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  • The Curie Family and its Nobel legacy

    This newscard is inspired by an article published in the DTE which talks about a family which has received a total of four Nobel prizes, the highest won by a single-family.

    Last year in 2019 CSP, there was a question on pure Biology about Hepatitis and its variants. With such news trending, we can expect a core chemistry or physics based question coupled with a slight Current Affairs blend.

    The ‘Nobel’ family

    • On April 20, 1902, Marie and Pierre Curie successfully isolated radioactive radium salts from pitchblende, a mineral, in a laboratory in Paris, France.
    • They were inspired by French physicist Henri Becquerel’s 1896 experiment on phosphorescence or the phenomenon that allows certain objects to glow in the dark.
    • They were able to find traces of two radioactive elements—polonium (Element 84) and radium (Element 88).
    • Curie shared the 1903 Nobel with her fellow researcher Pierre Currie and Becquerel for their combined work on radioactivity.

    Important facts

    • In 1903, Marie Curie received the Nobel Prize in Physics making her the world’s first woman to win the prize.
    • In 1911, she created history again by becoming the first woman to have won two Nobel awards.
    • The 1911 Nobel Prize in Chemistry was awarded to Marie after she managed to produce radium as a pure metal. This proved the new element’s existence beyond doubt.
    • However, this was not the last Nobel for the Curie family.
    • The 1935 Nobel in Chemistry went to Irène Curie and her husband and co-researcher Frédéric Joliot for their joint work on the artificial creation of new radioactive elements.
    • The Curies have received a total of four of Nobel prizes, the highest won by a single-family. They also have the unique distinction of having three Nobel-prize winning members in the family.

    Birth of Radioactivity

    • While delivering a lecture at the Royal Academy of Sciences in Stockholm, Sweden in 1911, Curie shared some critical details about “radioactive elements” and the phenomenon called “radioactivity”.
    • She also spoke about the chemical properties of radium, the new element that was about a million times more radioactive than uranium.
    • Radium in solid salts was about 5 million times more radioactive than an equal weight of uranium.

    Back2Basics: Radioactivity

    • Radioactivity refers to the particles which are emitted from nuclei as a result of nuclear instability.
    • It is the process by which an unstable atomic nucleus loses energy by radiation.
    • The most common types of radiation are called alpha, beta, and gamma radiation, but there are several other varieties of radioactive decay.
    • Radioactive decay rates are normally stated in terms of their half-lives, and the half-life of a given nuclear species is related to its radiation risk.
    • Examining the amounts of decay products makes possible radioactive dating.

    Its applications

    • Medical use: Many diseases such as cancer are cured by radiotherapy. Sterilization of medical instruments and food is another common application of radiation.
    • Scientific use: Alpha particles emitted from the radioisotopes are used for nuclear reactions.
    • Industrial use: Radioisotopes are used as fuel for atomic energy reactors. Also used in Carbon dating.
  • Rohtang Pass and its location

    The Border Roads Organisation (BRO) has opened the Rohtang Pass, three weeks in advance, for transporting essential supplies and relief materials to Lahaul and Spiti districts of Himachal Pradesh.

     Rohtang Pass

    • It is a high mountain pass (elevation 3,980 m) on the eastern Pir Panjal Range of the Himalayas around 51 km from Manali.
    • It connects the Kullu Valley with the Lahaul and Spiti Valleys of Himachal Pradesh, India.
    • The pass lies on the watershed between the Chenab and Beas basins.
    • On the southern side of this pass, the Beas River emerges from underground and flows southward and on its northern side, the Chandra River, a source stream of the river Chenab, flows westward.

    Another pass in new:

    https://www.civilsdaily.com/news/sela-pass-tunnel-project/

  • Exercise Pitch Black 2020

    Australia has informed India that their premier multilateral air combat training exercise Pitch Black 2020 scheduled in July has been cancelled due to the COVID-19 situation.

    All-time generic question seeking ‘match the pairs’ can be asked from the news as such.  Click here for more exercises.

     Ex Pitch Black 2020

    • Exercise Pitch Black is a biennial warfare exercise hosted by the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF).
    • The aim of the exercise is to practice Offensive Counter Air (OCA) and Defensive Counter Air (DCA) combat, in a simulated war environment.
    • In the last edition of Pitch Black in 2018, the IAF for the first time participated with its Su-30MKI fighters, one C-130 and one C-17 transport aircraft.
    • It provided a unique opportunity for an exchange of knowledge and experience with these nations in a dynamic warfare environment.
    • The next edition of Pitch Black is scheduled in 2022.

