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GS Paper: GS2

  • [pib] QS World University Rankings 2022

    The Prime Minister has congratulated IIT Bombay, IIT Delhi and  IISc Bengaluru for top-200 positions in QS World University Rankings 2022.

    QS World University Rankings

    • QS World University Rankings is an annual publication of university rankings by Quacquarelli Symonds (QS).
    • It comprises the global overall and subject rankings (which name the world’s top universities for the study of 51 different subjects and five composite faculty areas).
    • It announces ranking for five independent regional tables (Asia, Latin America, Emerging Europe and Central Asia, the Arab Region, and BRICS).

    Highlights of the 2022 Report

    • IIT Bombay ranks joint-177 in the world, having fallen five places over the past year.
    • IIT Delhi has become India’s second-best university, having risen from 193 ranks in last year’s ranking to 185 in the latest ranking. It has overtaken IISc Bangalore, which ranks joint-186.
    • The Indian Institute of Science (IISc), Bengaluru, has been ranked the “world’s top research university.
    • The top three institutions globally are — Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), University of Oxford, and Stanford University ranked at number one, two, and three respectively.

  • A clean, green future for Indian cities

    This year, the United Nations Decade on Ecosystem Restoration is being launched, building towards the goals of this decade. In light of this, the article highlights the mitigating potentials of various missions undertaken by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs.

    A networked approach to achieving the SDG

    • The delicate balance between sustainable development and environmental protection is one of the core targets of the UN 2030 agenda for sustainable development.
    • A networked approach to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals has been included in India’s policy and political discourse.
    • The motto of the 2030 agenda — “Leave no one behind” — very much embodies the essence of Gandhiji’s philosophy of sarvodaya through antyodaya.
    •  This guiding principle has long been a part of the execution of the national programmes and missions of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA).

    Achieving SDGs through flagship missions of MoHUA

    • In 2014 the Swachhata movement was launched.
    • It was, in effect, the harbinger of a total transformation of our urban landscape.
    • In June 2015, the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs launched flagship mission — Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Urban), Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (AMRUT) and the Smart Cities Mission.
    • The SDGs are reflected in the core objectives of these missions.
    • They have achieved their set targets while ensuring that sustainable development is a non-negotiable part of them.

    Ensuring sustainable development

    1) Swachh Bharat Mission (Urban)

    • It focuses on achieving an open-defecation-free India, building solid waste management capacity and bringing about behavioural change.
    • Cooperative and competitive federalism have become the driving force behind this citizen-led jan andolan.
    • It is estimated that the various initiatives under SBM-U can mitigate 17.42 million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2022.

    2) Smart Cities Mission

    • The Smart Cities Mission is aiding technological advancements of our cities to improve governance, sustainability and disaster risk resilience.
    • Smart solutions are being implemented to improve energy efficiency and non-motorised transport capacity in urban centres.
    • The Climate Smart Cities Assessment Framework has been adopted which aims to help cities adapt, collaborate and exchange best practices to achieve international standards for green, sustainable and resilient urban habitats.

    3) AMRUT

    • Under AMRUT, water supply and management, energy efficiency and increased green spaces have been part of the goal in 500 target cities.
    • As of today, 1,831 parks over 3,700 acres have been developed, 85 lakh street lights have been replaced, resulting in energy saving of 185.33 crore units (kWh), and 106 water bodies have been rejuvenated.
    • The mission is likely to result in the mitigation of 48.52 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent of GHG emissions by 2022.

    4) Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Urban)

    • With 1.12 crore houses sanctioned, Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Urban) has focused on new construction technologies that are innovative, environmentally friendly and disaster-resilien.
    • The Prime Minister launched six Light House Projects on January 1, 2021.
    • These are already under construction.
    • Additionally, about 43.3 lakh houses are being constructed where fly ash bricks/blocks and concrete blocks are being used.
    • Overall, the mission has the potential to mitigate around 12 million tonnes CO2 equivalent of GHG emissions by 2022.

    5) Metro rail

    • An energy-efficient mass rapid transit system, is operational in 18 cities with over 720 km of line constructed.
    • Another 1,055 km of new lines is under construction in 27 cities.
    • This network is expected to mitigate around 21.58 million tonnes of CO2 eq GHG from 2015-2022.
    • Cumulatively, the national missions under the MoHUA are projected to mitigate GHG emissions equivalent to more than 93 million tonnes of CO2 by 2022.

