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Subject: Polity

  • Tamil Nadu NEET Exemption Bill sent to Home Ministry

    The CM informed the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly that Governor has forwarded the NEET exemption Bill to the Union Home Ministry to be sent to the President of India for his assent.

    What is the TN Bill about?

    • The Bill exempts medical aspirants in Tamil Nadu from taking NEET examination for admission to UG degree courses in Indian medicine, dentistry and homeopathy.
    • Instead, it seeks to provide admission to such courses on the basis of marks obtained in the qualifying examination, through “Normalization methods”.
    • The aim of the Bill is to ensure “social justice, uphold equality and equal opportunity, protect all vulnerable student communities from being discriminated”.
    • It seeks to bring vulnerable student communities to the “mainstream of medical and dental education and in turn ensure a robust public health care across the state, particularly the rural areas”.

    Why TN is against NEET?

    • Non-representative: TN opposes because NEET undermined the diverse societal representation in MBBS and higher medical studies.
    • Disfavors the poor: It has favored mainly the affordable and affluent sections of the society and thwarting the dreams of underprivileged social groups.
    • Exams for the elite: It considers NEET not a fair or equitable method of admission since it favored the rich and elite sections of society.
    • Healthcare concerns: If continued, the rural and urban poor may not be able to pursue medical courses.

    Can any state legislate against NEET?

    • Admissions to medical courses are traceable to entry 25 of Concurrent List, Schedule VII of the Constitution.
    • Therefore, the State can also enact a law regarding admission and amend any Central law on admission procedures.

    Why is it going for President’s assent?

    • The question is not whether the State government can amend a law falling under the Concurrent List.
    • The question is whether the State government can exempt Section 10D of the IMC Act, which is a parliamentary law that falls under the Central List (Entry 66).
    • Moreover, the Supreme Court has also upheld NEET as a requirement.
    • Mere statistics highlighting that a majority of the stakeholders do not want NEET in Tamil Nadu is not an answer for exempting the examination.

    Again, it is State and Centre are at crossroads

    • Normally, a Bill requires assent from the Governor to become a law. Stalin’s contention is that this Bill deals with education, which is a Concurrent List subject.
    • Admissions to medical courses fall under Entry 25 of List III, Schedule VII of the Constitution, and therefore the state is competent to regulate the same.
    • Yet, as far as matters relating to the determination of standards for higher education are concerned, the central government has the power to amend a clause or repeal an Act.
    • So, just the passing of the Bill doesn’t enable the students to get exempted from writing NEET.
    • Already, Union Higher Education Secretary has held that if any State wants to opt out of the exam, it has to seek permission from the Supreme Court.

    Options for Tamil Nadu

    • Data is necessary only when there is power to legislate on the subject concerned.
    • Since the Bill, which will become an Act only after the President’s nod, will come into effect only from the next academic year, the battle for and against the NEET requirement will continue in courts.
    • Hopefully, the courts will determine the legality and have a definite solution to the question of medical admissions within the next year.
    • Till such time, students who wrote NEET will fill the seats under the State quota.

     

    Also read:

    Bill assent, a delay and the Governor’s options

     

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  • Bill assent, a delay and the Governor’s options

    Context

    The State of Tamil Nadu has been witnessing a confrontation between the elected government and the State Governor on the question of giving assent to the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET) Bill passed by the State Assembly.

    Position of Governor in Constitutional setup in India:

    • Appointee of the President: The Governor is an appointee of the President, which means the Union government.
    • Although Article 154(1) of the Constitution vests in the Governor the executive power of the State, he is required to exercise that power in accordance with the Constitution.
    • In other words, the Governor can act only on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.
    • It is a settled constitutional position that the Governor is only a constitutional head and the executive power of the State is exercised by the Council of Ministers.
    • In Shamsher Singh vs State of Punjab (1974), the Supreme Court had clearly affirmed this position.
    • Dr. Ambedkar explained the position of the Governor in the Constituent Assembly as follows: “The Governor under the Constitution has no functions which he can discharge by himself: no functions at all.”
    • The Sarkaria Commission restates this position in its report, “it is a well-recognized principle that so long as the council of ministers enjoys [the] confidence of the Assembly its advice in these matters, unless patently unconstitutional, must be deemed as binding on the governor”.
    • In 2016, a five-judge constitution Bench of the Supreme Court (the Nabam Rebia case) reaffirmed the above position on the governors’ powers in our constitutional setup.

