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  • Implications of increasing prices of subsidised LPG on Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY).

    Price increase of subsidised LPG

    • Subsidised LPG prices have increased by a massive 50% in this financial year alone.
    • This would have a significant impact on the government’s flagship scheme, the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY).
    • Since 2016, PMUY has provided LPG connections to 80 million poor households to reduce women’s drudgery and indoor air pollution.
    • Providing an upfront connection subsidy of ₹1,600, PMUY helped expand LPG coverage to more than 85% of households.

    Challenges

    • Large-scale primary surveys by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) suggest that, on average, recent PMUY beneficiaries consumed only about half the LPG compared to long-standing regular consumers.
    • Limited uptake of LPG among poor households has two main reasons.
    • First, the effective price of LPG is not affordable for such households, despite the subsidy.
    • Second, many rural consumers have access to freely available biomass, making it difficult for LPG to displace it.
    • Beyond causing indoor air pollution, biomass use for cooking contributes up to 30% to the ambient PM2.5 at the national level, more than the contribution of transport, crop residue or coal burning.

    Impact of price rise

    • The recent increases in the subsidised LPG price have made it more difficult for the poor to sustain LPG use.
    • As the pandemic set in, the LPG subsidised price began to rise, even when global LPG prices plummeted.
    • Now with LPG prices rising globally, a 50% reduction in the LPG subsidy budget for FY22 (versus FY21) does not bode well.
    • The information about LPG price build-up and subsidy has become more difficult to obtain in recent years.

    Way forward

    • The central government tread should balance between LPG subsidies and sustained clean fuel consumption in poorer households by better targeting of subsidy.
    • One approach for such targeting is to rely on the existing LPG consumption patterns of consumers. 
    • Provide households exhibiting low consumption or a decline in LPG consumption over time with greater subsidy per cylinder to sustain health gains.
    • Further, the subsidy levels could be dynamic with different slabs reflecting the previous year’s consumption.
    • Alongside, the de-duplication efforts must continue to avoid subsidy leakages.

    Consider the question “What is the social impact of the Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY)? What are the challenges in its success.”

    Conclusion

    In the post-pandemic rebuilding, the continued support to the economically poor for sustaining LPG use is not merely a fiscal subsidy but also a social investment to free-up women’s productive time and reduce India’s public health burden.

  • What we must consider before digitising India’s healthcare

    As India seeks to create digital health infrastructure, it must consider several issues.

    Integrated digital health infrastructure

    • The National Digital Health Mission aims to develop the backbone needed for the integrated digital health infrastructure of India.
    • This can help not only with diagnostics and management of health episodes, but also with broader public health monitoring, socio-economic studies, epidemiology, research, prioritising resource allocation and policy interventions. 
    • However, before we start designing databases and APIs and drafting laws, we must be mindful of certain considerations for design choices and policies to achieve the desired social objectives.

    Factors to be considered

    1) Carefully developing pathway to public good

    • There must be a careful examination of how exactly digitisation may facilitate better diagnosis and management, and an understanding of the data structures required for effective epidemiology.
    • We must articulate how we may use digitisation and data to understand and alleviate health problems such as malnutrition and child stunting.
    • We need the precise data we require to better understand crucial maternal- and childcare-related problems.

    2) Balancing between public good and individual rights

    • The potential tensions between public good and individual rights must be examined, as must the suitable ways to navigate them.
    • Moreover, for the balancing to be sound and for determining the level of due diligence required, it is imperative to clearly define the operational standards for privacy management.
    • Conflating privacy with security, as is typical in careless approaches, will invariably lead to problematic solutions.
    • In fact, most attempts at building health data infrastructures worldwide — including in the UK, Sweden, Australia, the US and several other countries — have led to serious privacy-related controversies and have not yet been completely successful.

    3) Managing the sector specific identities

    • Even if we define and use a sector-specific identity, the question of when and how to link it with that of other sectors remains.
    • For example, with banking or insurance for financial transactions, or with welfare and education for transactions and analytics.
    • Indiscriminate linking may break silos and create a digital panopticon, whereas not linking at all will result in not realising the full powers of data analytics and inference.

