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Subject: Federal System

  • Vibrant Villages Programme Phase II launched to strengthen border areas 

    Why in the News?

    Union Home Minister Amit Shah launched Phase II of the Vibrant Villages Programme from Assam, aiming to develop border villages and curb migration and infiltration.

    Vibrant Villages Programme I

    Approval

    • Approved on 15 February 2023.
    • Centrally Sponsored Scheme.

    Coverage

    • 662 villages.
    • 46 blocks.
    • 19 districts.
    • States: Arunachal Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Uttarakhand.
    • UT: Ladakh.
    • Focused on northern border areas.

    Objectives

    • Livelihood generation through:
      • Tourism and cultural heritage.
      • Skill development and entrepreneurship.
      • Agriculture, horticulture, medicinal plants.
    • Infrastructure:
      • Road connectivity.
      • Housing and village infrastructure.
      • Renewable energy.
      • Telecom and TV connectivity.
    • Incentivise population to remain in border villages.

    Vibrant Villages Programme II

    Approval

    • Approved on 2 April 2025.
    • Central Sector Scheme.
    • Outlay: ₹6,839 crore till FY 2028-29.

    Coverage

    • Blocks abutting international land borders other than northern border.
    • Implemented in strategic villages across:
      • Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat.
      • J and K UT, Ladakh UT.
      • Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland.
      • Punjab, Rajasthan, Sikkim.
      • Tripura, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal.

    Objectives

    • Better living conditions and livelihood opportunities.
    • Safe and secure borders.
    • Control trans border crimes.
    • Integrate border population as “eyes and ears” of border guarding forces.

    Thematic Saturation Areas

    1. All weather road connectivity.
    2. Telecom connectivity.
    3. Television connectivity.
    4. Electrification through convergence.
    [2015] The provisions in Fifth Schedule and Sixth Schedule in the Constitution of India are made in order to: (a) protect the interests of Scheduled Tribes 

    (b) determine the boundaries between States 

    (c) determine the powers, authority and responsibilities of Panchayats 

    (d) protect the interests of all border States

  • [17th February 2026] The Hindu OpED: India’s federalism is need of a structural reset

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2024] What changes has the Union Government recently introduced in the domain of Centre-Stare relations? Suggest measures to be adopted to build the trust between the Centre and the States and for strengthening federalism.

    Linkage: This question directly examines contemporary shifts in Centre-State dynamics, aligning with the structural reset debate. It enables discussion on centralisation trends, fiscal federalism, and institutional trust, core themes of the article.

    Mentor’s Comment:

    This article addresses the structural evolution of Indian federalism, a core GS Paper II theme with direct constitutional and governance relevance. It equips aspirants to critically analyse Centre-State tensions beyond politics, linking doctrine, fiscal policy, and institutional accountability.

    Why in the News?

    The federalism debate has intensified after the Tamil Nadu-constituted Justice Kurian Joseph Committee submitted Part I of its report reviewing Union-State relations. The report questions the expanding legislative and fiscal footprint of the Union and argues that excessive centralisation is weakening functional federal balance. Since federalism forms part of the Constitution’s Basic Structure, the issue carries long-term institutional implications beyond routine political contestation.

    What Is the Current Constitutional Structure of Federalism in India?

    The current constitutional structure of Indian federalism is a “Union of States” (Article 1) featuring a dual polity with a strong centralizing bias, designed to balance regional autonomy with national integrity. It operates through a three-fold legislative distribution (Seventh Schedule), a written constitution, an independent judiciary, and emergency provisions (Articles 352-360) that can alter the federal balance. 

    Key components of this structure include:

    1. Quasi-Federal Design: Establishes a federal polity with a strong Union; sovereignty rests with the Constitution, not the States.
    2. Division of Powers: The Seventh Schedule divides subjects into the Union List (exclusive central power), State List (exclusive state power), and Concurrent List (shared power).
    3. Residuary Powers (Article 248): Vests residuary subjects in Parliament, strengthening central authority.
    4. Emergency Provisions (Articles 352, 356, 360): Enable temporary centralisation; Article 356 permits President’s Rule in States.
    5. Fiscal Federalism: The Finance Commission (Article 280) recommends tax revenue distribution between the Union and States.
    6. Judicial Oversight: The Supreme Court (e.g., S.R. Bommai case) has declared federalism part of the “Basic Structure,” meaning it cannot be destroyed by constitutional amendment.
    7. Cooperative/Asymmetrical Federalism: Mechanisms include the Inter-State Council (Article 263) and special provisions for certain states (Schedules V and VI). 