    Conclusion

    A progressive track of urban development while keeping sustainability, disaster risk resilience and community building at its core has been the guiding principle of the government. It will help us preserve our environment, restore ecosystems and mitigate the risks posed by climate change in the coming decade.

  • Protecting human rights in digital era

    The article highlights the issues mentioned in the UNHRC report on disinformation and freedom of expression.

    UNHRC Report: Upholding human rights helps dealing with falsehood

    • The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) Special Rapporteur  submitted her report on “Disinformation and Freedom of Opinion and Expression” recently.
    • The UNHRC report specifically speaks of information disorder that arises from disinformation.
    • Impact of disinformation: Such information disorder leads to politically polarisation, hinders people from meaningfully exercising their human rights, and destroys their trust in governments and institutions.
    • Human rights provide a powerful and appropriate framework to challenge falsehoods and present alternative viewpoints.
    • Upholding human rights is useful in dealing with falsehood in two ways:
    • 1) Freedom of opinion and expression enables governance and development.
    • 2) Civil society, journalists and others are able to challenge falsehoods and present alternative viewpoints.
    • So, the report says that human rights friendly governance is both possible and doable; it is also desirable, as it protects political power against itself.

    Review of the business model needed

    • The report asserts that reactive content moderation efforts” are unlikely to make any worthwhile difference in the absence of a serious review of the business model that underpins much of the drivers of disinformation and misinformation.
    • Problems of inconsistent application of companies’ terms of service, inadequate redress mechanisms and a lack of transparency and access to data re-emerge constantly.
    • Aalthough the platforms are global businesses, they do not appear to apply their policies consistently across all geographical areas or to uphold human rights in all jurisdictions to the same extent.

    Need for legislative clarity on twin concept of misinformation and disinformation

    • The report highlights the lack of legislative and judicial clarity on the twin concepts of “disinformation” and “misinformation”.
    • It emphasises that the intention to harm is decisive to the disinformation.
    • “Disinformation” is false information disseminated intentionally to cause serious social harm.
    • In contrast, misinformation consists in the dissemination of false information unknowingly.
    • Nor are these terms to be used interchangeably.
    • Acknowledging the fact that “extremist or terrorist groups” frequently engage in the dissemination as part of their propaganda to radicalise and recruit members, the report disfavours any state response that adds to human rights concerns.

    Other factors contributing to growth of disinformation

    • The growth of disinformation in recent times cannot be attributed solely to technology or malicious actors, according to the report.
    • Other factors such as digital transformation and competition from online platforms, state pressure, the absence of robust public information regimes, and digital and media literacy among the general public also matter.
    • Moreover, disinformation enhance the frustrations and grievances such as economic deprivation, market failures, political disenfranchisement, and social inequalities.
    • Disinformation is thus not the “cause but the consequence of societal crises and the breakdown of public trust in institutions”.
    • Strategies to address disinformation will succeed only when these underlying factors are tackled.

    Issue of use of disinformation by states

    • A 2020 Oxford study of “Industrialised Disinformation” mentions that as many as “81 governments” use “social media to spread computational propaganda and disinformation about politics”.
    • Some authoritarian countries like Russia, China and Iran capitalised on coronavirus disinformation to amplify anti-democratic narratives.
    • Online disinformation also results in offline practices of violent social excursion on actually existing individuals and communities such as ethnic, gender, migrant, sexual minorities.

    Consider the question “Reactive content moderation efforts are simply inadequate without a serious review of the business model that underpins much of the drivers of disinformation and misinformation on the social media platforms.” Critically examine.”

    Conclusion

    Will future itineraries of human rights in the digital era repeat past mistakes? The report offers grist to the mill for profound thought and conscientious action.

  • Autonomous Councils in India

    The Rengma Nagas in Assam have written to Union Home Minister demanding an autonomous district council amid a decision by the Central and the State governments to upgrade the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council (KAAC) into a territorial council.

    Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council

    • KAAC is an autonomous district council in the state of Assam, India for the development and protection of tribals living in area namely Karbi Anglong and West Karbi Anglong district.
    • The council is constituted under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India and administratively functions under the Government of Assam.

    Answer this PYQ in the comment box:

    Q.The Government enacted the Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act in 1996. Which one of the following is not identified as its objective?

    (a) To provide self-governance

    (b) To recognize traditional rights

    (c) To create autonomous regions in tribal areas

    (d) To free tribal people from exploitation

    What are such Autonomous Council?

    • The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India allows for the formation of autonomous administrative divisions which have been given autonomy within their respective states.
    • Most of these autonomous district councils are located in North East India but two are in Ladakh, a region administered by India as a union territory.
    • Presently, 10 Autonomous Councils in Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura are formed by virtue of the Sixth Schedule with the rest being formed as a result of other legislation.

    Powers and competencies

    Under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule, autonomous district councils can make laws, rules and regulations in the following areas:

    • Land management
    • Forest management
    • Water resources
    • Agriculture and cultivation
    • Formation of village councils
    • Public health
    • Sanitation
    • Village and town level policing
    • Appointment of traditional chiefs and headmen
    • Inheritance of property
    • Marriage and divorce
    • Social customs
    • Money lending and trading
    • Mining and minerals

    Judicial powers

    • Autonomous district councils have powers to form courts to hear cases where both parties are members of Scheduled Tribes and the maximum sentence is less than 5 years in prison.

    Taxation and revenue

    • Autonomous district councils have powers to levy taxes, fees and tolls on; building and land, animals, vehicles, boats, entry of goods into the area, roads, ferries, bridges, employment and income and general taxes for the maintenance of schools and roads.

  • Appointment of Election Commissioners

    President Ram Nath Kovind on Tuesday appointed of Anup Chandra Pandey, a retired Uttar Pradesh cadre IAS officer, to the post of Election Commissioner.

    Election Commission of India (ECI)

    • The ECI is a constitutional body responsible for administering elections in India according to the rules and regulations mentioned in the Constitution of India.
    • It was established on January 25, 1950.
    • The major aim of the election commission of India is to define and control the process for elections conducted at various levels, Parliament, State Legislatures, and the offices of the President and Vice President of India.
    • It can be said that the Election Commission of India ensures the smooth and successful operation of the democracy.

    Functions

    According to Article 324 of the Indian Constitution:

    • the ECI has superintendence, direction, and control of the entire process for conduct of elections to Parliament and Legislature (state legislative assembly & state legislative council) of every State and to
    • the offices of President and Vice-President of India

    Answer this PYQ in the comment box:

    Q.Consider the following statements:

    1. The Election Commission of India is a five-member body.
    2. Union Ministry of Home Affairs decides the election schedule for the conduct of both general elections and bye-elections.
    3. Election Commission resolves the disputes relating to splits/mergers of recognized political parties.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (CSP 2017)

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) 2 and 3 only

    (d) 3 only

    Its composition

    • Initially, the commission had only a Chief Election Commissioner. Presently, it consists of a Chief Election Commissioner and two Election Commissioners.
    • For the first time, two additional Commissioners were appointed on 16th October 1989 but they had a very short term till 1st January 1990.
    • Afterward, on 1st October 1993, two additional Election Commissioners were appointed.
    • The concept of a multi-member Commission has been in operation since then, with decision-making power by majority vote.

    Appointment & Tenure of Commissioners

    • The President has the power to select Chief Election Commissioner and Election Commissioners.
    • They have a tenure of six years, or up to the age of 65 years, whichever is earlier.
    • They have the same status and receive pay and perks as available to Judges of the Supreme Court of India.
    • The CEC can be removed from office only through accusation by Parliament.
    • The election commissioner or a regional commissioner shall not be removed from office except on the recommendation of the CEC.

  • Operation Pangea XIV

    More than 1.10 lakh web links, including websites and online marketplaces, have been taken down in the operation Pangea XIV.