    4) Working out the operational requirement of data infrastructure

    • We need to work out the operational requirements of the data infrastructure in ways that are informed by, and consonant with, the previous points.
    • In other words, the design of the operationalisation elements must follow the deliberations on above points, and not run ahead of them.
    • This requires identifying the diverse data sources and their complexity — which may include immunisation records, birth and death records, informal health care workers, dispensaries etc.
    • It also requires an understanding of their frequency of generation, error models, access rights, interoperability, sharing and other operational requirements.
    • There also are the complex issues of research and non-profit uses of data, and of data economics for private sector medical research.

    5) Issue of due process

    • Finally, “due process” has always been a weak point in India, particularly for technological interventions.
    • Building an effective system that can engender people’s trust not only requires managing the floor of the Parliament and passing a just and proportional law, but also building a transparent process of design and refinement through openness and public consultations.
    • In particular, technologists and technocrats should take care to not define “public good” as what they can conveniently deliver, and instead understand what is actually required.
    • While we can understand the urge to move forward quickly, given the urgent need to improve health outcomes in the country, deliberate care is needed.

    Consider the question “While seeking to develop digital health infrastructure through the National Digital Health Mission, we should be mindful of certain considerations for design choices and policies to achieve the desired social objectives. Comment.”

    Conclusion

    Developing a comprehensive understanding of the considerations related to health data infrastructure may also inform the general concerns of e-governance and administrative digitisation in India, which have not been all smooth sailing.

  • Clustering educational institutes and research centres

    National Education Policy 2020 (NEP) envisions establishing large multidisciplinary universities to promote research directed to solve contemporary national problems, and provides the option of setting up clusters of higher education institutes.

    Q. Discuss the salient features of Cluster Universities as propounded by the National Education Policy 2020 (NEP).

    What are Education Clusters?

    • This new concept is dedicated to students who want to discover & learn new things regardless of the field/branch/discipline they’re in.
    • Currently, higher educational institutions (HEIs) follow the structure of single-stream education.
    • Generally, what happens is that a student who has taken a major is allowed to study relevant subjects. He/she can’t opt for subjects from other majors.
    • This may restrict students to widen their thinking & learning capability.
    • With the introduction of Cluster University, the single-stream approach of teaching-learning will be ruled out.
    • All the institutions including the ones that are offering professional degrees will be transformed into a rationalized architecture that is popularly being referred to as- multidisciplinary clusters.

    What are the Key Benefits of Cluster Universities?

    More Space for Student-Teacher Collaboration

    • With HEIs getting merged to form a large unit, there would be more space for better student-teacher collaboration.
    • Students that are genuinely interested in learning a particular course would come together helping faculties to achieve better student learning outcomes.

    Inculcating Leadership Qualities in Students

    • Students would be more confident as they pursue their choice of subjects. They would get an open field to polish their skills and also develop new ones.
    • Thus, the process would ultimately lead to the inculcation of leadership qualities in students.

    Accelerate Institutional Networking

    • Since the Cluster University concept of the new education policy speaks of merging multidisciplinary HEIs, institutional networking would obviously go uphill.

    Fewer Resources & More Expertise

    • Many students would be able to learn under a single entity. It is bound to increase the outcomes with comparatively fewer resources.
    • Such universities would increase faculty strength, both in terms of numbers and diversity of disciplines, and facilitate the conduct of research on real-life problems.

    Way forward

    • For moving away from single-discipline institutions to multi-disciplinary universities, clustering is a promising model to achieve a critical mass in a university to invigorate research.
    • Many industry associations have established research centres and more could be encouraged to do.
    • India needs to earnestly pursue this model.

  • What changes after COVID-19 vaccination?

    As the vaccination drive gains momentum, questions have emerged about appropriate behaviour after being vaccinated.

    What does being vaccinated mean?

    • Being fully vaccinated means a period of two weeks or more following the receipt of the second dose in a two-dose series, or two weeks or more following the receipt of a single-dose vaccine.
    • In India, currently, both vaccines being used — Covishield and Covaxin — follow a two-dose regimen.
    • Typically, the immune response takes a while to build up after a vaccine shot.
    • After the first jab of a two-dose vaccine, a good immune response kicks in within about two weeks. It is the second dose that boosts the immune response.

    Is the COVID threat averted?