    While often called “quasi-federal” due to these centralizing features, the system enables states to function as independent constitutional entities in ordinary times

    Why Is There a Need for a Structural Reset in India’s Federal Framework?

    1. Excessive Centralisation: Union intervention has expanded beyond constitutional limits. Example: Increasing central laws on education policy despite education being in the Concurrent List.
    2. Diminished State Autonomy: Legislative and administrative discretion of States has narrowed. Example: Uniform GST structure limits States’ independent taxation powers.
    3. Governor’s Expanding Discretion: Delays in assent affect State legislative functioning. Example: Delay in assent to Bills passed by the Tamil Nadu Assembly led to litigation before the Supreme Court.
    4. Overlapping Governance Roles: Union ministries operate in State-assigned sectors. Example: Central regulatory frameworks in health and agriculture influence areas primarily managed by States.
    5. Weak Institutional Dialogue: Federal mechanisms function less as consultative forums. Example: Limited effective use of the Inter-State Council under Article 263 for resolving disputes.

    Has Centralisation Distorted the Original Constitutional Balance?

    1. Historical Design Bias: The Constitution adopted a federal structure with a strong Centre due to post-Partition insecurity and integration of 500+ princely States.
    2. Legislative Expansion: Expansion of Union legislation in Concurrent List subjects has reduced State autonomy.
    3. Subordinate Legislation: Union executive increasingly overrides State laws through procedural and regulatory mechanisms.
    4. Conditional Fiscal Transfers: Centrally Sponsored Schemes impose rigid templates, limiting State flexibility.
    5. Administrative Duplication: Expansion of Union ministries into domains traditionally managed by States creates functional overlap.

    Outcome: Centralisation increases reach but reduces contextual responsiveness.

    Does Judicial Doctrine Adequately Protect Federalism in Practice?

    1. Basic Structure Protection: Federalism declared part of Basic Structure in S.R. Bommai (1994).
    2. Plenary State Authority: States are not administrative appendages within their allotted spheres.
    3. Doctrinal-Practical Gap: Despite judicial affirmation, legislative and fiscal trends favour uniform national solutions over contextual diversity.
    4. Executive Overreach: Increasing preference for central regulation in health, education, and agriculture dilutes State discretion.

    Outcome: Constitutional doctrine protects federalism normatively; implementation trends weaken it functionally.

    Does Over-Centralisation Reduce Governance Effectiveness?

    1. Administrative Overstretch: Concentration of responsibilities burdens Union institutions beyond efficient supervisory capacity.
    2. Context Insensitivity: National policy frameworks fail to reflect linguistic, ecological, agricultural, and industrial diversity.
    3. Innovation Suppression: Uniform schemes restrict experimentation at State level.
    4. Evidence of Success:
      1. Tamil Nadu’s noon meal scheme originated as a State innovation before national expansion.
      2. Kerala’s public health and literacy models evolved from decentralised governance
      3. Maharashtra’s employment guarantee model preceded national adoption.

    Outcome: Decentralisation enables pilot-based policy diffusion and scalable innovation.

    Does Fiscal Federalism Adequately Empower States?

    1. Vertical Imbalance: States undertake major expenditure responsibilities (health, education, policing) but possess limited taxation powers.
    2. Centrally Sponsored Schemes: Rigid conditionalities reduce State fiscal discretion.
    3. GST Structure: Shared taxation reduces independent fiscal manoeuvrability.
    4. Expanding Mandates: Increasing regulatory complexity and expanding central schemes stretch State resources.

    Outcome: Fiscal dependency weakens accountability and policy autonomy.

    Does Capacity Argument Justify Intrusive Central Control?

    The Capacity Argument refers to the claim that many States lack adequate administrative, financial, or technical capability to effectively implement complex policies. On this basis, the Union justifies greater central intervention, standardisation, and control in governance domains.

    1. Capacity Paradox: Claims that States lack administrative capacity lead to central intervention.
    2. Dependency Cycle: Persistent intervention prevents States from developing institutional competence.
    3. Accountability Deficit: Decision-making shifts away from local voters toward distant central authorities.
    4. Comparative Federalism Insight: Decentralised federations globally deliver sustained quality, equity, and competitiveness through shared responsibility.

    Outcome: Capacity develops through responsibility, autonomy, and corrective feedback.

