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GS Paper: GS3-24.Various Security Forces and Agencies and their Mandate.

  • Panel on AFSPA removal misses ‘45-day’ deadline

    A committee constituted by the Union Home Ministry to study the withdrawal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, or AFSPA, from Nagaland, slated to submit a report within 45 days is yet to conclude its findings.

    AFSPA: A Backgrounder

    • The AFSPA, 1958 came into force in the context of insurgency in the North-eastern States decades ago.
    • It provides “special power” to the Armed Forces applies to the Army, the Air Force and the Central Paramilitary forces etc.
    • It has been long contested debate whether the “special powers” granted under AFSPA gives total immunity to the armed forces for any action taken by them.

    Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958

    • Armed Forces Special Powers Act, to put it simply, gives armed forces the power to maintain public order in “disturbed areas.”
    • AFSPA gives armed forces the authority use force or even open fire after giving due warning if they feel a person is in contravention of the law.
    • The Act further provides that if “reasonable suspicion exists”, the armed forces can also arrest a person without warrant; enter or search premises without a warrant; and ban the possession of firearms.

    What are the Special Powers?

    The ‘special powers’ which are spelt out under Section 4 provide that:

    (a) Power to use force, including opening fire, even to the extent of causing death if prohibitory orders banning assembly of five or more persons or carrying arms and weapons, etc are in force in the disturbed area;

    (b) Power to destroy structures used as hide-outs, training camps, or as a place from which attacks are or likely to be launched, etc;

    (c) Power to arrest without warrant and to use force for the purpose;

    (d) Power to enter and search premises without a warrant to make arrest or recovery of hostages, arms and ammunition and stolen property etc.

    What are the Disturbed Areas?

    • A disturbed area is one that is declared by notification under Section 3 of the AFSPA.
    • As per Section 3, it can be invoked in places where “the use of armed forces in aid of the civil power is necessary”.

    Who can declare/notify such areas?

    • The Central Government or the Governor of the State or administrator of the Union Territory can declare the whole or part of the State or Union Territory as a disturbed area.
    • A suitable notification would have to be made in the Official Gazette.

    Presently ‘Disturbed Areas’

    • AFSPA is currently in force in Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, 3 districts of Arunachal Pradesh, and areas falling within the jurisdiction of 8 police stations in Arunachal Pradesh bordering Assam.
    • In Jammu and Kashmir, a separate law Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 has been in force.

     Is it a License to Kill?

    While the operation of the Section has been controversial in itself, it has attracted much criticism when actions have resulted in the death of civilians.

    • Power to kill: Section 4 of the Act granted officers the authority to “take any action” even to the extent to cause the death.
    • Protection against prosecution: This power is further bolstered by Section 6 which provides that legal can be instituted against the officer, except with the previous sanction of the Central Government.

    Supreme Court’s Observations over AFSPA

    • These extra-judicial killings became the attention of the Supreme Court in 2016.
    • It clarified that the bar under Section 6 would not grant “total immunity” to the officers against any probe into their alleged excesses.
    • The judgment noted that if any death was unjustified, there is no blanket immunity available to the perpetrator(s) of the offense.
    • The Court further noted that if an offense is committed even by Army personnel, there is no concept of absolute immunity from trial by the criminal court constituted under the CrPC.

    Constitutionality of AFSPA

    • Attempts have been made to examine the constitutionality of the Act on the grounds that it is contravention to the:
    1. Right to Life and Personal Liberty (Article 21) and
    2. Federal structure of the Constitution since law and order is a State subject

    Recommendations to repeal AFSPA

    (1) Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy Commission

    • The 2004 Committee headed by Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy, the content of which has never officially been revealed by the Government, recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • Additionally, it recommended that appropriate provisions be inserted in the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967 (UAPA) instead.
    • It also recommended that the UAPA be modified to clearly specify the powers of the armed forces and paramilitary forces and grievance cells should be set up in each district where the armed forces are deployed.