    • It is still unclear how long immunity lasts from the vaccines at hand now.
    • Whether or not the immune response is durable, how it performs with the passage of time, and how long it lasts can be found out only by monitoring people who have already been vaccinated over a period.
    • If the vaccinated individual is still carrying the virus, the vaccine may provide immunity from severe disease for him or her, but the individual could still transmit the virus.

    What changes after you get a vaccine shot?

    • After vaccination, one risk of severe disease from COVID-19 goes down dramatically.
    • There is not enough evidence yet of vaccine response for some age groups, and vaccines are in short supply in the community.

  • [pib] Maitri Setu between India and Bangladesh

    PM will inaugurate ‘Maitri Setu’ between India and Bangladesh tomorrow.

    Maitri Setu

    • The bridge ‘Maitri Setu’ has been built over the Feni River which flows between the Indian boundary in Tripura State and Bangladesh.
    • The 1.9 Km long bridge joins Sabroom in India with Ramgarh in Bangladesh.
    • The construction was taken up by the National Highways and Infrastructure Development Corporation Ltd.

    Try this PYQ:

    Q. Recently, which of the following States has explored the possibility of constructing an artificial inland port to be connected to the sea by a long navigational channel?

    (a) Andhra Pradesh

    (b) Chhattisgarh

    (c) Karnataka

    (d) Rajasthan

    Significance of the bridge

    • With this inauguration, Tripura is set to become the ‘Gateway of North East’ with access to Chittagong Port of Bangladesh, which is just 80 kms from Sabroom.
    • The name ‘Maitri Setu’ symbolizes growing bilateral relations and friendly ties between India and Bangladesh.

    About Feni River

    • Feni is a river in southeastern Bangladesh and Tripura.
    • It is a trans-boundary river with an ongoing dispute about water rights.
    • It originates in the South Tripura district and flows through Sabroom town and then enters Bangladesh.
    • The question of sharing the waters of the river between India and Pakistan was first discussed in 1958.

    Other associated projects

    Sabroom Check Post

    • PM will lay the foundation stone for setting up an Integrated Check Post at Sabroom.
    • It will help ease the movement of goods and passengers between the two countries provide new market opportunities for products of North-East states and assist the seamless movement of passengers to and from India and Bangladesh.
    • The project is being taken up by the Land Ports Authority of India.

  • Women’s needs are key to Swachh Bharat success

    The article highlights the central role of women in the success of the Swacch Bharat Mission.

    Recognising the gender dimensions of sanitation in India

    • The Swachh Bharat Grameen Phase I guidelines (2017) state that requirements and sensitivities related to gender are to be taken into account at all stages of sanitation programmes.
    • Planning, procurement, infrastructure creation, and monitoring are the basic tenets of implementation in Swachh Bharat and the guidelines for the first phase of the mission called for strengthening the role of women.
    • The states were accordingly expected to ensure adequate representation of women in the village water and sanitation committees (VWSCs), leading to optimal gender outcomes.
    • The department of Drinking Water and Sanitation released the guidelines, recognising the gender dimensions of sanitation in India.
    • Swachh Bharat Mission 2 .0 speaks of sustained behavioural change while embarking on the newer agendas of sustainable solid waste management and safe disposal of wastewater and reuse.
    • Besides the government, the role of non-state actors like the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, Unicef and several NGOs, must be lauded as we pursue sustainable sanitation using a powerful gender lens.

    Challenges and solutions

    • There were inevitably cases where women were fronts for spouses.
    • This capturing has happened in panchayat seats as well but research has shown that over time, women do pick up the challenge, and if voted back are likely to assume charge.
    • The government has also very effectively used over 8 lakh swachhagrahis, mainly women, who for small honorariums work to push through behavioural change at the community level.
    • There are no quick solutions other than adopting concerted approaches to ensure the survival and protection of the girl child through good health from sanitation and nutrition.
    • Information, education, and communication, which aims at behaviour change of the masses, is key to the success of the swachhta mission 2.0.
    • Changes in SBM messaging reflects major transformations attempting to popularise and portray stories of women groups and successful women swachhta champions.

    Need for monitoring and evaluation system

    • A national monitoring and evaluation system to track and measure gender outcomes in SBM is necessary.
    • Several researchers in this space have commented that gender analysis frameworks have a long history in development practice.
    • We can learn from these frameworks to support design, implementation, and measurement.