    What Institutional Reforms Are Being Proposed for Recalibration?

    1. High-Level Committee Review: Comprehensive review of Governors’ role, legislative competence, and fiscal relations.
    2. Right-Sizing Objective: Aligns authority with responsibility without weakening national unity.
    3. Structural Reforms: Calls for rebalancing rather than incremental adjustment.
    4. Federal Accountability: Emphasises trust-based partnership between Union and States.

    Outcome: Recalibration deepens unity by strengthening cooperative federalism.

    Conclusion

    India’s constitutional design created a Union with strength, not supremacy. Contemporary governance trends indicate a steady expansion of central authority across legislative, fiscal, and administrative domains. The Justice Kurian Joseph Committee’s intervention reframes the debate from political contestation to structural recalibration.

    A durable federal balance requires aligning authority with responsibility, restoring meaningful consultation, and strengthening institutional trust. Recalibration of Centre–State relations would enhance accountability, improve policy responsiveness, and preserve the constitutional promise of cooperative federalism.

  • Have States gained from the 16th FC

    Why in the news?

    The 16th Finance Commission (FC) submitted its report for 2026-31, reopening debates on fiscal federalism. The 14th FC had raised vertical devolution from 32% to 42%, marking a structural shift. The 15th FC reduced it to 41% due to the reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories. Industrialised States demanded an increase to 50%, while several States sought restoration to 45-48%. The divisible pool has shrunk due to rising cesses and surcharges, which formed around 19% of gross tax revenue in 2015-16, leaving only 81% for distribution. The issue highlights tensions between equity-based redistribution and efficiency-based reward mechanisms.

    Introduction

    The 16th Finance Commission  chaired by Dr. Arvind Panagariya, submitted its final report to the President of India on November 17, 2025. Its recommendations, which cover the five-year period from April 1, 2026, to March 31, 2031, were accepted by the Union Government and tabled in Parliament on February 1, 2026

    What is the constitutional and institutional framework governing tax devolution?

    1. Article 270: Provides for distribution of net tax proceeds between Centre and States.
    2. Article 280: Mandates constitution of Finance Commission to recommend devolution formula.
    3. Divisible Pool: Includes corporation tax, personal income tax, Central Goods and Services Tax (CGST), and Centre’s share of Integrated GST.
    4. Exclusion of Cesses and Surcharges: These are not part of the divisible pool. In 2015-16, divisible pool constituted about 81% of gross tax revenue due to this exclusion.

    How has vertical devolution evolved over time?

    1. 13th FC (2010-15): Provided 32% share to States. Maintained specific transfers for Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) with conditionalities.
    2. 14th FC (2015-20): Increased States’ share to 42%. Discontinued specific CSS transfers. Marked significant fiscal decentralisation.
    3. 15th FC (2020-26): Reduced share to 41% due to reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir into Union Territories.
    4. 16th FC (2026-31): Retained 41% vertical devolution.

    What criteria guide horizontal devolution among States?

    13th FC Criteria:

    1. Income Distance (47.5%): Favoured poorer States to reduce fiscal disparities.
    2. Population (1971) (25%): Reflected demographic basis.
    3. Area (10%): Addressed administrative cost variations.
    4. Fiscal Discipline (17.5%): Incentivised prudent financial management.

    14th FC Criteria:

    1. Income Distance (50%): Increased equity emphasis.
    2. Population (1971) (17.5%) & Population (2011) (10%): Incorporated updated demographic data.
    3. Area (15%): Continued geographic consideration.
    4. Forest Cover (7.5%): Recognised ecological services.

    15th FC Criteria:

    1. Income Distance (45%): Slight reduction in redistributive weight.
    2. Population (2011) (15%): Sole population criterion.
    3. Area (15%) & Forest (10%): Maintained ecological compensation.
    4. Demographic Performance (12.5%): Incentivised population control.
    5. Tax Effort (2.5%): Rewarded revenue mobilisation.
    6. State’s Contribution to GDP (10%): Recognised growth contribution.

    What were the demands of States before the 16th FC

    1. Higher Vertical Share: Industrialised States such as Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Telangana demanded an increase from 41% to 50%.
    2. Restoration Demand: Several States sought to increase to 45-48%.
    3. Inclusion of Cesses and Surcharges: States demanded their inclusion in the divisible pool.
    4. Cap on Cesses: Sought ceiling on Centre’s ability to levy cesses and surcharges.
    5. GDP Contribution Criterion: Industrialised States advocated inclusion of States’ contribution to GDP in horizontal devolution formula.