    Operation Pangea XIV

    • Code-named “Operation Pangea XIV”, the exercise was coordinated by Interpol.
    • It involved the police, customs, and health regulatory authorities of 92 countries against the sale of fake and illicit medicines and medical products.
    • Indian agencies also participated in the operation, said an official of the Central Bureau of Investigation that is the nodal body for the Interpol in the country.
    • It showed that criminals were continuing to cash in on the huge demand for personal protection and hygiene products due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

  • Pushback against China more likely as Quad gains momentum

    The article discusses the future pushback against China in South Asia and Indo-Pacific as Quad gains more momentum. 

    Context

    Recently, the Chinese Ambassador to Bangladesh, Li Jiming, warned Dhaka that there will be “substantial damage” in bilateral ties between China and Bangladesh if the latter joins the Quad.

    Bangladesh’s reaction

    • Bangladesh Foreign Minister A.K. Abdul Momen promptly and publicly challenged the Chinese envoy’s statement, underlining categorically that Dhaka pursues an independent foreign policy. 
    • That China’s remarks would reverberate far beyond South Asia was expected and perhaps intended.
    • The spokesperson of U.S. State Department remarked, “What we would say is that we respect Bangladesh’s sovereignty and we respect Bangladesh’s right to make foreign policy decisions for itself.”

    Implications for South Asia and Info-Pacific

    • With its message to Bangladesh, Beijing was laying down a marker that nations should desist from engaging with the Quad.
    • This episode captures the emerging fault lines in South Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific.
    • For all its attempts to play down the relevance of the Quad, Beijing realises that the grouping, with all its weaknesses, is emerging as a reality and there is little it can do to prevent that.
    • And so, it is agitated about Quad’s future role and its potential success in offering the regional states an alternative to its own strong-arm tactics.

    About Quad’s agenda

    • The Quad member states are figuring out a cohesive agenda amongst themselves and there are no plans for an expansion.
    • There is a desire to work with like-minded nations but that can only happen if the four members of the Quad can build a credible platform first.
    • Quad has not asked any country to join and no one has shown an interest.
    • But China wants to ensure that after failing in its initial attempt to prevent the Quad from gaining any traction.
    • Its message is well understood by other states who may harbour any desire of working closely with the Quad members.

    Way forward

    • Beijing has failed to prevent nations from the West to the East from coming out with their Indo-Pacific strategies.
    • It has failed to prevent the operationalisation of the Quad, and now it might be worried about other nations in the region thinking of engaging with the Quad more proactively.
    • Even Bangladesh is planning to come out with its own Indo-Pacific strategy and Beijing has now warned Dhaka that a close cooperation with the Quad should not be part of the policy mix.
    •  As the Quad gains more momentum and the churn in the waters of the Indo-Pacific leads to new countervailing coalitions against China, Beijing’s belligerence can only be expected to grow.

    Conclusion

    Beijing is more likely to demand clear-cut foreign policy choices from its regional interlocutors, as its warning to Bangladesh underscores. But as Dhaka’s robust response makes it clear, states are more likely to push back than become subservient to Chinese largesse.

  • Opportunity to expand ties with West

    The article takes an overview of the growing convergence of India’s interest with the West in the changing geopolitical scenario and opportunities it offers to India.

    Significance of G-7 Summit for India

    • Summit of the G-7, the Group of Seven industrial countries, will be hosted by the United Kingdom this week.
    • Prime Minister Narendra Modi will participate digitally in this summit.
    • This participation also marks an important step towards a new global compact between India and the West.
    • The global financial crisis of 2008, the rapid rise of China, divisions within the West during the Trump years, and the chaotic response in North America and Europe to the Covid-19 pandemic, were the factors that indicated the decline of the West.
    • In his first tour abroad as the US president wants to demonstrate that the collective West is an enduring force to reckon with under renewed American leadership.
    • For India, the G-7 summit is an opportunity to expand the global dimension of India’s growing partnerships with the US and Europe.

    Convergence of interests between India and the West

    • The challenges from an increasingly aggressive China, the urgency of mitigating climate change, and the construction of a post-pandemic international order are generating convergence between the interests of India and the West.
    • India’s current engagement with the G-7 is about global issues.
    • The idea of a global democratic coalition that is based more broadly than the geographic West has gained ground in recent years.
    • And India is at the very heart of that Western calculus.
    • For India, too, the G-7summit comes amidst intensifying strategic cooperation with the West.
    • This includes strong bilateral strategic cooperation with the US, France, UK as well as the Quad and the trilateral partnerships with France and Australia as well as Japan and Australia.
    • India has also stepped up its engagement with the European Union.