    Conclusion

    There is no doubt that women can help to drive change and bring about lasting change as the jan andolan for swachhta, health and sanitation gains momentum.

  • [pib] India’s rebuttal to Freedom House Report

    The Freedom House report titled “Democracy under Siege” in which it has been claimed that India’s status as a free country has declined to “partly free”, is misleading, incorrect, and misplaced.

    The US who claims to be the champion of Human Rights has turned another sermon to India through its Freedom House Report. This report presents an inherently flawed and biased analysis of Indian democracy.

    Rebuttal to specific points

    (1) Discriminatory policies against Minorities

    • The GoI treats all its citizens with equality as enshrined under the Constitution of the country and all laws are applied without discrimination.
    • Due process of law is followed in matters relating to law and order, irrespective of the identity of the alleged instigator.
    • With specific reference to the North East Delhi riots in February 2020, the law enforcement machinery acted swiftly in an impartial and fair manner.
    • Proportionate and appropriate actions were taken to control the situation.
    • Necessary legal and preventive actions were taken by the law enforcement machinery on all complaints/calls received, as per law and procedures.

    (2) Use of Sedition Law

    • “Public Order’ and ‘Police’ are State subjects under India’s federal structure of governance.
    • The responsibility of maintaining law and order, including investigation, registration, and prosecution of crimes, protection of life and property, etc., rests primarily with the concerned State governments.
    • Therefore, measures as deemed fit are taken by law enforcement authorities to preserve public order.

    (3) Government response to COVID-19 through Lockdown

    • Between March 16 to 23, most State governments/UT resorted to partial or full Lockdown in their respective State/ UT based on their assessment of the COVID-19 situation.
    • Any mass movement of people would have spread the disease rapidly throughout the country.
    • The government was fully conscious that during the period of an inevitable Lockdown, people should not face undue distress.
    • India has, on a per capita basis, registered one of the lowest rates of active COVID-19 cases and COVID-19 related deaths globally.

    (4) Government response on human rights organizations

    • The Indian Constitution provides for adequate safeguards under various statutes, including the Protection of Human Rights Act 1993 for ensuring the protection of human rights.
    • This Act provides for the constitution of an NHRC and SHRC in the States for better protection of human rights and for matters connected to this subject.

    (5) Intimidation of academics and journalists and crackdown on expressions of dissent by media

    • The Indian Constitution provides for freedom of expression under Article 19. Discussion, debate, and dissent are a part of Indian democracy.
    • The GoI attaches the highest importance to the safety and security of all residents of the country, including journalists.
    • It has issued a special advisory to States and UTs on the safety of journalists requesting them to strictly enforce the law to ensure the safety and security of media persons.

    (6) Internet shutdowns

    • Temporary suspension of the telecom services, including the internet, is governed under the provisions of the Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services (Public Emergency or Public Safety) Rules, 2017.
    • Hence, the temporary suspension of telecom/internet services is resorted to with the over-arching objective of maintaining law and order under strict safeguards.

    (7) FCRA amendment leading to freezing of Amnesty International’s assets has led to declining in ranking

    • Amnesty International had received permission under the FCRA Act only once and that too 20 years ago.
    • Since then Amnesty International, despite its repeated applications, has been denied FCRA approval by successive governments since as per law it is not eligible to get such approval.
    • However, in order to circumvent the FCRA regulations, Amnesty U.K. remitted large amounts of money to four entities registered in India, by misclassifying the remittance as FDI.
    • A significant amount of foreign money was also remitted to Amnesty India without MHA’s approval under FCRA.
    • This malafide rerouting of money was in contravention of extant legal provisions.
    • Owing to these illegal practices of Amnesty, the previous government had also rejected the repeated applications of Amnesty to receive funds from overseas.

  • The perils of domicile-based preferential policies

    The Haryana government is considering a Bill that provides for 75 per cent reservation to the residents of the state. This article discusses the challenge such policies poses.

    Domicile-based preferential policies on rise

    • The Haryana government’s State Employment of Local Candidates Bill 2020 reserves 75 per cent of new jobs in private establishments for Haryana residents.
    • Andhra Pradesh has mandated 75 per cent reservation for locals.
    • Karnataka is considering reserving all blue-collar jobs for locals.
    • Madhya Pradesh has announced that public employment in the state be reserved for state residents.