    What did the 16th FC recommend?

    1. Vertical Devolution: The share of states in the divisible pool of central taxes has been retained at 41%, the same level as the 15th Finance Commission
    2. Horizontal Devolution Formula: A new formula was introduced to determine how the 41% is divided among individual states. Horizontal Devolution Approach: is guided by two principles: Equity Consideration: Recognises need to address inter-State income disparities. And Efficiency Recognition: Gives due weight to States’ contributions to growth and fiscal performance. Notable changes include:
      1. Contribution to GDP: A new criterion with a 10% weight to reward states’ economic performance
      2. Income Distance: Weight reduced to 42.5% (from 45%).
      3. Population: Based on the 2011 Census, with a weight of 17.5%
      4. Forest & Ecology: Weight maintained at 10%, but now includes “open forests” and rewards increases in forest cover.
    3. Grants-in-Aid: Recommended total grants of ₹9.47 lakh crore over five years.
      1. Discontinued Grants: The Commission has stopped Revenue Deficit Grants (RDG), sector-specific grants, and state-specific grants
      2. Local Body Grants: ₹8 lakh crore allocated, split 60:40 between rural (₹4.4 lakh crore) and urban (₹3.6 lakh crore) bodies.
    4. Fiscal Roadmap:
      1. Centre’s Fiscal Deficit: Target to reduce to 3.5% of GDP by 2030-31.
      2. States’ Fiscal Deficit: Capped at 3% of GSDP.
      3. Off-Budget Borrowings: Recommended a strict end to off-budget borrowings for both Centre and States. 

    What are the broader fiscal implications?

    1. Redistribution vs Incentives: Higher income distance weight benefits poorer States; GDP contribution and tax effort reward growth-oriented States.
    2. Shrinking Divisible Pool: Rising cesses reduce effective devolution.
    3. Union Fiscal Needs: Increased defence and infrastructure expenditure cited as constraints.
    4. State-Level Reforms: Recommends subsidy targeting, power sector reforms, and fiscal deficit control.

    Conclusion

    The 16th Finance Commission retains the 41% vertical devolution, maintaining continuity with the 15th FC despite demands for expansion. It upholds constitutional limits on cesses and surcharges while balancing equity through income distance and efficiency through recognition of States’ GDP contribution and fiscal performance. The recommendations reflect calibrated fiscal federalism, where redistribution, growth incentives, and Union fiscal requirements coexist within constitutional boundaries.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2020] Explain the rationale behind the Goods and Services Tax (Compensation to States) Act of 2017. How has COVID-19 impacted the GST compensation fund and created new federal tensions?

    Linkage: The question directly connects to the debate on shrinking divisible pool, rising cesses and surcharges, and the resulting Centre-State fiscal tensions that frame the discussion on vertical devolution and fiscal federalism.

  • 16th Finance Commission proposal to scrap Revenue Deficit Grants

    Why in the News?

    Some States have raised concerns over indications that the Sixteenth Finance Commission may recommend phasing out or scrapping Revenue Deficit Grants (RDG), arguing that it could adversely impact fiscally weaker States.

    What are Revenue Deficit Grants?

    • Revenue Deficit Grants are statutory transfers recommended by the Finance Commission to States whose revenue expenditure exceeds revenue receipts even after tax devolution.
    • Their objective is to ensure that States can meet basic administrative and social sector expenditure without resorting to excessive borrowing.

    Constitutional Basis

    • Provided under Article 275 of the Constitution
    • Grants are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India

    Why are Revenue Deficit Grants Given?

    • To correct vertical fiscal imbalance between Centre and States
    • To support States with weak revenue raising capacity
    • To ensure minimum standards of public services across States
    • To prevent revenue deficits from crowding out capital expenditure

    What is the Proposal of the 16th Finance Commission?