    India’s defence relation with Australia

    • The defence and strategic engagement with Australia have steadily gone up in recent years especially on the bilateral front with naval cooperation at the forefront.
    • The bilateral naval exercise AUSINDEX early last year saw the participation of the largest Australian contingent ever to India with over 1,000 personnel.
    • The Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) has been long pending and is expected to be concluded soon as well as a broader maritime cooperation agreement including the Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) to elevate the existing strategic partnership.
    • Australia recently made a pitch for trilateral cooperation among India, Australia and Indonesia to identify new ways that our three countries can collaborate to be the best possible custodians of the Indian Ocean.
  • [Prelims Spotlight] Important British Commissions and Committees

    Prelims Spotlight is a part of “Nikaalo Prelims 2020” module. This open crash course for Prelims 2020 has a private telegram group where PDFs and DDS (Daily Doubt Sessions) are being held. Please click here to register.

    Important British Commissions and Committees


    27 April 2020 

    Educational Commissions

    Charles Wood Despatch – 1854

    • Wood’s despatch proposed several recommendations in order to improve the system of education.
    • According to the recommendations, it was declared that the aim of the Government’s policy was the promotion of western education. In his despatch, he emphasised on the education of art, science, philosophy and literature of Europe.
    • In short, the propagation of European knowledge was the motto of the Wood’s Despatch.
    • According to the despatch, for higher education, the chief medium of instruction would be English.
    • However, the significance of the vernacular language was no less emphasised as Wood believed that through the mediums of vernacular language, European knowledge could reach to the masses.
    • Wood’s Despatch also proposed the setting up of several vernacular primary schools in the villages at the lowest stage.
    • Moreover, there should be Anglo-Vernacular high schools and an affiliated college in the district level.
    • Wood’s Despatch recommended a system of grants-in-aid to encourage and foster the private enterprise in the field of education. The grants-in-aid were conditional on the institution employing qualified teachers and maintaining proper standards of teaching.

    Hunter Commission – 1882

    • Hunter Education Commission was a landmark commission appointed by Viceroy Lord Ripon with objectives to look into the complaints of the non-implementation of the Wood’s Despatch of 1854; the contemporary status of elementary education in the British territories; and suggest means by which this can be extended and improved.
    • This commission, headed by Sir William Wilson Hunter, had submitted its report in 1882.

    Commission suggestions:

    • There should be two types of education arrangements at the high school level, in which emphasis should be given on giving a vocational and business education and other such literary education should be given, which will help in admission to the university.
    • Arrangement for emphasis on the importance of education at the primary level and education in local language and useful subjects.
    • Private efforts should be welcomed in the field of education, but primary education should be given without him.
    • Control of education at the primary level should be handed over to the district and city boards.

    Hunter Commission of 1882 on Primary Education :

    • Primary education should be regarded as the education of the masses.
      Education should be able to train the people for self-dependence.
    • The medium of instruction in primary education should e the mother tongue.
      Normal Schools should be established for the training of teachers.
    • The curriculum should include useful subjects like agriculture, elements of natural and physical science and the native method of arithmetic and measurement, etc.
    • The spread of primary education for the tribal and backward people should be the responsibility of the Government.
    • Fees should be an example to students on the basis of their financial difficulties.

    Raleigh Commission – 1902

    • Raleigh Commission was appointed under the presidency of Sir Thomas Raleigh on 27 January 1902 to inquire into the condition and prospects of universities in India and to recommend proposals for improving their constitution and working.
    • Evidently, the Commission was precluded from reporting on primary or secondary education.
    • As a result of the report of the recommendations of the Commission the Indian Universities Act was passed in 1904.
    • The main objective of the Act was to improve the condition of education in India and upgrade the system to a better level.
    • The following important changes were introduced for the upliftment of University Education.
    • Universities were empowered to appoint their own staff including the teaching staff.
    • The number of Fellows of a University was limited within 50 to 100.
    • The number of elected Fellows was fixed at 20 for the Bombay, Madras and Calcutta Universities and 15 for others.
    • The Governor-General was now empowered to decide a University’s territorial limits and also affiliation between the universities and colleges.
    • After the implementation of the provisions of the University Act, though the number of colleges declined, yet the number of students increased considerably.

    Sadler Commission – 1917

    • In 1917, the Calcutta University Commission (Sadler Commission) was appointed by the Government of India under the Chairmanship of Mr. Michel Sadler, the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Leeds.
    • All the teaching resources in the city of Calcutta should be organized so that the Calcutta University may become entirely a teaching university.
    • A separate teaching and residential university should be established at Dacca.
    • There was a need for a coordinating agency. Hence an inter-University Board should be set up.
    • Honours courses should be instituted and they should be distinctly different from the Pass courses.
    • Full time and salaried Vice-Chancellor should be appointed to be the administrative head of the university.
    • The Senate and the syndicate should be replaced by the Court and the Executive Council respectively.
    • Universities should be freed from excessive official control.
    • Government interference in the academic matters of universities should stop.