    (2) ARC II

    • The Administrative Reforms Commission in its 5th Report on ‘Public Order’ had also recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • It recommended adding a new chapter to be added to the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967.
    • However, the recommendation was considered first and then rejected.

    Controversies with AFSPA

    (1) Sexual Misconduct by Armed Forces

    • The issue of violation of human rights by actions of armed forces came under the consideration of the Committee on Amendments to Criminal Law (popularly known as Justice Verma Committee) set up in 2012.
    • It observed that- in conflict zones, legal protection for women was neglected.

    (2) Autocracy

    • The reality is that there is no evidence of any action being taken against any officer of the armed forces or paramilitary forces for their excesses.

    Caution given by the Supreme Court

    A July 2016 judgment authored by Justice Madan B. Lokur in Extra Judicial Execution Victim Families Association quoted the “Ten Commandments” issued by the Chief of the Army Staff for operations in disturbed areas:

    1. Definite circumstances: The “power to cause death is relatable to maintenance of public order in a disturbed area and is to be exercised under definite circumstances”.
    2. Declaration preconditions: These preconditions include a declaration by a high-level authority that an area is “disturbed”.
    3. Due warning: The officer concerned decides to use deadly force on the opinion that it is “necessary” to maintain public order. But he has to give “due warning” first.
    4. No arbitrary action: The persons against whom the action was taken by the armed forces should have been “acting in contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area”.
    5. Minimal use of force: The armed forces must use only the “minimal force required for effective action against the person/persons acting in contravention of the prohibitory order.”
    6. Empathy with perpetrators: The court said that: the people you are dealing with are your own countrymen. All your conduct must be dictated by this one significant consideration.
    7. People friendliness: The court underscored how the Commandments insist that “operations must be people-friendly, using minimum force and avoiding collateral damage – restrain must be the key”.
    8. Good intelligence: It added that “good intelligence is the key to success”.
    9. Compassion: It exhorted personnel to “be compassionate, help the people and win their hearts and minds. Employ all resources under your command to improve their living conditions”.
    10. Upholding Dharma (Duty): The judgment ended with the final Commandment to “uphold Dharma and take pride in your country and the Army”.

    Conclusion

    • Despite demands by civil society groups and human rights activities, none of the recommendations have not been implemented to date.

     

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  • What is Presidential Fleet Review?

    The President of India recently took part in the Indian Navy’s 12th Presidential Fleet Review.

    What is the President’s Fleet Review?

    • In simplest terms, it is the country’s President taking stock of the Navy’s capability.
    • It showcases all types of ships and capabilities the Navy has.
    • It takes place once under every President, who is the supreme commander of the armed forces.
    • The President is taken on one of the Naval ships, which is called the President’s Yacht, to look at all the ships docked on one of the Naval ports.
    • The yacht will be distinguished by the Ashoka Emblem on her side and will fly the President’s Standard on the Mast”.

    Importance of Presidential Fleet Review

    • A fleet review is usually conducted once during the tenure of the President.
    • So far, 11 Presidential Fleet Reviews have been conducted since Independence, of which two have been International Fleet Reviews, in 2001 and 2016.
    • In terms of significance, the Navy’s Presidential review is second only to the Republic Day Parade.
    • The President will be given a 21-gun salute before embarking on the yacht.

    Do all naval ships participate?

    • The idea is to showcase not all the Navy’s ships, but every type of ship — and the kind of capabilities it has at that time.
    • The review also includes merchant ships as well.

    What else happens in the fleet review?

    • In this most formal of naval ceremonials, each ship dressed in full regalia will salute the President as he passes.
    • The President will also be reviewing the Indian Naval Air Arm in a display of spectacular fly-past by several helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft.
    • In the final stage of the review, a mobile column of warships and submarines will steam past the Presidential Yacht.

    How many of these reviews have been held?

