    • Enables faster procurement.
    • Promotes competitive prices and better use of public funds.
    • Supports domestic manufacturing and Atmanirbhar Bharat.

    What is Public Procurement?

    • Public procurement is the process through which government bodies purchase goods, works and services using public funds.
    • Core principles: Transparency, Fair competition, Non-discrimination, Value for money, and Accountability

    Challenges

    1. Quality assurance: Risk of substandard products in a large digital catalogue.
    2. MSME payment delays: Delayed payments affect working capital.
    3. Bid rigging: Cartelisation can undermine competition.
    4. Digital divide: Smaller sellers may lack connectivity or digital skills.
    5. Grievance redress: Delays in resolving quality, delivery and payment disputes.
    6. Cybersecurity: Concentration of procurement data increases cyber risks.

    Back2Basics: GeM

    • Full form: Government e-Marketplace.
    • Launch: 9 August 2016.
    • Nodal Ministry: Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
    • Predecessor: DGS&D, Directorate General of Supplies and Disposals.
    • Purpose: Transparent and efficient government procurement.
    • Users: Government buyers, sellers and service providers.
    • Focus: Particularly beneficial for MSMEs, start-ups and women entrepreneurs.

    Government Initiatives

    • Public Procurement (Preference to Make in India) Order, 2017: Preference for domestically manufactured goods.
    • Public Procurement Policy for MSEs, 2012: Procurement preference for Micro and Small Enterprises.
    • Vivad se Vishwas for MSMEs: Relief mechanism for eligible MSME contractual disputes.
    • TReDS: Trade Receivables Discounting System, helping MSMEs obtain liquidity against receivables.

    [2025, GS2, 10 marks] E-governance projects have a built-in bias towards technology and back-end integration than user-centric designs. Examine.”

  • Congress slams new rural jobs law amid fall in employment generation

    Why in the News

    Person-days under the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB-G RAM G) fell 49.94% year-on-year in July 2026, its first month of implementation, compared with Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). The decline has raised concerns about moving from a demand-driven legal guarantee to a more centralised, technology-dependent model.

    What is the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin)?

    1. About: VB-G RAM G is the central rural employment and livelihood scheme that replaced MGNREGA. It is administered by the Union Rural Development Ministry.
    2. Design shift: Access is made increasingly dependent on technology and biometric authentication, and the scheme is centralised rather than run through gram panchayats.
    3. Key change: Critics state it removes the legal guarantee of employment that defined MGNREGA, converting an entitlement into a discretionary programme.

    What is a person-day and why is the July figure significant?

    1. Person-day: A person-day is a unit that measures the amount of work done by one person in a working day, the standard metric for employment generated under rural works schemes.
    2. The fall: Person-days generated in July 2026 were 49.94% lower than those generated under MGNREGA in July of the previous year, roughly halving recorded rural work in the first implementing month.

    Why has the Opposition attacked the new scheme?

    1. Loss of guaranteed work: The scrapping of MGNREGA stripped millions of families of their “right to work”, replaced by a scheme that wiped out around 50% of labourer employment in the first month.
    2. Centralisation: The scheme centralises delivery and imposes a heavy financial burden on State governments, weakening the earlier panchayat-led model.
    3. Technology gating: Making access dependent on technology and biometric authentication makes it harder for workers to claim their rights.
    4. Loss of local autonomy: MGNREGA had empowered gram panchayats and freed workers from dependence on the political whims of the government of the day.
    5. Pending dues: Rs 17,144 crore in pending MGNREGA funds to the States was flagged as unpaid.

    What wider distress does the data point to?

    1. Kharif shortfall: There is a 26.50% shortfall in sowing for the kharif crop, raising the demand for rural wage work at the very moment the scheme has contracted.
    2. Drought assistance gap: The Opposition questioned whether any assistance had been provided to drought-affected States.
    3. Funding pattern dispute: Even BJP-ruled States had demanded a review of the funding pattern of VB-G RAM G, indicating cross-party concern over State fiscal burden.

    Conclusion

    The near-halving of person-days in the first month captures the core risk of replacing a demand-driven legal guarantee with a centralised, technology-gated scheme, that the guarantee itself, not the branding, was what protected rural workers in distress. The data release coincides with a kharif sowing shortfall and State demands to review the funding pattern. The next test is whether the government revises the funding model and restores enrolment before the lean agricultural season deepens rural unemployment.