    China factor

    • India’s increasing engagement with the US and the West has been triggered in part by the continuous deterioration of the relationship with China.
    • Besides the threat to territorial security, India finds that its hopes for strong global cooperation with China have taken a big beating in recent years.
    • China is the only great power that does not support India’s permanent membership of the UN Security Council and blocks India’s membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group.
    • At the end of the Cold War, India believed that China was a natural partner in the construction of a multipolar world.
    • India now can’t escape the conclusion that China is the greatest obstacle to India’s global aspirations and the West is an emerging partner.
    •  India has relied on Western support to fend off China’s effort to internationalise the Kashmir question after the 2019 constitutional changes.
    • India walked away from RCEP due to the growing trade imbalance with China and the negative impact of Chinese imports on India’s domestic manufacturing.
    • After China’s aggression in Ladakh last April, India has also sought to actively limit its exposure to Chinese investments and technology.

    Way forward

    • The convergence of interests between India and the West does not mean the two sides will agree on everything.
    •  There are many areas of continuing divergence within the West — from the economic role of the state to the democratic regulation of social media and the technology giants.
    • It will surely not be easy translating the broad convergences between India and the West into tangible cooperation.
    • That would require sustained negotiations on converting shared interests.

    Consider the question “The idea of a global democratic coalition that is based more broadly than the geographic West has gained ground in recent years. This offers India an opportunity to expand the global dimension of India’s growing partnerships with the US and Europe. Comment.”

    Conclusion

    While India continues to strengthen its partnerships in Asia and the global south, a more productive partnership with the West helps secure a growing array of India’s national interests and adds a new depth to India’s international relations.

  • Simultaneous Elections in India

    The article deals with the issue frequent elections in the country and highlights the need for debate on the idea of “one nation, one election”.

    Need for debate on one nation one election

    The idea has been around since at least 1983, when the Election Commission first mooted it. The concept needs to be debated mainly around five issues.

    1) Financial costs of  conducting elections

    • The costs of conducting each assembly or parliamentary election are huge and, in some senses, incalculable.
    • Directly budgeted costs are around Rs 300 crore for a state the size of Bihar.
    • But there are other financial costs, and incalculable economic costs.
    • Before each election, a “revision” of electoral rolls is mandatory.
    • The costs of the millions of man-hours used are not charged to the election budget.
    • The economic costs of lost teaching weeks, delayed public works, badly delivered or undelivered welfare schemes to the poor have never been calculated.

    2) Cost of repeated administrative freezes

    • The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) has economic costs too.
    • Works may have been announced long before an election is announced, but tenders cannot be finalised, nor work awarded, once the MCC comes into effect.
    • Time overruns translate into cost overruns.
    • But the huge costs of salaries and other administrative expenditures continue to be incurred.
    • Add to this the invisible cost of a missing leadership.
    • Important meetings and decisions get postponed, with costs and consequences that are difficult to calculate.
    • A NITI Aayog paper says that the country has at least one election each year.

    3) Visible and invisible costs of repeatedly deploying security forces

    • There are also huge and visible costs of deploying security forces and transporting them, repeatedly.
    • A bigger invisible cost is paid by the nation in terms of diverting these forces from sensitive areas.

    4)  Campaign and finance costs of political parties

    • There is little doubt that the fiscal and economic costs of an election are not trivial, and that two elections, held separately, will almost double costs, including those incurred by political parties themselves.

    5) Question of regional/smaller parties having a level playing field

    • There are fears about the Centre somehow gaining greater power, or regional parties being at a disadvantage during simultaneously held elections.
    • However, fixed five-year terms for state legislatures in fact take away the central government’s power to dissolve state assemblies.
    •  Until 1967 when simultaneous elections were the norm.
    • The Constitution and other laws would need to be amended is obvious, but that is hardly an argument against the proposal.

    Consider the question “There are huge costs associated with the frequent elections in the country. Is simultaneous elections a solution? What are the issues involved?”