    Hartog Commission – 1929

    • Sir Philip Joseph Hartog committee was appointed by the British Indian government to survey on the growth of education in India.
    • The Hartog committee 1929, had devoted more attention to mass education than the secondary and University education.
    • The Hartog committee highlighted the problem of wastage and stagnation in education at the primary level.
    • It recommended the policy of consolidation instead of multiplication of schools. The duration of the primary course was to be fixed to four years.
    • It recommended for the improvements in quality, pay, and service conditions of teachers and relating the syllabus and teaching methods to the local environment of villages and locality
    • The Hartog committee on education recommended for the promotion of technical and commercial education by universities to control the problem of unemployment.
    • The recommendation of the Hartog committee of 1929 was an attempt for consolidation and stabilization of education. The Hartog committee of 1929 was seen as a torchbearer of the government’s effort to improve the quality of education.
    • However, these recommendations of Hartog committee of 1929 remained only on paper and could not be implemented due to the great economic depression of 1930-31.

    Sargent Plan – 1944

    • The Sargent plan of education came after Sir John Sargent was given the task to prepare a comprehensive scheme of education for India in 1944 and he made the following recommendations:
    • Pre-primary education for children between 3 to 6 years of age.
      Universal, compulsory and free primary or basic education for all children between the ages 6—11 (junior basic) and 11—14 (senior basic).
    • High school education for six years for selected children between the years 11—17.
    • Degree course for three years beginning after the higher secondary examination for selected students
    • Technical, commercial, agricultural and art education for full time and part-time students, girls schools are to teach domestic science.
    • The liquidation of adult illiteracy and the development of a public library system in about 20 years.
    • Full provision for the proper training of teachers.
    • Educational provision is made for the physically and mentally handicapped children.
    • The organisation of compulsory physical education.
    • Provision be made for social and recreational activities.
    • The creation of employment bureaus.
    • The creation of the Department of Education in the centre and in the states.
    • The use of mother tongue is to be used as the medium of instruction in all high schools.

    Famine Commissions during British Rule in India

    Campbell Commission

    • In 1865-66, a famine engulfed Orissa, Bengal, Bihar, and Madras and took a toll of nearly 20 lakhs of lives with Orissa alone loosing 10 lakh lives, since the famine was most severe in Orissa; it is called the Orissa famine.
    • The Government officers though forewarned took no steps to meet the calamity.
    • The Government adhered to the principles of free trade and the law of demand and supply, the Government did provide employment to the table booked men leaving the work of charitable relief to the voluntary agency.
    • But the famine proved a turning point in the history of Indian famines for it was followed by the appointment of a committee under the chairmanship of Sir
      George Campbell.

    Stratchy Commission

    • It was set up in 1878 under the Chairmanship of Sir Richard Strachey.
    • The commission recommended state interference in food trade in the event of famine. India witnessed another major famine in 1896-97.

    Lyall Commission

    • It was constituted in 1897 under the Chairmanship of Sir James Lyall. This commission recommended the development of irrigation facilities.

    MacDonnell Commission

    • It was set up in 1900 under the Chairmanship of Sir Anthony (Later Lord) McDonnel to re-evaluate and recommend changes in report of the previous commission, based on the findings of the recent famine.
    • This Commission recommended that the official machinery dealing with a famine must work around the year so that the scarcity of food grains could be controlled well in time.

    Law Commission

    • Law Commissions in India have a pre-independence origin. The first Law Commission was formed in 1834 as a result of the Charter Act, 1833 under the chairmanship of TB Macaulay.
    • The first commission’s recommendations resulted in the codification of the penal code and the Criminal Procedure Code.
    • Three other law commissions were constituted before independence by the British government.
    • All four pre-independent law commissions have contributed to the statute books immensely.
    • After independence, the first Law Commission was constituted in 1955 in a continuance of the tradition of bringing law reforms in the country through the medium of law commissions.
    • Second Pre-Independence Law Commission,1853 – Sir John Romilly.
    • Third Pre-Independence Law Commission, 1862- Sir John Romilly.
    • Fourth Pre-Independence Law Commission, 1879 – Dr Whitley Stokes.

    Currency Commission

    Mansfield Commission by Dufferin in 1886

    • The Indian Currency Committee or Fowler Committee was a government committee appointed by the British-run Government of India on 29 April 1898 to examine the current situation in India.
    • Until 1892, silver was the metal on which Indian currency and coinage had largely been based. In 1892, the Government of India announced its intent to “close Indian mints to silver” and, in 1893, it brought this policy into force.