    • Move towards eliminating revenue deficits rather than financing them
    • Encourage States to undertake fiscal discipline and tax reforms
    • Shift focus from revenue support to performance based and capital linked transfers
    • Reduce long term dependence of States on unconditional grants

    Concerns Raised by States

    • Hill and special category States depend heavily on RDG
    • Post GST regime has reduced States’ fiscal flexibility
    • Fear of widening inter State fiscal disparities
    • Risk of increased borrowing and debt stress

    Significance for Fiscal Federalism

    • Tests the balance between fiscal autonomy and fiscal responsibility
    • Reflects shift from entitlement based transfers to outcome based federalism
    • Could redefine the nature of Centre State financial relations
    [2025] Which of the following statements with regard to recommendations of the 15th Finance Commission of India are correct? I. It has recommended grants of ₹4,800 crores from the year 2022–23 to 2025–26 for incentivizing States to enhance educational outcomes

    II. 45% of the net proceeds of Union taxes are to be shared with States

    III. ₹45,000 crores are to be kept as performance-based incentive for all States for carrying out agricultural reforms

    IV. It reintroduced tax effort criteria to reward fiscal performance.

  • Removal of the Chief Election Commissioner: Constitutional Procedure

    Why in the News?

    West Bengal Chief Minister stated that the Trinamool Congress is open to working with the Indian National Congress and other Opposition parties to initiate impeachment proceedings against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.

    Who is the Chief Election Commissioner?

    • Head of the Election Commission of India
    • Responsible for superintendence, direction and control of elections to Parliament, State Legislatures, President and Vice President
    • Constitutional authority under Article 324 of the Constitution of India

    Appointment of the CEC

    • Appointed by the President of India
    • As per the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, 2023
    • Selected by a three member committee
      • Prime Minister
      • Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha
      • Union Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister
    • Tenure is 6 years or till 65 years of age, whichever is earlier

    Constitutional Basis for Removal

    • Article 324(5) governs removal of the CEC
    • CEC can be removed in the same manner and on the same grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court
    • This links the process to Article 124(4) of the Constitution

    Grounds for Removal

    • Proved misbehaviour such as abuse of office, corruption or failure to discharge constitutional duties
    • Incapacity meaning physical or mental inability to perform official functions
    [2019] Consider the following statements: 

    1. The motion to impeach a Judge of the Supreme Court of India cannot be rejected by the Speaker of the Lok Sabha as per the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968. 

    2. The Constitution of India defines and gives details of what constitutes ‘incapacity and proved misbehaviour’ of the Judges of the Supreme Court of India. 

    3. The details of the process of impeachment of the Judges of the Supreme Court of India are given in the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968. 

    4. If the motion for the impeachment of a Judge is taken up for voting, the law requires the motion to be backed by each House of the Parliament and supported by a majority of total membership of that House and by not less than two-thirds of total members of that House present and voting. 

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct? 

    (a) 1 and 2 (b) 3 only (c) 3 and 4 only (d) 1, 3 and 4

  • [4th February 2026] The Hindu OpED: Has the 16th Finance Commission sidelines the States?

    Mentor’s Comment

    The Finance Commission is the institutional backbone of India’s fiscal federalism. The article examines whether the 16th Finance Commission (16th FC), despite formal continuity in States’ share, has substantively weakened State fiscal autonomy by expanding the Centre’s reliance on cesses and surcharges. The analysis is critical for understanding vertical devolution, fiscal centralisation, and cooperative federalism, recurring themes in GS-II and GS-III.

    Why in the News?

    The article gains salience as the 16th Finance Commission retained the States’ share at 41%, yet expanded the divisible pool only marginally while allowing a sharp rise in cesses and surcharges, which lie outside the pool. For the first time, States across political lines showed rare consensus that their effective share of central revenues is shrinking, even as headline devolution figures remain unchanged. The issue marks a structural shift from shared taxation to unilateral central levies, raising concerns over the erosion of fiscal federalism and States’ fiscal capacity.

    Has the divisible pool expanded meaningfully under the 16th Finance Commission?

    1. Marginal Expansion: Divisible pool revenues rose from 1.1% of GDP (2013-14) to 2.2% of GDP (2023-24), indicating limited expansion despite economic growth.
    2. Static Devolution Rate: States’ share remained at 41%, unchanged from the 15th FC, masking underlying revenue shifts.
    3. Exclusion Mechanism: Cesses and surcharges remain outside the divisible pool, structurally limiting States’ access to rising revenues.

    Cess and Surcharge?

    1. Cess and surcharge are additional, non-permanent levies imposed by the Indian central government to raise revenue, often added on top of existing taxes. 
    2. A cess (e.g., Health & Education Cess) is earmarked for specific purposes, while a surcharge is an extra tax on high-income earners for general revenue. 
    3. Both are not shared with state governments. 