    • There have been 11 President’s Fleet Reviews since Independence.
    • The first was conducted in 1953, under Dr Rajendra Prasad.
    • The next one was done not by the President but by the then Defence Minister, Y B Chavan, in 1964.
    • Since then, it has been the President reviewing the fleet.
    • The longest gap between reviews was of 12 years — between 1989 (President R Venkatraman) and when 2001 (President K R Narayanan).
    • The last one was done in 2016, under President Pranab Mukherjee.

    Significance of the event

    • It is one of the most important events for the Navy, which is essentially showing its allegiance and commitment to defending the country.
    • It is a long-standing tradition followed by navies across the world, and according to Navy officials it is a strong bond that links seafarers of the world.
    • Historically, a Fleet Review is an assembly of ships at a pre-designated place for the purpose of displaying loyalty and allegiance to the Sovereign and the state.
    • In turn, the Sovereign, by reviewing the ships, reaffirms his faith in the fleet and its ability to defend the nation’s maritime interest.
    • It is perhaps conceived as a show of naval might. Though it still has the same connotation, assembling of warships without any belligerent intentions is now the norm in modern times.

     

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  • In news: Exercise Milan 2022

    Exercise Milan as well as the Fleet Review by President is scheduled to be held this month for which 46 countries have been invited.

    Exercise Milan

    • Milan began in 1995 and is held biennially and brings together Navies of all the countries in the region.
    • It has so far been held at Port Blair in Andaman and Nicobar but is now being shifted to Visakhapatnam which offers more infrastructure as well as sea space for the exercise.
    • It has several themes such as anti-submarine warfare among others along with deliberations, including by subject matter experts.

    What is Fleet Review?

    • A Fleet Review is usually conducted once during the tenure of the President.
    • The first PFR was held in 1953 for the first President Dr. Rajendra Prasad.
    • Since Independence 11 PFRs have been conducted by the Navy, of which two have been International Fleet Reviews in 2011 and 2016.
    • In terms of significance, the Navy’s Presidential review is second only to the Republic Day Parade.

     

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  • What is ‘Z’ Category Security?

    A noted Parliamentarian from Hyderabad has rejected the ‘Z’ category security by the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) accorded to him.

    Security Provisions in India

    • In India, security is provided to high-risk individuals by the police and local government.
    • The level of security needed by any individual is decided by the Ministry of Home Affairs, based on inputs received from intelligence agencies which include the IB and R&AW.
    • Individuals such as PM, home minister, and other officials such as the National Security Advisor generally get security cover because of the positions they occupy.
    • In addition to this, persons who are believed to be under threat also receive security cover.

    What is ‘Z’ Category Security?

    In India, the category covers are X, Y, Y-plus, Z, Z-plus, and SPG (Special Protection Group).

    • X Category: The protectee gets one gunman. Protectees in the Y category have one gunman for mobile security and one (plus four on rotation) for static security.
    • Y Plus category: It receives the cover of two gunmen (plus four on rotation) for mobile security, and one (plus four on rotation) for residence security,
    • Z Category: It has six gunmen for mobile security and two (plus 8) for residence security. They get 10 security personnel for mobile security, and two (plus 8) for residence security.
    • Z Plus Category: It is provided by National Security Guard commandos whereas the other category of security is provided by the Delhi police or the ITBP or CRPF personnel.

    What about Special Protection Group (SPG) Cover?

    • The SPG cover is meant only for the PM and his immediate family.
    • After Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her own security guards in 1984, the Rajiv Gandhi government decided to create a special cadre of security personnel for the PM.
    • In March 1985, following the recommendations of a committee set up by the Home Ministry, a special unit was created for this purpose under the Cabinet Secretariat.
    • This unit, initially called the Special Protection Unit, was renamed as Special Protection Group in April 1985.

     

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  • Why India needs a single agency to guard its borders

    Context

    Recent developments warrant a comprehensive review of border management to ensure the all-weather security of our borders.