    Other Commissions on Currency:

    • Fowler Commission by Elgin II in 1898
    • Babington Smith Commission by Chelmsford in 1919
    • Hilton Young Commission by Linlithgow in 1926

    Other Important Commissions

    • Scott-Moncrieff Commission (Irrigation) by Curzon in 1901
    • Fraser Commission (Police Reforms) by Curzon in 1902
    • Hunter Commission (Punjab Disturbances) by Chelmsford 1919
    • Butler Commission (Indian States relation with British Crown) by Irwin in 1927
    • Whiteley Commission (Labour) by Irwin in 1929
    • Sapru Commission (Unemployment) by Linlithgow in 1935
    • Chalfield Commission (Army) by Linlighgow 1939
    • Floud Commission (Tenancy in Bengal) by Linlighgow in 1940

  • Lockdown with a human face: Immediate focus should be on alleviating hardships of poor, vulnerable groups

    The article deals with the policy response to the crisis. Reducing the pain inflicted on the poor and vulnerable section should be the priority. The size and nature of the stimulus package is also discussed in the article.

    The dilemma of lives Vs. livelihood

    • As the coronavirus spreads, severe dilemmas haunt policymakers.
    • Testing of lockdown? Even the scientific community is confused and does not seem to know whether the South Korean model of more intensive testing is preferable to the European model of a complete lockdown.
    • The economic crisis that we are facing today is very different from any crisis that we have encountered recently.
    • This is the first economic crisis in recent memory to have been triggered by a non-economic factor — a pandemic.
    • A lockdown essentially amounts to limited economic activity and this results in throwing temporary workers and daily wage earners out of employment.
    • Migrant labour falls in this category.
    • According to the 2011 census, the number of migrant workers under the category, “migrants for work/employment” was 41.42 million.
    • This number must have grown substantially by now.
    • The impact of the lockdown has fallen very heavily on the poor and vulnerable groups.
    • We need to bear this in mind while evolving the strategy to combat the virus.

    Expenditure during the pandemic

    • First, medical and healthcare expenditure, which includes the money spent on extension of hospital facilities, employment of additional medical and healthcare workers, costs of testing on a much wider scale and the purchase of accessories like personal protection equipment, ventilators and testing kits.
    • The expenditure under this category is a “must” and there can be no compromise on it.
    • The length of the battle will decide the cost.
    • Second, the expenditure involved in taking care of the people thrown out of employment, and other vulnerable sections of the population.
    • Third, stimulation expenditure aimed at restarting the economy. Here, the financial system presided over by the RBI will play an important role. But the government also has a role.

    Two issues to consider while deciding on the lockdown

    • The “life” versus “livelihood” dilemma pertains to the lockdown policy.
    • A tight lockdown over an extended period may save lives by curtailing the progress of the virus.
    • But at the same time, it places several segments of society under severe hardship.
    • With the lack of economic activity, many will go hungry.
    • In this context, the government must look at two issues.
    • First, it must consider to the extent to which the lockdown can be relaxed while keeping in mind the priority of restricting the spread of the virus.
    • The government has recently announced some relaxations.
    • This is a welcome step. However, it must keep this concern under continuous consideration. It must explore other options on the medical front as well.
    • For example, will more testing make it possible to reduce restrictions?
    • Second, if the lockdown is a “compulsion”, we need to pay adequate attention to the plight of people who have been affected adversely.
    • The government had earlier announced certain measures to help some segments of society.
    • With the lockdown being extended, it is necessary to raise the levels of relief, and also cover segments of society not covered earlier — migrant labour, for example.

    The following points about the stimulus package are appearing repeatedly in most of the article on economic damage to the economy. They are also relevant from the UPSC perspective. A question based on it,  like “What steps were taken by the government to revive the Indian economy in the aftermath of the corona crisis?” can be asked.

    What should be the nature of the stimulus package?

    • There is much talk about a “stimulation package” to revive the economy.
    • The financial system will have to lead the charge.
    • Additional expenditure: Expectations regarding additional expenditures by the government vary from 2 per cent of the GDP to 5 per cent of the GDP.
    • Normal sources of financing will not be adequate to meet this order of expenditure.
    • Many analysts felt that the figure of 3.5 per cent of the GDP as the fiscal deficit, indicated in the budget for 2020-21, would be exceeded.
    • The pandemic will necessitate an increase in expenditure.
    • Moreover, with the decline in economic activity, revenues will also go down.
    • The revenue projections were made on the assumption that the nominal income growth would be 10 per cent.
    • But this is unlikely to be achieved. The nominal income growth is likely to be 7 per cent, at best.
    • Given the increase in expenditures and the slowdown in revenue collection, the borrowing programme will exceed significantly over what was indicated in the budget.
    • The monetisation of debt is inevitable and it will have its own consequences.
    • Provisions for states: The brunt of the expenditures will be borne by the state governments and therefore, the Centre must allocate additional resources to them.
    • They may also be allowed additional borrowing above 3 per cent of the state domestic product.

    What will be the overall growth rate for India?