    Key Differences and Details:

    1. Purpose: Cess is levied for a specific purpose (e.g., education, Swachh Bharat) and cannot be used otherwise. Surcharge is used for general government expenditure.
    2. Calculation: Cess is calculated as a percentage of the tax plus surcharge. Surcharge is calculated on the tax liability itself when income exceeds specific thresholds.
    3. Applicability: Cess applies to all taxpayers, while surcharge only targets individuals or entities with higher income brackets.
    4. Revenue Sharing: Proceeds from both cesses and surcharges are credited to the Consolidated Fund of India but are generally not shared with the state governments.

    Why are cesses and surcharges central to the controversy?

    1. Revenue Composition Shift: Cesses and surcharges increased from ₹44,688 crore (FY15) to ₹4,15,022 crore (FY22).
    2. Rising Share: For every ₹100 collected by the Centre, cesses and surcharges rose from ₹7 (2012-13) to ₹13.5 (2021-22).
    3. Budget Estimate 2025-26: Centre expects ₹8.89 lakh crore through cesses and surcharges, excluding GST compensation cess.
    4. Structural Impact: These levies bypass constitutional sharing, reducing States’ fiscal predictability.

    Has the States’ effective share in central revenues declined?

    1. Consistent Decline: Between FY13 and FY18, States’ share exceeded 93% of the divisible pool revenues.
    2. Post-2019 Reversal: Following GST implementation, States’ share fell as cesses surged.
    3. 2021-22 Data Point: Out of every ₹100 collected, ₹86.5 entered the divisible pool, down from ₹93.5 in 2012-13.
    4. Fiscal Asymmetry: Vertical devolution appears intact only in form, not in substance.

    Does the Finance Commission acknowledge this imbalance?

    1. Institutional Admission: The 16th FC recognises that long-term reliance on cesses is “undesirable.”
    2. Contradictory Position: Despite acknowledging distortion, the Commission refrains from imposing limits on such levies.
    3. Deference to Centre: FC cites defence and security spending as justification for higher cesses.
    4. Policy Gap: No binding mechanism introduced to curb revenue centralisation.

    What are the implications for State finances and governance?

    1. Reduced Fiscal Autonomy: States face constrained revenue capacity despite increased expenditure responsibilities.
    2. Infrastructure Stress: High-performing States bear the raw end of fiscal imbalance due to limited untied funds.
    3. Governance Asymmetry: Centralisation weakens States’ ability to tailor welfare and development spending.
    4. Political Neutrality Questioned: Uniform State dissatisfaction indicates systemic, not partisan, concern.

    Conclusion

    The article concludes that the 16th Finance Commission preserves the appearance of fiscal federalism while weakening its substance. By allowing unchecked expansion of cesses and surcharges, the Centre has effectively reduced States’ fiscal space without altering formal devolution ratios. The issue raises fundamental questions about the constitutional balance of power, revenue sovereignty, and cooperative federalism.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2020] Explain the rationale behind the Goods and Services Tax (Compensation to States) Act of 2017. How has COVID-19 impacted the GST compensation fund and created new federal tensions?

    Linkage: This PYQ tests GST design, compensation to States, and fiscal federalism under GS-III, especially Centre-State revenue sharing during economic shocks. COVID-19 exposed GST revenue fragility, leading to delayed compensation and greater reliance on cesses and surcharges, echoing the article’s concern over shrinking effective State fiscal space.

  • Pennaiyar River Inter State Water Dispute

    Why in the news?

    The Supreme Court of India has directed the Union Government to constitute an Inter State River Water Disputes Tribunal within one month to resolve the Pennaiyar water dispute between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. The case was filed by Tamil Nadu under Article 131 of the Constitution, invoking the Inter State River Water Disputes Act, 1956.

    About Pennaiyar River

    • Also known as Thenpennai / Ponnaiyar in Tamil and Dakshina Pinakini in Kannada
    • A major east flowing inter state river of southern India
    • Crucial for irrigation, drinking water, and water security

    Origin

    • Originates in the Nandi Hills, Chikkaballapura district, Karnataka
    • Part of the Eastern Ghats system

    States Through Which It Flows

    • Karnataka as the upper riparian state
    • Tamil Nadu as the lower riparian state
    • Tamil Nadu is more dependent on downstream flows, making the dispute politically and economically sensitive

    Major Tributaries

    • Markandeya River
    • Varaha Nadhi
    • Pambar River
    • Pampar River
    • Markandeya River is central to the present inter state dispute
    [2014] The power of the Supreme Court of India to decide disputes between the Centre and the States falls under its: (a) advisory jurisdiction 