    What makes India’s border management difficult?

    • India shares land borders with Pakistan, China, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Myanmar, which stretch approximately 15,106 km.
    • In addition, we have an approximately 3,323 km-long LoC with Pakistan, which further extends to the rechristened 110 km stretch of “Actual Ground Position Line” (AGPL) dividing the Siachen glacier region.
    • Further east, we have the 3,488 km LAC with China.
    • We share maritime boundaries with Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Myanmar and Indonesia; we have a 7,683 km coastline and an approximately 2 million sq km exclusive economic zone (EEZ).
    • This makes India’s task more complex than most other countries.

    Multiple agencies securing borders

    • Complexity is accentuated by the fact that along with the army, we have multiple other security agencies — the Central Armed Police Force (CAPF) and the Paramilitary Forces (PMF) — sharing the responsibility.
    • While the army is deployed along the LoC and AGPL, the Border Security Force (BSF) looks after the international border with Pakistan and Bangladesh.
    • Guarding the LAC has been assigned to the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and Assam Rifles.
    • The Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) is responsible for guarding the borders with Nepal and Bhutan.
    • The Assam Rifles looks after our border with Myanmar.
    • In a nutshell, in addition to the army, we have four agencies guarding borders with six neighbours.
    • Conversely, maritime borders are guarded by a single agency — the Coast Guard.

    Need for review of the border management

    • There is a lack of a coherent policy on training, planning and the conduct of guarding operations among various outfits.
    • Overall coordination is also affected.
    • Our adversary on the western border has often escalated violations by resorting to the prolonged use of military resources.
    • Chinese provocations along the LAC are military operations.
    • Clearly, the peace-time scenario is now by and large militarised.

    Way forward

    • Single security agency: In this scenario, India needs a single security agency adequately equipped, suitably armed and trained in advanced military drills and sub-unit tactics to guard our borders.
    • Manpower from Army: Further, to augment the battle efficiency, a fixed percentage of manpower, including the officer cadre, should be drawn on deputation from the army.
    • Paramilitary force under Ministry of Defence: To ensure the desired training and operational standards, this single security agency should be designated as a paramilitary force under the Ministry of Defence and operate under the army.
    • Mergers: The ITBP and the SSB should be fully merged into the new outfit; the BSF and CRPF still have important internal security duties and can be partially merged.
    • The reorganised Assam Rifles too should retain its role of conducting counter-insurgency operations and act as a reserve for the army for conventional operations.
    • Most countries have raised specialised and dedicated armed bodies for border security.
    •  Iran has the Border Guard Command, Italy has the Border Police Service, Russia has created a Border Guard Service, whereas in the US, it is under Homeland Security.
    • Most of these countries, based on threat perception and for better combat cohesion, have placed these organisations under the command of the armed forces.

    Conclusion

    India should adopt a single agency with adequate resources and training to deal with the evolving challenges.

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  • How women cadets benefit the army

    Context

    Last year, the Supreme Court threw open the hallowed portals of the National Defence Academy for women. Something to truly celebrate on January 15, Army Day, this year.

    Background

    • The first batch of women officers was inducted into the Indian Army in non-medical roles via the Short Service Commission in 1992.
    • Since 2008, women were inducted as permanent commissioned officers in the legal and education corps  and as permanent commissioned officers in eight more non-combative corps in 2020.

    The low number of women in Army

    • As recent as 2020, women officers in the Indian army (excluding the medical corps) numbered just about three per cent.
    • Compare this to 16 per cent in the US, 15 per cent in France and 10 per cent in both Russia and the UK.