    • In the first quarter of 2020-21, the GDP growth rate will be negative.
    • Agricultural performance during the year could be the same as in 2019-20 as the rainfall is expected to be normal.
    • The developed world may go through a recession over the year.
    • Thus the external sector may not be of much help.
    • It is quite possible for the economy to have a V-type recovery from the second quarter of 2020-21.
    • On that assumption, the overall growth rate for the year can be 3 per cent. This is an optimistic estimate.

    Conclusion

    To return to the present, the focus of the government has to be two-fold. It must act vigorously to contain the virus, explore the possible alternatives to complete lockdown. Second, it must take all actions to provide adequate help to the poor and the needy including the migrant workers. Lockdown, as necessary, must be with a human face.

     

  • Public policy dilemma of choosing between lives and livelihood

    This article deals with how the different sections of a society assign different weightage to the various factors they are faced with in life. In the case of Covid-19, one section of society which is well-off might care more about the possible loss of life while other section might end up attaching more weightage to the loss of livelihood than to the possible loss of life due to infection. The article discusses this issue in detail.

    Difference between risk and uncertainty

    • Since the days of Frank Knight, economists have differentiated between the two.
    • Risk has a known probability distribution.
    • For uncertainty, the probability distribution is unknwon.
    • COVID-19 makes us confront uncertainty, not risk.
    • For uncertainty, there is a subjective probability distribution, which can, and does, vary from individual to individual.

    So, how the subjective probability distribution is devised by a person?

    • Through information and experience, one already possesses.
    • There are various rationality assumptions used by economists. They are often violated.
    • Otherwise, behavioural economics wouldn’t have come into existence.
    • Typically, given a situation, when your decision doesn’t agree with someone else, you say they are being irrational.
    • However, with uncertainty, the problem may not be with rationality assumptions, but with differences in subjective probability distributions.

    Lack of data for various factors

    • Because of COVID-19, there is a certain risk of getting infected. Let’s call this the infection ratetotal infections divided by the total population.
    • We don’t know this infection rate for India or for any other country for that matter.
    • No country has done universal testing.
    • No testing for random sample: No country has done universal testing for a proper random sample either.
    • The ICMR has told us more than 75 per cent of Indian patients will be asymptomatic.
    • Who do we test? Those who show symptoms, those who have been in contact with confirmed patients and those who suffer from severe respiratory diseases.
    • Most countries do something similar.
    • Sampling bias: In other words, when we work out an infection rate based on those tested, there is a sampling bias.
    • This isn’t a proper infection rate.
    • The only country where we have had something like a random sample is Iceland.
    • There, the infection rate was 0.8 per cent.
    • Data for death rate: There are similar caveats about the death rate.
    • If we mechanically divide the number of deaths by the number of confirmed cases for India, we will get a death rate just over 3 per cent.
    • The global figure is a little less than 7 per cent.
    • But neither of these is a death rate for the total population since only those with severe symptoms are included in infection numbers.
    • Three per cent or seven per cent are over-estimates.
    • In a controlled environment like Diamond Princess, death rate as a ratio of total passengers, and not those infected, was less than 0.4 per cent.
    • The true infection rate and true death rate are not alarming numbers.

    How the lack of data is reflected in subjective probability distribution?

    • There are slices in India’s population pyramid with rural/urban and other spatial differences too.
    • Consider two extreme types-type A and type B.
    • Type A, who are globalised in information access and morbidity.
    • Life expectancy is 80 plus and there are lifestyle diseases like diabetes and high blood pressure.
    • This co-morbidity increases possible death rates and thanks to globalised access to information, certainly increases perceptions about death rates, making them out to be higher than they are.
    • Some of them have fixed incomes, regardless of what happens to lockdown.
    • The high probability assigned to loss of life: In terms of maximising expected payoffs with a subjective distribution, high probability is attached to loss of life and low probability to loss of livelihood.
    • How type B forms a subjective probability?
    • Type B, someone whose life expectancy is 60, without a fixed income stream and whose health concerns are tuberculosis and water-borne diseases, not COVID-19.
    • Nor is access to information that globalised.
    • The high probability assigned to loss of livelihood: High subjective probability will be attached to loss of livelihood and low probability to death from COVID.
    • Both types reflect subjective probabilities. Neither is “irrational”.
    • The tension between the two: Type A would like the lockdown to continue indefinitely, until the long tail of the infection curve tapers off, perhaps beyond September.
    • Type B would like lockdown to be eased soon, with necessary restrictions in hotspots.
    • There is indeed tension between lives and livelihood.
    • Even if health outcomes and information access are like Type A, but income is contingent on growth, preferences might mirror Type B.

    The issues highlighted here can be broadly used in the various scenario where there is uncertainty involved and various stakeholders perceive the probable outcomes in entirely different ways. Various points here can be used to answer the question based on policy making.