    What exactly are the options before the Governor in the matter of giving assent to a Bill passed by the Assembly?

    • Assent of the Governor or the President is necessary for a Bill to become law.
    • Four options: Article 200 of the Constitution provides for four alternative courses of action for a Governor when a Bill after being passed by the legislature is presented to him for his assent.
    • 1] The Governor can give his assent straightaway.
    • 2] The Governor can withhold his assent.
    • 3] He may also reserve it for the consideration of the President, in which case the assent is given or withheld by the President.
    • 4] The fourth option is to return the Bill to the legislature with the request that it may reconsider the Bill or any particular provision of the Bill.
    • When such a message is received from the Governor, the legislature is required to reconsider his recommendations quickly.
    • However, if the legislature again passes the Bill without accepting any of the amendments suggested by the Governor he is constitutionally bound to give assent to the Bill.

    Issue of the NEET Bill

    • The Governor of Tamil Nadu returned the NEET Bill to the Assembly for reconsideration of the Bill.
    • Accordingly, the Assembly held a special session in the first week of February and passed it again and presented it to the Governor for his assent.
    • He has not assented to the Bill so far.
    • While it is true that Article 200 does not lay down any time frame for the Governor to take action under this Article, it is imperative on the part of the Governor to exercise one of the options contained therein.
    • The option mentioned in Article 200 is meant to be exercised by the Governor without delay.
    • Non-action is not an option: Although Article 200 does not say by what time the Governor should take the next step, it clearly and unambiguously states the options for him to exercise.
    • It is obvious that if the Governor does not exercise any of those options he will not be acting in conformity with the Constitution because non-action is not an option contained in Article 200.
    • In fact, the words used in Article 200 “… it shall be presented to the governor and the governor shall declare
.” indicates that the Constitution requires the Governor to act without delay upon the presentation of the Bill.
    • In view of the mandatory provision in the proviso to Article 200, it is clear that the Constitution does not permit the Governor to sit on a Bill after the Assembly re-submits it to him after reconsideration.

    Takeaways

    • Giving assent to a Bill passed by the legislature is a part of the legislative process and not of the executive power.
    •  Withholding of assent, though an option, is not normally exercised by Governors because it will be an extremely unpopular step.
    • Besides, withholding assent to a Bill by the Governor, an appointee of the President, neutralises the entire legislative exercise by an elected legislature enjoying the support of the people.
    • This option is undemocratic and essentially against federalism. 
    • Practices in UK and Australia: In the United Kingdom it is unconstitutional for the monarch to refuse to assent to a Bill passed by Parliament.
    • Similarly, in Australia, refusal of assent to a Bill by the crown is considered repugnant to the federal system.

    Conclusion

    In our constitutional system, the Governor or the President is not personally responsible for their acts. But when a Governor does not take any decision on a Bill which is put up for his assent, he is not acting in exercise and performance of the duties cast upon him.

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  • India slips to 150 in Press Freedom Index

    India has reached 150th position in the World Press Freedom Index, dropping further from its last year’s 142nd rank out of 180 countries.

    What is Press Freedom Index?

    • The PFI is an annual ranking of countries compiled and published by Reporters Without Borders since 2002.
    • It is based upon the organisation’s own assessment of the countries’ press freedom records in the previous year.
    • It intends to reflect the degree of freedom that journalists, news organisations, and netizens have in each country, and the efforts made by authorities to respect this freedom.
    • It does not measure the quality of journalism in the countries it assesses, nor does it look at human rights violations in general.

    Highlights of the 2022 report

    (a) Best performing countries

    • Norway– 1st
    • Denmark– 2nd
    • Sweden– 3rd
    • Estonia– 4th
    • Finland– 5th

    (b) Worst performers

    • North Korea remained at the bottom of the list, while Russia was placed at 155th position, slipping from 150th last year.
    • As per the global media watchdog, China climbed up by two positions ranking at 175th position, as compared to 177th position last year.