    Constitutionality of such policies

    • The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on place of birth.
    • The right to move freely in the country and reside and settle in any part of it, the right to carry out any trade or profession, are all established rights.
    • Article 16(3) does, in principle, enable Parliament [ not state legislature] to provide for domicile-based preferential treatment in public employment.

    Judicial scrutiny

    • The constitutionality of domicile-based employment preferences (unlike preferences in education) has never been frontally tested.
    • But almost all the existing case law that impinges on the matter clearly indicates such laws are unconstitutional.
    • In Pradeep Jain vs Union of India, the court had indicated this direction; in Kailash Chandra Sharma vs State of Rajasthan, the court had warned against parochialism.
    • The Andhra Pradesh Bill is sub judice in the high court.

    Issues with the policies

    • The Supreme Court will hopefully rule on the constitutionality of the  Haryana government’s Bill.
    • But the Bill has ramifications beyond constitutionality.
    • First, because this kind of constitutional cynicism is now not an exception but has become a contagion.
    • Second, even if the Bill is struck down, such a high wire act is meant to fuel the flames of localism.
    • Third, the Bill now exposes the bad faith of political parties on private sector reservation more generally.
    • Fourth, these bills will open up a new form of competitive ethnic politics.
    • It is odd that a state like Haryana which has benefitted from being part of a cosmopolitan zone like NCR should unilaterally impose reservations.
    • Fifth, there is patent class discrimination: If you are rich, privileged or highly skilled, there are no entry barriers in accessing any labour market.
    • But we shall put entry barriers on lower skilled migrants; our own internal version of an H-1B visa.
    • The greatest damage the Bill does is to increase the discretionary power of the state, almost taking us back to a license permit raj, where companies will have to bargain, or worse, bribe the state for exemptions.
    • This is the antithesis of regulatory reform.

    Consider the question “There have been growing tendencies among the states to pursue domicile-based preferential policies. What are the issues related to such policies?”

    Conclusion

    But the fact that states feel the need to enact these bills is an indictment of the economy as a whole: They suggest a pessimism about both education and job creation. So we have returned to a world of zero sum thinking.

  • Haryana’s new Job Quota Rule

    The Haryana government has notified a new law that requires 75% of private-sector jobs in the state, up to a specified salary slab, reserved for a local candidate.

    Haryana’s move has renewed the debate on whether the government force should private companies to adopt its reservation policy in jobs. While constitutional guarantees for reservation have been limited to public employment, attempts to extend it to private sector are not new either.

    Haryana Quota Rule

    • The Haryana State Employment of Local Candidates Bill, 2020 requires private companies to set aside for domiciles 75% of jobs up to a monthly salary of Rs 50,000 or as may be notified by the government.
    • The law is applicable to all companies, societies, trusts, limited liability partnership firms, partnership firms and any person employing 10 or more persons.

    Other states with such laws

    • In July 2019, the Andhra Pradesh government had passed a similar law, which was challenged in court.
    • The Andhra Pradesh High Court had made a prima facie observation that the move might be unconstitutional, but the challenge is yet to be heard on merits.

    What are the legal issues in such laws?

    Two big legal questions come up.

    (1) Question of domicile reservation

    • While domicile quotas in education are fairly common, courts have been reluctant in expanding this to public employment.
    • Last year, the MP government decided to reserve all government jobs for “children of the state”, raising questions relating to the fundamental right to equality of citizens.

    (2) Right to Equality

    • The second question, which is more contentious, is the issue of forcing the private sector to comply with reservations in employment.
    • For mandating reservation in public employment, the state draws its power from Article 16(4) of the Constitution.
    • It says that the right to equality in public employment does not prevent the state from “making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which is not adequately represented in the services under the State.
    • The Constitution has no manifest provision for private employment from which the state draws the power to make laws mandating reservation.

    Rationale in bringing such laws

    Providing reservation in public employment is one of the many ways through which the state endeavours to ensure equal opportunity for all citizens.

    • With public sector jobs constituting only a minuscule proportion of all jobs, legislators have talked about extending the legal protections to the private sector.
    • They aim to really achieve the constitutional mandate of equality for all citizens.
    • One argument often made in favour of reservation for private jobs is that private industries use public infrastructure in many ways.
    • A similar argument was made in requiring private schools to comply with the Right to Education Act, which the Supreme Court also upheld.