    What is a demand-driven employment guarantee?

    1. About: It is a legal framework under which the state must provide wage employment on demand to any eligible household, making work an enforceable entitlement rather than a target-based programme.
    2. Rationale: It exists to provide a rural safety net during agricultural distress and to set a wage floor, with the guarantee acting as automatic stabiliser when other work dries up.
    3. Distinguishing feature: Provision is triggered by the worker’s demand, not by a fixed budget or administrative ceiling, so contraction in person-days signals suppressed or unmet demand.

    Key Concerns Regarding Rural Employment Guarantee Schemes

    1. Wage payment delays: Chronic delays in wage disbursal erode the entitlement’s value and deter workers.
    2. Fund devolution to States: Centralised control and delayed release strain State finances and stall works.
    3. Technology exclusion: Biometric and app-based attendance systems exclude workers with poor connectivity or authentication failures.
    4. Suppressed demand: Administrative rationing and closed muster rolls understate genuine demand for work.

    Back2Basics: MGNREGA

    1. Full name: Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005, a UPA-era law.
    2. Ministry: Union Ministry of Rural Development.
    3. Aim: Guaranteed at least 100 days of wage employment in a financial year to every rural household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work.
    4. Beneficiaries: Adult members of any rural household, without a poverty-line or caste restriction.
    5. Design features: Legal right to work, demand-driven provision, works planned and executed through gram panchayats, and an unemployment allowance if work is not provided in time.

    Government Initiatives / Schemes for Rural Livelihoods

    1. VB-G RAM G: The current central rural employment and livelihood mission that replaced MGNREGA.
    2. Deendayal Antyodaya Yojana – National Rural Livelihoods Mission (DAY-NRLM): Promotes self-help groups and self-employment for rural poor women.
    3. Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana – Gramin: Provides pucca housing to rural households.
    4. Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya Yojana: Skill training and placement for rural youth.

    Challenges in Rural Employment Delivery

    1. Payment delays: Wage and material payment delays discourage participation and stall projects.
    2. State fiscal burden: A shift of cost-sharing to States constrains scheme rollout in weaker States.
    3. Technology-driven exclusion: Biometric attendance and app-based systems drop workers who cannot authenticate.
    4. Weak asset quality: Poor planning produces low-value, non-durable assets from works undertaken.
    5. Corruption and leakage: Ghost workers and inflated muster rolls divert funds from genuine beneficiaries.
    6. Suppressed demand recording: Under-registration of work demand hides the true extent of rural distress.

    Way Forward

    1. Restore the legal guarantee: Retain an enforceable right to work as the anchor of the scheme rather than a discretionary target.
    2. Timely fund release: Clear pending dues to States and set statutory timelines for wage payment.
    3. Inclusive technology: Provide offline fallbacks and grievance redress for biometric and connectivity failures.
    4. Countercyclical scaling: Expand allocation automatically in drought and low-sowing years to match rural distress.
    5. Panchayat empowerment: Keep planning and execution with gram panchayats to preserve local accountability.

    [2011] Among the following who are eligible to benefit from the “Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act”?

    (a) Adult members of only the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe households

    (b) Adult members of below poverty line (BPL) households

    (c) Adult members of households of all backward communities

    (d) Adult members of any household

  • Amid din, LS passes Bill to set up panel to select chiefs and members of tribunals

    Why in the news

    The Lok Sabha passed the Tribunals Reforms Bill, 2026 by voice vote without debate, creating a National Tribunals Commission (NTC) to select chairpersons and members of various tribunals. The Bill follows the Supreme Court striking down parts of the Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021 for violating separation of powers and judicial independence. It reopens the settled question of who controls tribunal appointments, the executive that the tribunals adjudicate against, or an independent body insulated from it.

    What is the National Tribunals Commission (NTC)?

    1. Purpose: The NTC is a proposed statutory body to conduct the selection of chairpersons and members of tribunals through a single, uniform process. It centralises appointments that were earlier run separately for each tribunal.
    2. Composition: It will have a chairperson and four members, two judicial and two technical. A retired Supreme Court judge or a retired Chief Justice of a High Court will be eligible to head it.
    3. Seat and scope: It will be headquartered in New Delhi and will prescribe qualifications, selection, appointment, salaries, allowances, tenure, resignation, removal, and other service conditions of tribunal members.
    4. Origin: The Supreme Court itself directed the creation of an independent commission with professional expertise, transparent selection, and an oversight mechanism for appointments.