     (c) Performance in our neighbourhood

    • Besides India, its neighbours except Nepal have also slid down.
    • While Pakistan is at 157th position, Sri Lanka ranks at 146th, Bangladesh at 162nd and Maynmar at 176th position.

    Back2Basics: Freedom of Press and Constitutional Provisions

    • The Supreme Court in Romesh Thappar v. the State of Madras, 1950 observed that freedom of the press lay at the foundation of all democratic organisations.
    • It is guaranteed under the freedom of speech and expression under Article 19, which deals with ‘Protection of certain rights regarding freedom of speech, etc.
    • Freedom of the press is not expressly protected by the Indian legal system but it is impliedly protected under article 19(1) (a) of the constitution.
    • The freedom of the press is also not absolute.

    Reasonable restrictions

    • A law could impose only those restrictions on the exercise of this right, it faces certain restrictions under article 19(2), which is as follows:
    1. Sovereignty and integrity of India
    2. Security of the State,
    3. Friendly relations with foreign States
    4. Public order, decency or morality
    5. Contempt of court
    6. Defamation
    7. Incitement to an offence

     

     

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  • The Debate on National Language

    Remarks by a Hindi actor to the effect that Hindi is the national language of India has sparked controversy recently over the status of the language under the Constitution.

    What is the status of Hindi?

    • Under Article 343 of the Constitution, the official language of the Union shall be Hindi in Devanagari script.
    • The international form of Indian numerals will be used for official purposes.

    The debate

    • Inherent opposition to Hindi: The Constituent Assembly was bitterly divided on the question, with members from States that did not speak Hindi initially opposing the declaration of Hindi as a national language.
    • Colonial footprints of English: Proponents of Hindi were insistent that English was the language of enslavement and that it should be eliminated as early as possible.
    • Fear of Hindi imposition: Opponents were against English being done away with, fearing that it may lead to Hindi domination in regions that did not speak the language.
    • Inefficacy of Sanskrit: There were demands to make Sanskrit the official language, while some argued in favour of ‘Hindustani’.
    • Issue over Script: There were differences of opinion over the script too. When opinion veered towards accepting Hindi, proponents of the language wanted the ‘Devanagari’ script to be adopted both for words and numerals.

    Major outcome: No national language

    • It was decided that the Constitution will only speak of an ‘official language’.
    • And that English would continue to be used for a period of 15 years.
    • The Constitution said that after 15 years, Parliament may by law decide on the use of English and the use of the Devanagari form of numbers for specified purposes.

    What is the Eighth Schedule?

    • The Eighth Schedule contains a list of languages in the country. Initially, there were 14 languages in the schedule, but now there are 22 languages.
    • There is no description of the sort of languages that are included or will be included in the Eighth Schedule.

    Constitutional position of Eighth Schedule

    There are only two references to these languages in the text of the Constitution.

    (i) Article 344(1):

    • It provides for the formation of a Commission by the President, which should have a Chairman and members representing these scheduled languages.
    • The purpose of the Commission is to make recommendations for the progressive use of Hindi for official purposes of the Union and for restricting the use of English.

    (ii) Article 351:

    • It says it is the Union government’s duty to promote the spread of Hindi so that it becomes “a medium of expression for all elements of the composite culture of India”.
    • It also aims to assimilate elements of forms and expressions from Hindustani and languages listed in the Eighth Schedule.

    What were the 1965 protests about?

    • The Official Languages Act, 1963 was passed in anticipation of the expiry of the 15-year period during which the Constitution originally allowed the use of English for official purposes.
    • Its operative section provided for the continuing use of English, notwithstanding the expiry of the 15-year period.
    • Jawaharlal Nehru had given an assurance in 1959 that English would remain in official use and as the language of communication between the Centre and the States.
    • The Official Languages Act, 1963, did not explicitly incorporate this assurance, causing apprehensions in some States as the January 1965 deadline neared.
    • At that time, PM Lal Bahadur Shastri reiterated the government’s commitment to move towards making Hindi the official language for all purposes.

    TN loops in the agitation

    • In Tamil Nadu, then known as Madras, the prospect of the use of Hindi as the medium of examination came due to recruitment examination of union.
    • It created an apprehension that Hindi would be imposed in such a way that the future employment prospects of those who do not speak Hindi will be bleak.