    Balancing the differential individual preferences in public policy

    • One set of individuals imposes its choice on the rest.
    • Type A disproportionately influences policy.
    • This determination of aggregate preferences is a dynamic process.
    • Therefore, sooner or later, Type B contests this and as the lockdown is prolonged and livelihood costs mount, discontent surfaces, as it has across a range of countries.
    • There were also welfare economics notions that pre-dated social choice theory, such as compensation principles of Kaldor, Hicks and Scitovsky.
    • The point can be made using the two stereotypes. Specifically, Type A need to compensate Type B for their losses.
    • To state it starkly, livelihood losses suffered by Type B need to be compensated by the government through redistributive measures and this has to be financed by higher taxes imposed on Type-A.
    • The right question for the Type A is not whether they want the lockdown to continue, but whether they are willing to pay a COVID-tax to support lockdown extension.

    A question based on policy formation issues explained here can be framed, for ex. “Risk has a known probability distribution. For uncertainty, the probability distribution is unknown. COVID-19 makes us confront uncertainty, not risk. In this context, there is a debate between saving lives and saving livelihoods. In such a scenario, what can be the most probable solutions that public policy must delve into, in order to maintain the balance between this uncertainty and risk.”

    Conclusion

    Extending or ending the lockdown decision represent the public policy dilemma. Without a revival in growth, the tax-paying capacity of Type B is limited and with job losses, some Type As become Type Bs. The choice is starker.

  • Stress test of leadership in pandemic

    The article discusses the three stages involved in successfully dealing with the pandemic. In the next part, it goes on to explain the factors that determine the success or failure of the governments. In the last week, we read about the success story of Kerala and underlying reasons. This article is also written on similar lines.

    Stages in the pandemic response

    • Disease outbreaks, even global pandemics, are scarcely new. The playbook for dealing with them, therefore, is well understood and has been honed by practices and lessons gleaned from hard-fought battles.
    • A first stage is an early clear-eyed recognition of the incoming threat, and, in the case of COVID-19 at least, requires the unpalatable decision to lock down society.
    • Ideally, this is done with full consideration of how to support the most vulnerable members of society, especially in a country such as India, where so many survive hand-to-mouth.
    • This is a phase aimed at buying time, of flattening the epidemic curve, so that public health facilities are not overwhelmed.
    • And, for using this time, paid for by collective sacrifice, to secure the personal protective equipment (PPE) and medical supplies necessary to save lives.
    • The second phase of the pandemic response is slowly to ease the burden on the economy by permitting a measured return of business activity so that livelihoods and supply chains can be restored.
    • This stage can only be safely executed if accompanied by a war-footing expansion of testing capacity so that new infections can be identified and isolated at once, allowing contact tracing to be implemented by masses trained to do this crucial and painstaking work in communities across the country.
    • The final stage, which for COVID-19 seems a lifetime away, is a mass vaccination programme and then the full rebuilding of economic and social life.
    • None of this is easy, but, like an examination in a dreaded subject, one’s only hope is early and persistent preparation and, at crunch time, remembering the lessons learned.

    The above-mentioned stages are sort of a template that seems to have gained acceptance for dealing with the pandemic. A question based on it, like “What are the various stages involved in government’s response to deal with a pandemic?”

    Following three factors make the difference between successful and failed response

    1. Leadership problems in global politics

    • The defensive finger-pointing, opportunistic politicking and xenophobic posturing are shown by some leaders amid pandemic.
    • This is not a crisis that can be tackled without robust and multidimensional international cooperation between nations.
    • We are watching in real-time the benefits of intellectual collaboration that does not stop at national borders.
    • From the epidemiologists to the medical community identifying more effective treatments, to the research scientists racing to find a vaccine, we are benefiting from collaboration.
    • But the nationalistic turn in global politics over the past two decades has reduced investment in and undermined the legitimacy of the very institutions that facilitate international partnership at the very time they are needed most.
    • Prime Minister Narendra Modi did well to convene the leaders of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) nations in mid-March to discuss the possibility of a regional response.
    • But that video-conference call also highlighted that there have been no summit-level meetings of SAARC since 2014.
    • Similarly, United States President Donald Trump demanded that the U.S. end funding of the World Health Organization (WHO).
    • This not only endangers American lives by cutting off his own administration’s access to vital international data.
    • But also directly affects India which receives significant funding and expertise from WHO with ~10% of its overall WHO financing in 2019 coming directly from the U.S.

    2. The whole-of-the-government strategy

    • Pandemic response requires a whole-of-government strategy, for which political will and legitimate leadership are vital to convene and maintain.
    • Germany and Kerala provide two powerful though different examples of this in action.
    • In Germany, in spite of a high level of federalism that gives its States (Länder) a lot of power, Chancellor Angela Merkel’s ability to mobilise the entire system has allowed Germany to emerge as a success story in Europe.
    • In Kerala, State Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan convened a State response team at the earliest possible moment and has provided the full weight of his office in support of a coordinated public health strategy that has been accepted by the State’s citizens who have learned to trust the government in such situations.
    • Yet these two examples stand out in part for how rare they are.
    • Consider again the cautionary tale of the U.S. where some State Governors have yet to issue stay-at-home orders.