    What is the current status of tribunal appointments in India?

    1. Statutory basis: Tribunals were introduced through the 42nd Constitutional Amendment, 1976, which added Part XIV-A and Articles 323A and 323B. They function as specialised adjudicatory bodies outside the regular court hierarchy.
    2. Bodies covered by the Bill: The selection process applies to the Central Administrative Tribunal, Armed Forces Tribunal, National Green Tribunal, Income Tax Appellate Tribunal, and the National Consumer Disputes Redressal Commission.
    3. Rationalisation drive: The Union government began rationalising tribunals in 2015 and Parliament passed the Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021 to that end. Parts of that Act were struck down by the Supreme Court.
    4. Existing safeguard: Judicial review of tribunal decisions by High Courts under Articles 226 and 227 remains, since the Court has held this power to be part of the basic structure.

    Constitutional Provisions Related to Tribunals

    1. Article 323A: Empowers Parliament to establish administrative tribunals for service matters of public servants.
    2. Article 323B: Empowers appropriate legislatures to set up tribunals for other matters such as taxation, land reforms, and industrial disputes.
    3. 42nd Amendment, 1976: Inserted Part XIV-A and the two tribunal Articles into the Constitution.
    4. Article 226 and Article 227: Vest High Courts with writ jurisdiction and power of superintendence over tribunals, a check the Supreme Court has ruled cannot be ousted.
    5. Article 136: Retains the Supreme Court’s power to grant special leave to appeal against tribunal orders.
    6. Article 50: Directive Principle requiring separation of the judiciary from the executive, the value the appointment dispute turns on.

    Why did the Supreme Court strike down parts of the 2021 Act?

    1. Separation of powers: The Court held that several provisions were contrary to separation of powers, as they gave the executive dominant control over appointments to bodies that adjudicate against the executive.
    2. Judicial independence: Provisions were found to undermine the independence of tribunal members whose tenure and removal the executive influenced.
    3. Conflict with precedent: The provisions were inconsistent with earlier judgments laying down standards for the appointment, tenure, and functioning of tribunal members.
    4. Short tenures and search committees: Earlier versions prescribed a four-year term and search-cum-selection committees weighted towards government nominees, which the Court repeatedly rejected as diluting judicial character.

    How does the Bill respond to the Court’s concerns?

    1. Uniform process: The Law Minister stated the Bill brings uniformity to selection and appointment and improves efficiency, transparency, and independence.
    2. Judicial presence: A retired Supreme Court judge or retired High Court Chief Justice heading the commission answers the Court’s demand for professional and judicial expertise in selection.
    3. No jurisdictional change: The Minister clarified the legislation does not alter the jurisdiction of any tribunal, keeping the substantive powers of each body intact.
    4. Institutional oversight: A permanent commission replaces ad hoc, tribunal-by-tribunal appointment machinery, matching the oversight mechanism the Court directed.

    Major debates surrounding tribunalisation in India

    1. Curtailment of ordinary courts: Tribunals divert cases from High Courts, raising the concern that they curtail the jurisdiction and constitutional role of the regular judiciary.
    2. Executive control versus independence: The core dispute is whether the government, a frequent litigant before tribunals, should dominate the appointment and service conditions of members who judge it.
    3. Effectiveness versus multiplicity: Tribunals were meant to reduce pendency, yet vacancies, poor infrastructure, and appeals routed back to constitutional courts have blunted that promise.
    4. Competing rulings: The line of Madras Bar Association cases and Rojer Mathew (2019) repeatedly set standards on tenure and composition that successive laws failed to meet, driving the current Bill.
    5. Access to justice: Whether specialised, low-cost adjudication genuinely widens access, or whether weak tribunals leave litigants worse off than in ordinary courts.