    Creating an exception for Tamil Nadu

    • With the Congress government in the State taking the view that the people had nothing to fear about, protests broke out in January 1965.
    • It took a violent turn after more and more student activists joined the protest, and continued even after key Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) leaders were arrested.
    • More than 60 people died in police firing and other incidents as the protests went on for days.
    • The agitation died down later, but by then the Congress at the Centre realised the sensitivity of the language issue among Tamil-speaking people.
    • When the Official Language Rules were framed in 1976, it was made clear that the Rules apply to the whole of India, except Tamil Nadu.

    What is the three-language formula?

    • Since the 1960s, the Centre’s education policy documents speak of teaching three languages — Hindi, English and one regional language in Hindi-speaking States, and Hindi, English and the official regional language in other States.
    • In practice, however, only some States teach both their predominant language and Hindi, besides English.
    • In States where Hindi is the official language, a third language is rarely taught as a compulsory subject.
    • Tamil Nadu has been steadfastly opposing the three-language formula and sticks to teaching Tamil and English.
    • It argues that those who need to know Hindi can learn on their own.

     

     

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  • Quasi-Federalism in India

    This newscard is an excerpt from the original article published in the TH.

    Why in news?

    • The contemporary discourse on federalism in India is moving on a discursive across multiple dimensions, be it economic, political and cultural,
    • It is argued that India is at an inflection point vis-a-vis Centre-State relations owing to increasing asymmetry.

    What is Federalism?

    • Federalism is a system of government in which the power is divided between a central authority and various constituent units of the country.
    • This vertical division of power among different levels of governments is referred to as federalism.
    • Federalism is one of the major forms of power-sharing in modem democracies.

    Indian case: Federal, quasi-federal or hybrid?

    • India consciously adopted a version of federalism that made the Union government and State governments interdependent on each other (latter more vis-a-vis the former).

    The federal features of the Constitution of India are:

    • Written Constitution: Features of the Indian Constitution is not only a written document but also the longest constitution in the world. Originally, it included a Preamble, 395 articles (22 parts), and 8 schedules.
    • Dual Polity: The constitution establishes a dual polity that includes the union at the periphery. Each is endowed with sovereign powers to be exercised in the field assigned to them respectively by the Constitution.
    • Bicameralism: The constitution provides for a bicameral legislature in which an upper house (Rajya Sabha) and a lower house (Lok Sabha). Rajya Sabha represents the states of the Indian Union, whereas The Lok Sabha represents the people of India as a whole.
    • Division of Powers: The Constitution divided the powers between the Center and the states in terms of the Union List, State List, and Concurrent List in the Seventh Schedule.
    • Supremacy of the Constitution: The Constitution is the supreme law of the country. The laws made by the Center and the states should be in conformity with Provision. Otherwise, they may be declared invalid by the Supreme or High Court through its power of judicial review.
    • Rigid Constitution: The division of powers established by the Constitution as well as supremacy of the constitution can be maintained only if the method of its amendment is rigid. It is necessary for both houses to agree to amend the constitution.
    • Independent judiciary: The constitution establishes an independent judiciary headed by the Supreme Court for two purposes: one, to protect the supremacy of the constitution, and two, to settle the disputes between the Centre and states or between the states.

    Besides the above federal features, the Indian constitution also possesses the following unitary features:

    • Strong Centre: The division of powers is in favour of the centre and unequal from a federal point of view. Firstly, the Union list contains more subjects than the state list, secondly, the more important subjects have been included in the union list and the Centre has overriding authority over the concurrent list.
    • Single constitution: The constitution of India embodies not only the constitution of the Centre but also those of the states. Both the Centre and the States must operate within this single frame.
    • Destructible nature of states: Unlike in other federations, the states in India have no right to territorial integrity. The parliament can change the area, boundaries, or name of any state.
    • Emergency provisions: The emergency provisions are contained in Part XVIII of the Constitution of India, from Articles 352 to 360. In the emergency provisions, the central government becomes all-powerful and the states go into total control of the Centre.
    • Single citizenship: Single citizenship means one person is the citizenship of the whole country. The constitution deals with citizenship from Articles 5 and 11 under Part 2.
    • All India services: In India, there are all India services (IAS, IPS and IFS) which are common to both the Centre and the states. These services violate the principle of federalism under the constitution.
    • Appointment of governor: The governor is appointed by the president. He also acts as an agent of the Centre. Through him, the Centre exercises control over the states.
    • Integrated election machinery: The election commission conducts elections for central and state legislatures. But the Election commission is constituted by the president and the states have no say in this matter.
    • Equality (= Equity) of representation: The states are given representation in the upper house on the basis of population. Hence, the membership varies from 1 to 31.
    • Integrated Judiciary: The term Integrated Judiciary refers to the fact that rulings made by higher courts bind lower courts. The Supreme Court of India incorporates all lower courts, from the Gram Panchayat to the High Courts. The Supreme Court is at the very top.
    • Union veto over State Bills:  The governor has the authority to hold certain sorts of laws passed by the state legislature for presidential consideration. The President has the authority to refuse to sign such bills not only in the first instance but also in the second.

    Reasons for a centralised federal structure

    There are at following reasons that informed India’s choice of a centralised federal structure.

    1. Partition of India and the concomitant concerns: The 1946 Objectives Resolution introduced by Nehru in the Assembly were inclined towards a decentralised federal structure wherein States would wield residuary powers.
    2. Reconstitution of social relations in a highly hierarchical and discriminatory society: The centralised structure would unsettle prevalent trends of social dominance, help fight poverty better and therefore yield liberating outcomes.
    3. Building of a welfare state: In a decentralised federal setup, redistributive policies could be structurally thwarted by organised (small and dominant) groups. Instead, a centralised federal set-up can prevent such issues and further a universal rights-based system.
    4. Alleviation of inter-regional economic inequality: Provincial interventions seemed to exacerbate inequalities. India’s membership in the International Labour Organization, the Nehru Report (1928), and the Bombay Plan (1944) pushed for a centralised system to foster socio-economic rights and safeguards for the working and entrepreneurial classes.
    5. Linguistic reorganization: It would not have been possible if India followed a rigid or conventional federal system. In other words, the current form of federalism in the Indian context is largely a function of the intent of the government of the day and the objectives it seeks to achieve.
    • From the above, it is clear that India has deviated from the traditional federal systems like the USA   and incorporated a large number of unitary features, tilting the balance of power in favor of the Centre.
    • Hence K C Wheare described the constitution of India as “quasi-federal”.

    Conclusion

    • The majoritarian tendencies sometimes are subverting the unique and indigenised set-up into an asymmetrical one.
    • Inter alia, delayed disbursal of resources and tax proceeds, bias towards electorally unfavourable States, evasion of accountability, imposition of language, weakening institutions, proliferation of political ideologies all signal towards the diminishing of India’s plurality or regionalisation of the nation.
    • While it would be safe to argue that our federal set-up is a conscious choice, its furthering or undoing, will depend on the collective will of the citizenry and the representatives they vote to power.

     

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  • What is Office-of-Profit?

    The Election Commission (EC) has sent a notice to Jharkhand CM over an office-of-profit charge against him for allotment of a mining lease in his name last year.

    Why in news?

    • Under Section 9A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, the CM could face disqualification for entering into a government contract.
    • The Constitution of India does not define the Office of Profit. It has only mentioned it under Article 102 (1) and Article 191 (1).

    What is ‘Office of Profit’?

    • MPs and MLAs, as members of the legislature, hold the government accountable for its work.
    • The essence of disqualification is if legislators hold an ‘office of profit’ under the government, they might be susceptible to government influence, and may not discharge their constitutional mandate fairly.
    • The intent is that there should be no conflict between the duties and interests of an elected member.
    • Hence, the office of profit law simply seeks to enforce a basic feature of the Constitution- the principle of separation of power between the legislature and the executive.

    What governs the term?

    • At present, the Parliament (Prevention of Disqualification) Act, 1959, bars an MP, MLA or an MLC from holding any office of profit under the central or state government unless it is exempted.
    • However, it does not clearly define what constitutes an office of profit.
    • Legislators can face disqualification for holding such positions, which bring them financial or other benefits.
    • Under the provisions of Article 102 (1) and Article 191 (1) of the Constitution, an MP or an MLA (or an MLC) is barred from holding any office of profit under the Central or State government.