    (b) appellate jurisdiction 

    (c) original jurisdiction 

    (d) writ jurisdiction

  • Fake news, deepfakes, influencers-Elections 2026

    Why in the news

    India is approaching the 2026 election cycle amid unprecedented digital disruption of democratic processes. Electioneering has decisively shifted from rallies and manifestos to WhatsApp, influencers, and AI-generated content. This marks a sharp departure from earlier elections where television and print dominated political messaging. The scale is significant, with over 900 million internet users, 90 crore television viewers, and 65% of Indians relying on social media for news, creating fertile ground for misinformation, manipulation, and synthetic political content.

    How has electioneering fundamentally changed?

    1. Digital-first campaigning: Replaces ground mobilisation with podcasts, WhatsApp channels, and algorithm-driven platforms.
    2. WhatsApp-first political communication: BJP’s launch of India’s first “WhatsApp Elections” in 2024 institutionalised private messaging as a campaign tool.
    3. Attention-driven narratives: Rewards sensationalism over verification due to speed and virality.

    What exactly constitutes fake news in the Indian context?

    1. Undefined legal status: Lacks a formal definition under Indian law.
    2. Comparative clarity: Australia’s eSafety Commissioner defines fake news as “fictional news stories tailored to support certain agendas.”
    3. Sensational amplification: Algorithmic platforms magnify emotional and polarising content.

    Why is fake news proliferating at scale?

    1. Platform dependence: 65% of Indians view social media as a primary news source.
    2. High trust deficit: 40% believe fake news shapes political views.
    3. Electoral sensitivity: Fake news increasingly targets polarising political themes.
    4. Verification collapse: Speed of dissemination outpaces fact-checking mechanisms.

    Where does fake news spread most rapidly?

    1. Encrypted platforms: WhatsApp and Telegram enable rapid, untraceable circulation.
    2. Algorithmic ecosystems: X (Twitter), Instagram, and Facebook reward engagement over accuracy.
    3. Regional language media: Hindi and regional newspapers retain higher credibility, creating selective trust asymmetries.
    4. Television saturation: India hosts nearly 900 private TV channels, amplifying narrative competition.

    Who are the new political intermediaries?

    1. Influencers as opinion brokers: Gen Z reliance stands at 13% globally and over 8% for certain influencers.
    2. Algorithmic reach: Influencer visibility often exceeds that of traditional journalists.
    3. State engagement: Government engagement with influencers through events like “Mann Ki Baat.”
    4. Institutional penetration: Influencers empanelled in 2023 under a CEO-led initiative.

    What role do deepfakes play in electoral manipulation?

    1. Synthetic media proliferation: AI-generated audio and video increasingly mimic political leaders.
    2. Documented misuse: Deepfake videos surfaced during recent Lok Sabha elections.
    3. Low-cost production: Reduces barriers for political disinformation.
    4. Cross-party vulnerability: Affects ruling and opposition parties alike.

    How prepared is the regulatory system?

    1. Delayed response: Model Code of Conduct provisions activated late in election cycles.
    2. Enforcement deficit: Difficulty tracing encrypted or AI-generated content.
    3. Partial institutional awareness: Meta approved 14 AI-generated electoral ads, signalling scale but weak deterrence.
    4. Reactive governance: Regulation follows disruption rather than anticipating it.

    Conclusion

    India’s electoral democracy is entering a phase where technological speed, anonymity, and algorithmic incentives overpower institutional safeguards. The convergence of fake news, influencer politics, and deepfakes represents not a temporary challenge but a systemic risk. Without anticipatory regulation and voter literacy, elections risk becoming contests of manipulation rather than mandate.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2022] Discuss the role of the Election Commission of India in the light of the evolution of the Model Code of Conduct.

    Linkage: The Model Code of Conduct expanded the Election Commission’s role beyond conducting elections to enforcing ethical political behaviour. Digital campaigns, misinformation, and deepfakes now test the ECI’s regulatory capacity under the MCC.

  • [12th january 2026] The Hindu OpED: Reimagining delimitation

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2024] What changes has the Union Government recently introduced in the domain of Centre-State relations? Suggest measures to be adopted to build the trust between the Centre and the States and for strengthening federalism.

    Linkage: The question is directly relevant to GS Paper II (Federalism and Centre-State relations). The delimitation debate reflects how institutional decisions by the Union can alter State power, making trust-building and cooperative federal mechanisms central to sustaining Indian federalism.