    3. The robust public health system

    • We are seeing first hand the consequences of starving public health systems of necessary funds and resources.
    • The comparative advantage of the private sector is efficiency; the need of the hour in pandemic response is redundancy, or, more precisely, excess capacity.
    • Most hospitals do not need invasive ventilators normally, just as they do not need vast stocks of PPE and extra intensive care units beds, but these are essential goods right now as we brace ourselves for a flood of sick patients into hospitals.
    • Watching the advanced health-care system of northern Italy buckle under the unimaginable pressures to which it was exposed over the past six weeks should be a cautionary tale for all countries that thought turning health care over to private actors was responsible governance. It is not.
    • Again, consider Kerala, which has consistently ranked at the top of State rankings for health expenditures.
    • Kerala has, a well-functioning local public health system capable of implementing the test-isolate-trace protocols critical for fighting COVID-19.

    Conclusion

    With the central role of leadership and governance underlined in the successful dealing with the pandemic, leadership across the world need to come together to coordinate at all levels in dealing with the problems that are not bound by any border.

  • What is “Direct” Monetization of Deficit?

    With the economy stalled, there isn’t enough money in the market for the government to borrow. Can it ask the RBI to print more money? How does this process work, and what are the arguments against it? Let us see:

    Discuss the scope and feasiblity of “Direct” Monetization by the government for Deficit Financing as an option of the last resort.

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    What is “direct” monetisation of the deficit?

    • Imagine a scenario where the government deals with the RBI directly — bypassing the financial system — and asks it to print new currency in return for new bonds that the government gives to the RBI.
    • Now, the government would have the cash to spend and alleviate the stress in the economy — via DBT to the poor or starting social and capital expenditure etc.
    • In lieu of printing this cash, which is a liability for the RBI (recall that every currency note has the RBI Governor promising to pay the bearer the designated sum of rupees), it gets government bonds.
    • Such bonds are an asset for the RBI since such bonds carry the government’s promise to pay back the designated sum at a specified date.
    • And since the government is not expected to default, the RBI is sorted on its balance sheet even as the government can carry on rebooting the economy.

    What triggers a demand for direct monetization?

    1) Decline of Demand

    • With a nationwide lockdown, incomes have fallen and so have consumption levels.
    • In other words, the demand for consumer goods and services (say a haircut) in the economy has gone down.
    • What can be done to boost demand? People need to have money. But, of course, who will give them money.
    • From the highest-ranking CEOs to stranded workers, incomes have taken a huge hit, if not completely dried up.

    2) Moving ahead for a fiscal deficit

    • For its part, the RBI has been trying to boost the liquidity in the financial system. It has bought government bonds from the financial system and left it with money.
    • Most banks, however, are unwilling to extend new loans as they are risk-averse. Moreover, this process could take time.
    • The government’s finances were already overextended going into this crisis, with its fiscal deficit way over the permissible limit.
    • On top of that, if the government was to provide some kind of a bailout or relief package, it would have to borrow a huge amount. The fiscal deficit will go through the roof.

    3) No money in the market

    • There isn’t enough money in the market for the government to borrow.
    • Moreover, as the government borrows more from the market, it pushes up the interest rate.
    • Hence, the govt. is left with the only solution — the “direct” monetisation of government deficit.

    How is DM different form OMOs?

    • Direct monetization is different from the “indirect” monetizing that RBI does when it conducts the so-called Open Market Operations (OMOs) and/ or purchases bonds in the secondary market.

    Global examples

    • Other countries are doing it to counter the economic crisis related to COVID-19.
    • In the UK on April 9, the Bank of England extended direct monetisation facility to the UK government even though the Governor of the Bank opposed the move till the last moment.

    Has India ever done this in the past?

    • Yes, until 1997, the RBI “automatically” monetized the government’s deficit.
    • In 1994, Manmohan Singh (former RBI Governor and then Finance Minister) and C Rangarajan, then RBI Governor, decided to end this facility by 1997.
    • Now, though, even Rangarajan believes that India would have to resort to monetising the deficit.

    Issues with Direct monetisation

    • Direct monetisation of the deficit is a highly contested issue.
    • Another former RBI Governor D Subbarao has said that there is no question that India must borrow and spend more in this crisis.
    • He regarded this as a moral and a political imperative.

    Issues: Inflationary practice

    • Ideally, this tool provides an opportunity for the government to boost overall demand at the time when private demand has fallen — like it has today.
    • But if governments do not exit soon enough, this tool also sows the seeds for another crisis. Here’s how:
    • Government expenditure using this new money boosts incomes and raises private demand in the economy. Thus, it fuels inflation.
    • A little increase in inflation is healthy as it encourages business activity. But if the government doesn’t stop in time, more and more money floods the market and creates high inflation.