    Challenges to the National Tribunals Commission

    1. Composition balance: Two technical members alongside two judicial members can still tilt selection towards executive preference if the technical members are serving or retired bureaucrats.
    2. Vacancy backlog: A new selection body does not by itself clear the large pending vacancies that have crippled tribunals such as the National Green Tribunal and Debt Recovery Tribunals.
    3. Infrastructure and funding: Tribunals depend on the parent ministry for premises, staff, and budget, which the commission does not address.
    4. Fresh litigation risk: Any residual executive dominance in the composition invites another round of constitutional challenge, extending the cycle of struck-down laws.
    5. Uniformity versus specialisation: A single commission for bodies as varied as the Armed Forces Tribunal and the consumer commission may struggle to weigh domain-specific expertise.
    6. Independence of secretariat: Day-to-day functioning still routes through executive-controlled staff, which can dilute the intended insulation.

    Conclusion

    The central question is not whether tribunals should exist but who controls the people who staff them, since executive dominance over appointments compromises the independence that specialised adjudication requires. The 2026 Bill responds to the Supreme Court’s direction by creating a judicially headed National Tribunals Commission with a uniform process. Its success depends on whether the composition genuinely insulates members from the executive they adjudicate against, and on whether vacancies and infrastructure gaps are addressed alongside the appointment reform.

    What is the Separation of Powers Doctrine?

    1. About: It is the principle that legislative, executive, and judicial functions are distributed among distinct organs so that no single organ concentrates power.
    2. Rationale: It exists to prevent tyranny and protect liberty through mutual checks, and in India it underpins judicial independence as part of the basic structure.
    3. Indian form: India follows a functional, not rigid, separation, with checks and balances rather than watertight compartments, reinforced by Article 50 and judicial review.

    Key Concerns Regarding Separation of Powers in India

    1. Executive encroachment on judiciary: Control over appointments, tenure, and funding of tribunals lets the executive influence bodies meant to be independent.
    2. Delegated legislation: Wide rule-making powers transfer effective law-making to the executive with limited legislative scrutiny.
    3. Judicial overreach: Expansive judicial activism blurs the line between adjudication and policy-making.
    4. Appointment tussles: Recurring friction between the executive and judiciary over the collegium and tribunal selections reflects an unsettled balance.

    Statutory Framework Governing Tribunals

    1. Article 323A: Basis for administrative tribunals in service matters.
    2. Article 323B: Basis for tribunals in taxation, land reforms, and other listed matters.
    3. Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985: Established the Central Administrative Tribunal and State Administrative Tribunals.
    4. Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021: Rationalised tribunals and set service conditions, parts of which the Supreme Court struck down.
    5. Tribunals Reforms Bill, 2026: Proposes the National Tribunals Commission and repeals the 2021 Act once enacted.

    Back2Basics: Landmark rulings on tribunals

    1. L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997): Held that judicial review by High Courts under Articles 226 and 227 is part of the basic structure and cannot be excluded; tribunals are supplementary, not substitutes, for courts.
    2. Union of India v. R. Gandhi (Madras Bar Association, 2010): Laid down that tribunal members must have judicial character and that executive dominance in selection is unconstitutional.
    3. Rojer Mathew v. South Indian Bank (2019): Struck down rules on tribunal appointments and service conditions for compromising independence.
    4. Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2021): Reaffirmed minimum tenure and search committee composition standards, directly shaping the 2026 Bill.

    Way Forward

    1. Insulated composition: Weight the selection body towards judicial members and independent experts rather than serving bureaucrats.
    2. Fill vacancies promptly: Use the commission to clear the standing backlog of member vacancies across tribunals on a time-bound basis.
    3. Single nodal ministry: Route tribunal administration and funding through a single, arm’s-length authority to end dependence on the litigating ministry.
    4. Fixed tenure and security: Guarantee tenure, salary, and removal protections consistent with the Supreme Court’s standards to prevent renewed litigation.
    5. Periodic performance audit: Institute an independent review of tribunal pendency, disposal, and infrastructure to keep them a genuine complement to courts.

    “[2018, GS2, 15 marks] How far do you agree with the view that tribunals curtail the jurisdiction of ordinary courts? In view of the above, discuss the constitutional validity and competency of the tribunals in India.”

  • India-Israel defence ties under scrutiny

    Why in the News

    An Amnesty International report alleges India sent at least 2,596 shipments of military equipment and components to Israel since the Gaza war began. An opinion piece argues the disclosure reflects the depth of a quarter-century strategic partnership rather than a sudden shift.