    Global precedences

    • Affirmative action is adopted in many countries in the context of race and gender.
    • In the US, there is no statutory requirement for employers to have quotas.
    • Courts can order monetary damages and injunctive relief, including “such affirmative action as may be appropriate”, for victims of discrimination.
    • The Employment Equity Act in Canada also protects minority groups, especially aboriginals from discrimination in federally regulated industries, even in the private sector.

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  • India’s migrant workers need better policies

    The article analyses the draft policy document for migrant labourers prepared by the NITI Aayog.

    Draft policy by NITI Aayog

    • The Niti Aayog, on the request of the Ministry of Labour and Employment, has prepared an umbrella policy document for migrant labourers, including informal sector workers.
    • The draft policy makes significant strides in providing a perspective on recognising the magnitude and role of migrant workers, their problems and vulnerabilities, and the role and responsibilities of various stakeholders in addressing these.
    •  It states that a sound policy must be viewed from a “human rights, property rights, economic, social development, and foreign policy lens”.
    • It reiterates that policy should lead to the fulfilment of ILO commitments and the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly SDG 8.8 on the protection of labour rights and providing a safe and secure working environment for all workers, particularly migrants.

    Portability of social protection to address vulnerabilities

    • The policy describes many sources of vulnerabilities of migrant labourers, ranging from their invisibility and political and social exclusion to informal work arrangements, exploitation and denial of labour rights, lack of collective voice, exclusion from social protection arrangements, formal skills, health, education, and housing.
    • Following from this, it identifies portability of social protection, voting rights, right to the city (the collective ownership and participation of citizens in cities they have helped build) and health, education and housing facilities as key issues to be dealt with.
    • It also reflects on the need for pro-poor development and provision of livelihoods in the source areas.

    Governance structure

    • The draft policy proposes a governance structure with the Ministry of Labour as the nodal ministry and a dedicated unit under it which will act as a focal point for inter-ministerial and Centre-state coordination.
    • It also proposes mechanisms for coordinating the effort on inter-state migration, especially on principal migration corridors.
    • The policy document creates a framework under which migrant workers and their families can access entitlements and possibly work in a safer and better environment.

    Issues need to be addressed

    1) Failure to address cause of migration of labour

    • The National Commission for Rural Labour argued way back in 1991 that unequal development was the main cause of labour migration.
    • In the last three decades, disparities in development and inequalities have grown ceaselessly, calling for deep correctives.
    • Without such correction, migration and the adverse inclusion of migrants in labour markets is bound to grow unchecked.
    • The report falls short of acknowledging this.

    2) Exclusion of migrants urban local governments

    • While the report correctly pinpoints the exclusion of migrants by urban local governments in the provision of basic entitlements, it fails to acknowledge the root cause of the lopsided urban development strategy.
    • The urban strategy has catered to national and global capital and the urban middle classes, marginalising the poor, particularly the migrants.

    3) Denial of social security

    • The report also makes a false dichotomy between approaches which rely on cash transfers and special dispensations and a second approach which enhances the agency and capability of migrants and removes constraints on these.
    • The denial of the first approach has led the report to brush aside the migrants’ and informal workers’ right to social security.
    • Social security is acknowledged as a universal human right in international covenants to which India is a signatory and is given due place in the Constitution.
    • The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) showed in 2006 that providing a minimum level of universal social security was financially and administratively feasible.
    • The Commission also recommended a universal registration system and issuance of smart social security cards, but its recommendations have unfortunately remained a dead letter.

    4) Approach towards labour rights and labour policy

    • By putting grievance and legal redressal above regulation and enforcement on which it remains silent, the report puts the cart before the horse.
    • Surprisingly, the report does not take stock of the new labour codes, mentioning only the defunct laws that were subsumed by them.
    • The Codes accentuate the very problems — informality, precarity, the role of contractors and the lack of organisation — which the report itself describes.
    • The Codes, in promoting ease of business, have tilted the balance firmly in favour of capital.

    Conclusion

    In essence, the draft policy framework identifies the problems but fails to address the policy distortions which lie at their root. Hopefully, however, the draft will be opened up for further discussions and feedback to enrich and complete what is already a significant beginning.