    To what level should government debt be ideally limited?

    • While no ideal level of debt is set in stone, most economists believe developing economies like India should not have debt higher than 80%-90% of the GDP. At present, it is around 70% of GDP in India.
    • It should commit to a pre-determined amount of additional borrowing and to reversing the action once the crisis is over.
    • Only such explicitly affirmed fiscal restraint can retain market confidence in an emerging economy.
    • The other argument against direct monetizing is that governments are considered inefficient and corrupt in their spending choices — for example, whom to bail out and to what extent.
  • Issues with nominated CM’s election

    • Maharashtra CM is yet to be nominated to one of the seats reserved for the Governor’s nominee in the state Legislative Council.
    • His current term in office approaches its end with a looming constitutional crisis.

    The discretionary powers of the governor have been subjected to various debates this year. Be it Karnataka, Maharashtra, MP or erstwhile J&K (under Lt. Governor) or the UT of Delhi.

    CM without Election

    • Maha CM took oath in accordance with Article 164(4).
    • The article states that a Minister who for any period of six consecutive months is not a member of the Legislature of the State shall at the expiration of that period cease to be a Minister.
    • It follows that the Chief Minister must become part of the legislature before the said expiration of 6 months.

    Governors dilemma

    • A situation in which an individual who is not a member of the legislature becomes chief executive of the government is in itself fairly common.
    • But with the pandemic raging, a by-election cannot be held.
    • The only way to fulfil the requirement, therefore, is for a person to be nominated to the Upper House by the Governor.
    • If that does not happen, the Governor is obligated to make way for someone else to lead the coalition govt.
    • CM Uddhav Thackeray is likely to have had no problems becoming a member of the legislature had the pandemic not hit.

    What does the Judiciary have to say?

    • In S R Chaudhuri vs State of Punjab and Ors (2001), the Supreme Court had ruled that it would be subverting the Constitution to permit an individual, who is not a member of the Legislature.
    • Such a person should not be appointed a Minister repeatedly for a term of ‘six consecutive months’, without him getting himself elected in the meanwhile.
    • The practice would be clearly derogatory to the constitutional scheme, improper, undemocratic and invalid.

    Testing the nomination route

    • The nomination route for non-member Ministers is less common — but not unconstitutional.
    • In 1952, C Rajagopalachari was nominated as CM of Madras by Governor Sri Prakasa.
    • Under Article 171(5), the Governor can nominate “persons having special knowledge or practical experience in respect of. literature, science, art, co-operative movement and social service”.
    • Last month, the President nominated former Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi to Rajya Sabha even though there were doubts about him meeting these prescribed qualifications.
    • Thackeray can be said to have a stronger claim in this regard — he is an ace wildlife photographer.
    • Moreover, as per the Allahabad High Court in Har Sharan Varma vs Chandra Bhan Gupta And Ors (February 15, 1961), even politics can be seen as ‘social service’.

    The role of the Governor

    • It has been argued that Section 151A of The Representation of the People Act, 1951, prohibits the filling of a vacancy if “the remainder of the term of a member in relation to a vacancy is less than one year”.
    • However, this cannot be a reason for the Governor to refuse nomination — because the bar is in respect of by-election to fill a vacancy, not nomination.
    • Of course, the Governor could argue that he is not obligated under the Constitution to act swiftly on the advice of the Council of Ministers; also, why should he nominate Thackeray only to save his chief ministership.

    A new issue for debate

    • It is important to note the extraordinary context — India is currently battling a health emergency of the kind not seen in the history of the republic.
    • Political uncertainty is the last thing that Maharashtra, which has the highest coronavirus caseload and death toll by far in the country, needs at this moment.

    The question of discretion

    • What are the limits to the Governor’s discretion in nominations is the matter of discussion now.
    • In Biman Chandra Bose vs Dr H C Mukherjee (1952) the Calcutta HC rejected the plea that none of the nine nominated members to the legislature fulfilled the required criteria and held that the Governor cannot use his discretion in nominating members to the Council.
    • He has to go by the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.
    • Article 163(1) of the Constitution makes it clear that the Governor must follow the recommendations of the Council of Ministers in all situations “except in so far as he is by or under this Constitution required to exercise his functions or any of them in his discretion”.

    Case in Maharashtra

    • It can be argued that government is bound by the advice of the CoM only in executive matters as defined in Article 162 and since the nomination of members is not an executive power, he can act in his discretion.
    • However, it must be noted that under Article 169, while Parliament has the power to abolish or create a Legislative Council, it can pass such a law only after the state Assembly has passed a resolution to that effect.
    • Thus, the legislative power of the Assembly can be inferred from this provision.

    Also read:

    https://www.civilsdaily.com/news/role-of-governor-in-state-govt-formation/