    Significance of allowing women to NDA

    • When in February 2020, the Supreme Court decreed that women officers should get command positions on par with male officers, it also effectively dismissed the military’s earlier objection that it would lead to “operational, practical and cultural problems”.
    • The SC went on to say that denying women commands based on the above argument was discriminatory and reinforced stereotypes.
    • Last year, the Supreme Court threw open the National Defence Academy for women to compete for the seats and subsequent permanent commission in the Indian army in any corps they desire, including the combat ones.
    • Addressing the shortage of officers: This may effectively address the long-standing shortage of officers in the Indian army in general. In response to a question in Rajya Sabha a month ago, the Minister of State for Defence said the Army has a shortage of 7,476 officers.
    • This torch may also help confront the chauvinism, often misspelt as chivalry, that indisputably exists in the Army.

    Conclusion

    The move promises to change the composition of this arm of the defence force not just quantitatively, but also qualitatively — both dire requirements of the force at present.

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    Back2Basics: Permanent Commission (PC) Vs. Short Service Commission (SSC)

    • SSC means an officer’s career will be of a limited period in the Indian Armed Forces whereas a PC means they shall continue to serve in the Indian Armed Forces, till they retire.
    • The officers inducted through the SSC usually serve for a period of 14 years.
    • At the end of 10 years, the officers have three options.
    • A PC entitles an officer to serve in the Navy till he/she retires unlike SSC, which is currently for 10 years and can be extended by four more years, or a total of 14 years.
    • They can either select for a PC or opt-out or have the option of a 4-years extension.
    • They can resign at any time during this period of 4 years extension.
  • Exercise Sea Dragon 22

    India is among the six Indo-Pacific nations participating in Exercise Sea Dragon 22.

    Sea Dragon 22

    • It is a multi-lateral anti-submarine warfare exercise in the Pacific Ocean hosted by the US.
    • The exercise includes the navies of India, Australia, Canada, Japan, the US and South Korea.
    • India, Japan, Australia and America are also part of the Quad, and also participate in the Malabar exercise.
    • It includes in-flight training, ranging from tracking simulated targets to the final problem of tracking a live US Navy submarine.

    Significance of the exercise

    • The exercise is significant as almost all of the participating countries have strained relations with China.
    • China is expanding its prowess in the Indo-Pacific under its Look West Policy.

    Also, take time to read about all major exercises:

    Various Defence Exercises in News

     

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  • Multi Agency Centre (MAC): A common counter-terrorism grid

    The Union government has asked the States to share more intelligence inputs through the Multi Agency Centre (MAC), a common counter-terrorism grid under the Intelligence Bureau (IB).

    Why in news?

    • States are often reluctant to share information on the platform.
    • There are several gaps in sharing critical information at the right time.
    • Plans are afoot for more than a decade to link the system up to the district level.

    About MAC

    • The Multi-Agency Centre (MAC) was formed in December 2001 following the Kargil intrusion and the subsequent overhaul of the Indian national security apparatus suggested by the Kargil Review Committee report.
    • Accordingly, the Intelligence Bureau (IB) was authorized to create a multi-agency centre (MAC) in New Delhi.
    • Now functioning 24×7 as the nodal body for sharing intelligence inputs, MAC coordinates with representatives from numerous agencies, different ministries, both central and state.
    • Various security agencies share real-time intelligence inputs on the MAC.
    • The state offices have been designated as subsidiary MACs (SMACs).
    • As many as 28 organisations, including the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), armed forces and State police, are part of the platform.

    Back2Basics: NATGRID

    • NATGRID is an intelligence-sharing network that collates data from the standalone databases of the various agencies and ministries of the Indian government.
    • It collects and collates a host of information from government databases including tax and bank account details, credit/debit card transactions, visa and immigration records and itineraries of rail and air travel.
    • It came into existence after the 2008 Mumbai attacks.
    • It is accessible to only authorized people from 10 security agencies on a case-to-case basis for investigations into suspected cases of terrorism.
    • It will also have access to the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network and Systems, a database that links crime information, including First Information Reports, across 14,000 police stations in India.