    Conclusion

    As the elections in four states and one Union territory in March-April are suspected to have contributed to the second wave of Covid infections, a well-reasoned debate on a concept as important as “one nation, one election” is called for.

  • BRICS

    As India is gearing up to host this year’s BRICS summit, the grouping is facing fresh challenges, from disputes among member countries to tackling COVID-triggered crises and opportunities.

    What is BRICS?

    • To be clear, BRICS was not invented by any of its members.
    • In 2001, Goldman Sachs’ Jim O’Neill authored a paper called “Building Better Global Economic BRICs”, pointing out that future GDP growth in the world would come from China, India, Russia and Brazil.
    • Significantly, the paper didn’t recommend a separate grouping for them, but made the case that the G-7 grouping, made up of the world’s most industrialized, and essentially Western countries, should include them.
    • O’Neill also suggested that the G-7 group needed revamping after the introduction of a common currency for Europe, the euro, in 1999.
    • In 2003, Goldman Sachs wrote another paper, “Dreaming with BRICs: Path to 2050”, predicting that the global map would significantly change due to these four emerging economies.
    • In 2006, leaders of the BRIC countries met on the margins of a G-8 (now called G-7) summit in St. Petersburg, Russia, and BRIC was formalized that year.

    Issues in its consolidation

    • Common ground for the members was built by ensuring that no bilateral issues were brought up, but the contradictions remained.
    • Many economists soon grew tired of “emerging” economies that didn’t reach the goals they had predicted.
    • Others saw India’s closer ties with the US after the civil nuclear deal as a sign its bonds with BRICS would weaken.
    • Meanwhile, Russia, which had hoped to bolster its own global influence through the group, had been cast out of the G-7 order altogether after its actions in Crimea in 2014.
    • China, under Xi Jinping, grew increasingly aggressive, and impatient about the other underperforming economies in the group, as it became the U.S.’s main challenger on the global stage.

    Long-term prospects

    • China’s decision to launch the trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative in 2017 was opposed by India, and even Russia did not join the BRI plan, although it has considerable infrastructure projects with China.
    • South Africa’s debt-laden economy and the negative current account have led some to predict an economic collapse in the next decade.
    • Brazil’s poor handling during the Covid-19 crisis has ranked it amongst the world’s worst-affected countries, and its recovery is expected to be delayed.
    • India’s economic slowdown was a concern even before Covid-19 hit, and government policies like “Aatmanirbhar” were seen as a plan to turn inward.

    Issues with BRICS nations

    • Concerns about aggressions from Russia in Ukraine and Eastern Europe and China in the South China Sea, the border with India and internally in Hongkong and Xinjiang are clear visible.
    • There is creeping authoritarianism in democracies like Brazil and India have made investors question long-term prospects of the group.
    • In the market, BRICS has been mocked for being “broken”, while others have suggested it should be expanded to include more emerging economies like Indonesia, Mexico and Turkey, called the “Next-11”.

    A roadmap to progress

    • BRICS is an idea that has endured two decades, an idea its members remain committed to, and not one has skipped the annual summits held since 2009.
    • Along the way, BRICS has created the New Development Bank (NDB) set up with an initial capital of $100 billion.
    • There is a BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement fund to deal with global liquidity crunches, and a BRICS payment system proposing to be an alternative to the SWIFT payment system.

    Reforming the multilaterals

    • The BRICS ministerial meeting held this week sent several important signals to that end, issuing two outcome documents.
    • It included the first “standalone” joint statement on reforming multilateral institutions, including the UN and the UNSC, IMF and World Bank and the WTO.
    • It remains to be seen how far countries like China and Russia, which are already “inside the tent” at the UNSC, will go in advocating for the other BRICS members.
    • Another important agreement was the BRICS ministerial decision to support negotiations at the WTO for the waiver of trade-related intellectual property rights (TRIPs) for vaccines and medicines to tackle the Coronavirus.

    Way forward

    • What appears clear is in the post-Covid world, priorities for all economies will change, and offer up a churning in the world of the kind seen two decades ago, when the idea of a grouping of emerging economies was first floated.
    • For BRICS, the next few months could crystallize that idea, or sink it further, leaving others to wonder whether the “Rise of the Rest” as it was once called, is an idea whose time will ever come at all.