    What anchors the India-Israel defence partnership?

    • Kargil origin: The relationship’s foundation was the 1999 Kargil War, when Israel rapidly supplied ammunition, drones and precision-guided munitions.
    • Technology transfer: Unlike many Western suppliers, Israel has been willing to transfer sophisticated military technology to India.
    • Platforms: Israel is a major source of drones, missiles, radars and surveillance systems for India’s armed forces.

    Why does the Amnesty report matter if it signals no policy change?

    • Customer to contributor: The report suggests India is no longer only a buyer but a contributor to Israel’s defence supply chain.
    • Timing: The shipments occurred during one of Israel’s most internationally criticised military campaigns, sharpening the scrutiny.
    • No rupture: The disclosure underscores an existing trajectory rather than marking a new departure in policy.

    How has the partnership evolved beyond buyer and seller?

    • Make in India: Under the Make in India initiative, Israeli defence firms have set up joint ventures and local manufacturing in India.
    • Localised production: Drones, electronics, missile systems and components are now produced within India’s defence industrial base.
    • Two-way flow: Localisation lets India supply components back into Israel’s supply chain, not just import finished systems.

    What are the domestic and external consequences?

    • Domestic politics: Opposition elements sceptical of closer ties with Israel’s government may use the disclosures to embarrass the ruling party.
    • Limited traction: Public attention is focused elsewhere, on the student agitation over exam paper leaks, blunting the political impact.
    • Arab reaction: Some Gulf displeasure is likely, but Arab partners were probably already aware of the expanding links, and there is no unified Arab stance on Israel today.
    • Wider Muslim world: States such as Turkey and Malaysia may voice diplomatic outrage, but New Delhi is unlikely to change policy in response.

    Does the partnership pose an ethical dilemma?

    • Strategic value versus ethics: The report raises the ethics of joint weapons production with a government whose conduct in Gaza drew widespread global disapproval.
    • Palestinian cause: Deep defence ties sit against India’s traditional support for a two-state solution and the Palestinian cause.
    • Gulf balance: India must weigh the partnership against its energy, trade and diaspora interests across the Gulf.

    Conclusion

    The report confirms a mature strategic partnership rather than a rupture, and India is unlikely to change course. The unresolved question is the ethics of contributing to a defence supply chain during a condemned campaign, and how India squares this with its stated support for the Palestinian cause and its Gulf interests.

    Back2Basics: India-Israel relations

    • Multilateral track: India and Israel cooperate through the I2U2 grouping (India, Israel, UAE, US) and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).
    • Full ties: India established full diplomatic relations with Israel in 1992, four decades after recognising it in 1950.
    • Strategic partnership: Ties were elevated to a Strategic Partnership in 2017, the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister to Israel.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2018] India’s relations with Israel have, of late, acquired a depth and diversity, which cannot be rolled back.” Discuss.

    Linkage: The PYQ examines the growing depth and strategic importance of India-Israel relations. Defence cooperation, technology partnerships and the Gaza conflict highlight both the opportunities and diplomatic challenges in the relationship.

  • India invites Bangladesh to BRICS amid a Dhaka reset

    Why in the News

    India has invited Bangladesh’s Prime Minister to the BRICS summit as the current BIMSTEC chair, even as tension persists over the Sheikh Hasina extradition. A parallel opinion piece urges a Delhi-Dhaka reset.

    What is BIMSTEC?

    1. Definition: The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) links South and Southeast Asian states around the Bay of Bengal.
    2. Members: India, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Nepal, and Bhutan.

    Why is a reset needed?

    1. Political friction: The extradition dispute over the former Bangladesh premier strains ties.
    2. Connectivity stakes: The Maitree Super Thermal Power Plant and the India-Bangladesh Friendship Pipeline anchor an energy and trade partnership worth protecting.
    3. Neighbourhood First: Bangladesh is central to India’s Neighbourhood First and Act East bridge, so drift carries strategic cost.

    Conclusion

    India is using multilateral platforms to keep a strained bilateral relationship functional. The next milestone is whether the extradition dispute is contained.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2022, GS2, 10 marks] Do you think that BIMSTEC is a parallel organisation like the SAARC? What are the similarities and dissimilarities between the two? How are Indian foreign policy objectives realized by forming this new organisation?”