    Note: NATGRID data will be made available to 11 central agencies, which are: Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), Intelligence Bureau (IB), National Investigation Agency (NIA), Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB), Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU), Enforcement Directorate (ED), Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT), Central Board of Indirect Taxes and Customs (CBIC), Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI) and Directorate General of GST Intelligence.

     

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  • Explained: India’s Missile Capability

    The Defence Minister has encouraged scientists to work towards developing hypersonic missile technology after China’s successful demonstration of hypersonic glide vehicles (HGV).

    Try this question:

    Q. Hypersonic missiles are nothing but weapons of deterrence. Critically comment in context of arms race development for hypersonic missiles.

    History of Missile Technology in India

    (1) Pre-Independence

    • Before Independence, several kingdoms in India were using rockets as part of their warfare technologies.
    • Mysore ruler Hyder Ali started inducting iron-cased rockets in his army in the mid-18th century.
    • By the time Hyder’s son Tipu Sultan died, a company of rocketeers was attached to each brigade of his army, which has been estimated at around 5,000 rocket-carrying troops.

    (2) Post-Independence

    • At the time of Independence, India did not have any indigenous missile capabilities.
    • The government created the Special Weapon Development Team in 1958.
    • This was later expanded and called the Defence Research and Development Laboratory (DRDL), which moved from Delhi to Hyderabad by 1962.
    • In 1972, Project Devil, for the development of a medium-range Surface-to-Surface Missile was initiated.
    • By 1982, DRDL was working on several missile technologies under the Integrated Guided Missiles Development Programme (IGMDP).

    What kind of missiles does India have?

    • India is considered among the top few nations when it comes to designing and developing missiles indigenously.
    • However, it is way behind the US, China and Russia in terms of range.
    • DRDO is working on multiple varieties of missiles:

    [A] Surface-launched Systems

    ANTI-TANK GUIDED MISSILE:

    • Nag has already been inducted into the services. Nag is the only fire-and-forget ATGM meeting all weather requirements for its range (around 20 km).
    • Recently Heli-Nag was tested, which will be operated from helicopters and will be inducted by 2022.
    • There is also a Stand-off Anti-Tank (SANT) missile, with a range over 10 km.

    SURFACE-TO-AIR MISSILE

    • Short-range SAM system: Akash has already been inducted in the Army and the Air Force.
    • For Akash 1, which has a seeker, the Army has already got the Acceptance of Necessity from the government.
    • For Akash (New Generation), the first tests were conducted in July this year and a couple more trials are to be done.
    • Medium-Range SAM: Production of MRSAM systems for the Navy is complete, and it is placing its order.

    [B] Air-launched Systems

    AIR-TO-AIR:

    • Astra, India’s Beyond Visual Range Air-to-Air Missile (BVRAAM), has been completely tested and is under induction.
    • It has a range of around 100 km, and DRDO is trying to now induct it with more IAF platforms, including the domestically developed light combat aircraft Tejas.
    • A long-range Astra is also being developed, for which initial tests have been conducted.
    • The missile uses solid fuel ramjet technology, which enhances speed, and will have an indigenously-built seeker.

    AIR-TO-GROUND:

    • Rudram, a New Generation Anti-Radiation Missile (NGRAM), has cleared initial tests and some more tests will be conducted soon.
    • With a maximum range of around 200 km, the missile mainly targets communication, radar and surveillance systems of the adversary, and was tested from the Sukhoi-30MKI fighter jet last year.
    • BrahMos, which India developed jointly with Russia, is already operational.
    • It has a 300 km to 500 km range, and is a short-range, ramjet-powered, single warhead, supersonic anti-ship or land attack cruise missile.

    India’s crucial missile systems

    The two most important are Agni and Prithvi, both being used by the Strategic Forces Command.

    • Agni (range around 5,000) is India’s only contender for an inter-continental ballistic missile (ICBM), which is available in only a few countries.
    • Prithvi, although a short-range surface-to-surface missile with a 350 km range, has strategic uses. India also tested an anti-satellite system in April 2019.
    • A modified anti-ballistic missile named Prithvi Defence Vehicle Mk 2 was used to hit a low-orbit satellite.
    • It put India only behind the US, Russia and China in this capability.