    Mentor’s Comment

    The impending delimitation exercise after 2026 has emerged as a critical constitutional issue with deep federal and political consequences. The article examines how population-based representation may structurally disadvantage southern States. This debate has direct relevance for representation, equity, and cooperative federalism under GS Paper II.

    Why in the News

    India is approaching a major delimitation exercise after 2026, when the freeze on seat allocation based on population ends. The issue is important because southern States may lose political representation despite controlling population growth. This is a clear departure from earlier decades, when seats were frozen to avoid penalising such States. The impact is nationwide, with long-term effects on federal balance, parliamentary power, and democratic fairness.

    What has changed in India’s delimitation framework?

    1. Constitutional freeze: Parliamentary seats were frozen based on the 1971 Census to incentivise population stabilisation.
    2. Policy shift: The freeze ends after the first Census conducted post-2026.
    3. Institutional trigger: A new Delimitation Commission is expected to be constituted after 2029.
    4. Structural impact: Representation will realign strictly with population size, altering regional political balance.

    Why do southern States face disproportionate losses?

    1. Demographic success: Southern States reduced fertility through education and health investments.
    2. Relative population decline: Slower population growth reduces their share in national totals.
    3. Seat reallocation effect: Population-based delimitation transfers seats to high-growth northern States.
    4. Political consequence: Reduced parliamentary influence despite better governance outcomes.

    How does population-based representation create perverse incentives?

    1. Rewarding high fertility: States with higher population growth gain more seats.
    2. Punishing stabilisation: States that controlled population lose political power.
    3. Policy distortion: Weakens incentives for long-term human development investments.
    4. Federal imbalance: Shifts dominance towards large-population States.

    What alternative models does the article propose?

    1. Increasing total seats: Expands Lok Sabha strength while retaining proportional shares.
    2. Redistribution using 2011 Census: Adjusts seats without penalising earlier performers.
    3. Equal State representation: Ensures minimum parity across States regardless of population.
    4. Weighted representation: Balances population size with demographic performance indicators.

    Why is the Digressive Proportionality principle relevant?

    1. Conceptual basis: Larger States receive more seats but fewer per capita than smaller States.
    2. Comparative example: Used in the European Union Parliament.
    3. Equity outcome: Prevents domination by large States.
    4. Democratic balance: Protects both population equality and federal fairness.

    What role should constitutional institutions play?

    1. Finance Commission precedent: Rewards demographic performance through fiscal transfers.
    2. Institutional symmetry: Delimitation Commission can adopt similar equity principles.
    3. Performance linkage: Aligns political representation with responsible governance.
    4. Negotiated federalism: Requires Centre–State consensus before implementation.

    Conclusion

    Delimitation must strike a balance between population-based representation and federal equity. A purely demographic approach risks penalising States that achieved population stabilisation through effective governance. A calibrated, consensus-driven framework is necessary to preserve cooperative federalism, democratic fairness, and long-term national unity.

  • Special Intensive Revision in Uttar Pradesh 

    Why in the News?

    The Election Commission of India published the draft electoral rolls of Uttar Pradesh after completing the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), resulting in the deletion of 2.89 crore voters, the highest absolute deletion for any State or Union Territory so far.

    Key Data from Uttar Pradesh SIR

    • Total voters in 2025 list: 15.44 crore
    • Retained in draft rolls: 12.55 crore
    • Deleted voters: 2.89 crore
    • Percentage deleted: 18.70 percent

    Breakup of deletions

    • Deceased voters: 46.23 lakh (2.99 percent)
    • Permanent migration or non availability: 2.17 crore (14.06 percent)
    • Multiple registrations: 25.47 lakh (1.65 percent)

    Comparative Perspective

    • Uttar Pradesh has the highest deletions in absolute numbers
    • Andaman and Nicobar Islands recorded a higher percentage deletion
    • Other State deletion rates
      • Tamil Nadu: 15.19 percent
      • Gujarat: 14.5 percent
      • Chhattisgarh: 12.88 percent
      • West Bengal: 7.59 percent
      • Kerala: 8.65 percent
    [2017] For election to the Lok Sabha, a nomination paper can be filed by: 

    (a) Anyone residing in India

    (b) A resident of the constituency from which the election is to be contested

    (c) Any citizen of India whose name appears in the electoral roll of a constituency

    (d) Any citizen of India.