  • Xi Jinping’s doctrine for a self-governing party

    Why in the News

    An opinion piece analyses the Communist Party of China’s doctrine of party self-governance, its anti-corruption drive, and the incoming 15th Five-Year Plan.

    What is China’s Five-Year Plan?

    1. Definition: A Five-Year Plan is China’s central blueprint setting economic and strategic priorities for a five-year cycle.
    2. 15th plan: The upcoming plan will set targets for technology self-reliance, growth, and security amid external pressure.

    Why does party self-governance matter?

    1. Centralised control: Tighter party discipline concentrates authority and reduces internal dissent.
    2. Anti-corruption as tool: The campaign doubles as a mechanism to enforce loyalty and remove rivals.
    3. Policy continuity: Party control over planning shapes China’s industrial and strategic trajectory that India must track.

    Conclusion

    China’s model fuses party discipline with long-range planning to sustain one-party control. The takeaway is that policy direction is set by the party, not the state.

  • The Makkah Joint Defence Agreement reshapes Gulf security

    Why in the News

    The Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, a Saudi Arabia-Pakistan-Turkey mutual-defence pact signed on 7 August 2026, is framed as a NATO-style collective-security bloc. It carries stakes for the Strait of Hormuz and Indian energy security.

    What is a collective defence pact?

    1. Definition: A collective defence pact treats an armed attack on one member as an attack on all, obliging mutual assistance.
    2. Model: The template is NATO’s Article 5, which the new pact echoes for the Gulf and West Asia.

    Why does it matter for India?

    1. Nuclear linkage: It ties a nuclear-armed neighbour, Pakistan, to a Gulf power and a NATO member, altering the regional balance.
    2. Energy chokepoint: Instability around the Strait of Hormuz threatens India’s crude and LNG imports.
    3. Strategic autonomy: India must balance ties with Gulf states, Israel, and Iran without being drawn into bloc politics.

    Conclusion

    A new security triangle in West Asia complicates India’s balancing act in an energy-critical region. The next milestone is whether it acquires an operational command structure.

    “[2023, GS2, 15 marks] The expansion and strengthening of NATO and a stronger US-Europe strategic partnership works well in India. What is your opinion about this statement? Give reasons and examples to support your answer.”

  • FCRA Amendment Bill, 2026 faces demand for JPC scrutiny

    Why in the News

    The Opposition, the Mizoram Chief Minister, and Christian bodies are pressing for the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026 to be referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) before the coming session.

    What is the FCRA?

    1. Definition: The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010 (FCRA) governs the receipt and use of foreign funds by individuals, associations, and NGOs in India.
    2. Registration regime: Organisations need FCRA registration or prior permission to receive foreign donations, with periodic renewal.

    Why is the amendment contested?

    1. Compliance burden: Critics argue tighter conditions could choke funding for civil society and faith-based organisations.
    2. Federal and minority concern: State governments and church bodies see the changes as targeting specific organisations.
    3. Scrutiny demand: Referral to a JPC is sought to allow detailed clause-by-clause examination before passage.

    Requirement for JPC Referral

    A Bill can be referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) when:

    1. Either House proposes referral: The Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha may move a motion to refer the Bill to a JPC.
    2. House approval: The motion must be approved by the concerned House.
    3. Agreement of both Houses: Since a JPC includes members from both Houses, the other House must also agree to the referral.
    4. Government or Opposition request: Referral can be proposed by the government or opposition, but Parliament decides.
    5. No constitutional compulsion: There is no mandatory constitutional requirement that a Bill must be sent to a JPC.

    Note: A Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) is not a constitutional body, as the Constitution of India does not explicitly provide for or mandate its creation. Instead, a JPC is an ad-hoc (temporary) parliamentary committee established by the Parliament of India under the Rules of Procedure of the houses for a specific purpose, duration, and mandate

    [2025, GS2, 10 marks] Civil Society Organizations are often perceived as being anti-State actors rather than non-State actors. Do you agree? Justify.”

    [2014] Which one of the following is the largest Committee of the Parliament?

    [A] The Committee on Public Accounts

    [B] The Committee on Estimates

    [C] The Committee on Public Undertakings

    [D] The Committee on Petitions.