    What about Hypersonic Technology?

    • India has been working on this for a few years, and is just behind the US, Russia and China.
    • DRDO successfully tested a Hypersonic Technology Demonstrated Vehicle (HSTDV) in September 2020, and demonstrated its hypersonic air-breathing scramjet technology.
    • India has developed its own cryogenic engine and demonstrated it in a 23-second flight.
    • India will try to make a hypersonic cruise missile, using HSTDV.
    • Only Russia has proven its hypersonic missile capability so far, while China has demonstrated its HGV capacity.
    • India is expected to be able to have a hypersonic weapons system within four years, with medium- to long-range capabilities.

    What makes India good in missile technology?

    • Missile technology is one field in which India has made very positive and substantial progress.
    • Under the IGMP then headed by A P J Abdul Kalam, later India’s President, first came Prithvi, then Agni.
    • BrahMos, at 2.5-3 times the speed of sound, was among the fastest in the world when developed.
    • After the nuclear blast in 1998, cryogenic etc were not given to us by developed countries. Kalam and others, they made it a point that they developed it within the country.

    Where do China and Pakistan stand compared to India?

    • While China is ahead of India, a lot of things about China are psychological.
    • China may have either achieved parity or even exceeded the US in land-based conventional ballistic and cruise missile capabilities.
    • China’s missile development is definitely a concern for us, but we will definitely evolve.
    • It has given the technology to the irresponsible hands of Pakistan. But getting technology and really using it, and thereafter evolving and adopting a policy is totally different.

    Must read:

    Agni V vs China’s Hypersonic Missile

     

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  • What is Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958?

    The death of at least 14 civilians in Nagaland as a result of the action of the Indian Army has brought back into focus the controversial Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 [AFSPA].

    AFSPA: A Backgrounder

    • The AFSPA, 1958 came into force in the context of insurgency in the North-eastern States decades ago.
    • It provides “special power” to the Armed Forces applies to the Army, the Air Force and the Central Paramilitary forces etc.
    • It has been long contested debate whether the “special powers” granted under AFSPA gives total immunity to the armed forces for any action taken by them.

    Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958

    • Armed Forces Special Powers Act, to put it simply, gives armed forces the power to maintain public order in “disturbed areas.”
    • AFSPA gives armed forces the authority use force or even open fire after giving due warning if they feel a person is in contravention of the law.
    • The Act further provides that if “reasonable suspicion exists”, the armed forces can also arrest a person without warrant; enter or search premises without a warrant; and ban the possession of firearms.

    What are the Special Powers?

    The ‘special powers’ which are spelt out under Section 4 provide that:

    (a) Power to use force, including opening fire, even to the extent of causing death if prohibitory orders banning assembly of five or more persons or carrying arms and weapons, etc are in force in the disturbed area;

    (b) Power to destroy structures used as hide-outs, training camps, or as a place from which attacks are or likely to be launched, etc;

    (c) Power to arrest without warrant and to use force for the purpose;

    (d) Power to enter and search premises without a warrant to make arrest or recovery of hostages, arms and ammunition and stolen property etc.

    What are the Disturbed Areas?

    • A disturbed area is one that is declared by notification under Section 3 of the AFSPA.
    • As per Section 3, it can be invoked in places where “the use of armed forces in aid of the civil power is necessary”.

    Who can declare/notify such areas?

    • The Central Government or the Governor of the State or administrator of the Union Territory can declare the whole or part of the State or Union Territory as a disturbed area.
    • A suitable notification would have to be made in the Official Gazette.

    Presently ‘Disturbed Areas’

    • AFSPA is currently in force in Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, 3 districts of Arunachal Pradesh, and areas falling within the jurisdiction of 8 police stations in Arunachal Pradesh bordering Assam.
    • In Jammu and Kashmir, a separate law Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 has been in force.

    AFSPA: Is it a License to Kill?

    While the operation of the Section has been controversial in itself, it has attracted much criticism when actions have resulted in the death of civilians.

    • Power to kill: Section 4 of the Act granted officers the authority to “take any action” even to the extent to cause the death.
    • Protection against prosecution: This power is further bolstered by Section 6 which provides that legal can be instituted against the officer, except with the previous sanction of the Central Government.

    Supreme Court’s Observations over AFSPA

    • These extra-judicial killings became the attention of the Supreme Court in 2016.
    • It clarified that the bar under Section 6 would not grant “total immunity” to the officers against any probe into their alleged excesses.
    • The judgment noted that if any death was unjustified, there is no blanket immunity available to the perpetrator(s) of the offense.
    • The Court further noted that if an offense is committed even by Army personnel, there is no concept of absolute immunity from trial by the criminal court constituted under the CrPC.

    Constitutionality of AFSPA

    • Attempts have been made to examine the constitutionality of the Act on the grounds that it is contravention to the:
    1. Right to Life and Personal Liberty (Article 21) and
    2. Federal structure of the Constitution since law and order is a State subject

    Recommendations to repeal AFSPA

    (1) Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy Commission

    • The 2004 Committee headed by Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy, the content of which has never officially been revealed by the Government, recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • Additionally, it recommended that appropriate provisions be inserted in the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967 (UAPA) instead.
    • It also recommended that the UAPA be modified to clearly specify the powers of the armed forces and paramilitary forces and grievance cells should be set up in each district where the armed forces are deployed.

    (2) ARC II

    • The Administrative Reforms Commission in its 5th Report on ‘Public Order’ had also recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • It recommended adding a new chapter to be added to the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967.
    • However, the recommendation was considered first and then rejected.

    Other issues with AFSPA

    (1) Sexual Misconduct by Armed Forces

    • The issue of violation of human rights by actions of armed forces came under the consideration of the Committee on Amendments to Criminal Law (popularly known as Justice Verma Committee) set up in 2012.
    • It observed that- in conflict zones, legal protection for women was neglected.

    (2) Autocracy

    • The reality is that there is no evidence of any action being taken against any officer of the armed forces or paramilitary forces for their excesses.

    Caution given by the Supreme Court

    A July 2016 judgment authored by Justice Madan B. Lokur in Extra Judicial Execution Victim Families Association quoted the “Ten Commandments” issued by the Chief of the Army Staff for operations in disturbed areas:

    1. Definite circumstances: The “power to cause death is relatable to maintenance of public order in a disturbed area and is to be exercised under definite circumstances”.
    2. Declaration preconditions: These preconditions include a declaration by a high-level authority that an area is “disturbed”.
    3. Due warning: The officer concerned decides to use deadly force on the opinion that it is “necessary” to maintain public order. But he has to give “due warning” first.
    4. No arbitrary action: The persons against whom the action was taken by the armed forces should have been “acting in contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area”.
    5. Minimal use of force: The armed forces must use only the “minimal force required for effective action against the person/persons acting in contravention of the prohibitory order.”
    6. Empathy with perpetrators: The court said that: the people you are dealing with are your own countrymen. All your conduct must be dictated by this one significant consideration.
    7. People friendliness: The court underscored how the Commandments insist that “operations must be people-friendly, using minimum force and avoiding collateral damage – restrain must be the key”.
    8. Good intelligence: It added that “good intelligence is the key to success”.
    9. Compassion: It exhorted personnel to “be compassionate, help the people and win their hearts and minds. Employ all resources under your command to improve their living conditions”.
    10. Upholding Dharma (Duty): The judgment ended with the final Commandment to “uphold Dharma and take pride in your country and the Army”.

    Conclusion

    • Despite demands by civil society groups and human rights activities, none of the recommendations have not been implemented to date.

     

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