    An undefined term

    • The officials of the law ministry are of the view that defining an office of profit could lead to the filing of a number of cases with the Election Commission and the courts.
    • Also, once the definition is changed, one will also have to amend various provisions in the Constitution including Article 102 (1) (a) and Article 109 (1) (a) that deal with the office of profit.
    • It will have an overarching effect on all the other sections of the Constitution.

    Factors constituting an ‘office of profit’

    • The 1959 law does not clearly define what constitutes an office of profit but the definition has evolved over the years with interpretations made in various court judgments.
    • An office of profit has been interpreted to be a position that brings to the office-holder some financial gain, or advantage, or benefit. The amount of such profit is immaterial.
    • In 1964, the Supreme Court ruled that the test for determining whether a person holds an office of profit is the test of appointment.

    What is the ‘test of appointment’?

    Several factors are considered in this determination including factors such as:

    1. whether the government is the appointing authority,
    2. whether the government has the power to terminate the appointment,
    3. whether the government determines the remuneration,
    4. what is the source of remuneration, and
    5. the power that comes with the position.

     

     

  • No one can be forced to get vaccinated: SC

    The Supreme Court has upheld the right of an individual against forcible vaccination and the government’s COVID-19 vaccination policy to protect communitarian health.

    What is the news?

    • Vaccine hesitancy has been on rise these days.
    • The SC has found certain vaccine mandates imposed by the State governments and Union Territory administrations disproportionate.
    • They tend to deny access to basic welfare measures and freedom of movement to unvaccinated individuals.

    Right not to get vaccinated

    • The bench upheld the right to bodily integrity and personal autonomy of an individual in the light of vaccines and other public health measures.
    • Bodily integrity is protected under Article 21 (right to life) of the Constitution and no individual can be forced to be vaccinated.
    • The court struck a balance between individual right to bodily integrity and refuse treatment with the government’s concern for public health.

    Subject to scrutiny

    • When the issue is extended to “communitarian health”, the government was indeed “entitled to regulate issues”.
    • But its right to regulate by imposing limits to individual rights was open to judicial scrutiny.

    What is Vaccine Hesitancy?

    • The reluctance of people to receive safe and recommended available vaccines is known as ‘vaccine hesitancy’.
    • This was already a growing concern before the COVID-19 pandemic.
    • A framework developed from research done in high-income countries, called ‘the 5C model of the drivers of vaccine hesitancy’, provides five main individual person–level determinants for vaccine hesitancy:
    1. Confidence
    2. Complacency
    3. Convenience (or constraints)
    4. Risk calculation
    5. Collective responsibility

    Questions raised by vaccine hesitancy

    1. To end the pandemic, wherein no one is safe until everyone is safe, how relevant and strong are the arguments on freedom of choice?
    2. How is the fight against this global crisis impacted when prominent personalities assert on making a choice contrary to global good?
    3. Amid the raging pandemic and the persistent threat of future waves, how can vaccine scepticism and hesitancy be addressed worldwide?

    Why is it a cause of concern?

    • Re-surging of covid cases: Amid the ongoing Omicron surge, there have been reports pointing to the unvaccinated population driving the current surge in COVID-19 cases in Europe and US.
    • Risk of future waves and danger mutations: Large scale vaccine hesitancy could drag the pandemic longer by ensuring sustained continuance of the COVID-19 diseases and emergence of newer and deadlier variants.

    Various causes for vaccine hesitancy

    • Scepticism: There are many reasons for vaccine scepticism. Vaccine hesitancy is complex and context specific varying across time, place and vaccines.
    • Fake news: The conspiracy theories on social media have brought negative publicity for vaccination. These seem to have created propaganda against the vaccines.
    • Malfunctions: The sensational highlighting of vaccine fatalities event by the media is driving vaccine hesitancy to some extent.
    • Myths and beliefs: In some places radical religious factors have driven vaccine hesitancy resulting in myth against vaccines. This is also a leading factor of prevalence of Polio in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
    • Policy fluctuations: The frequent flip-flops by governments on the vaccination issue have resulted in a low trust among the general populace regarding vaccination.
    • Public trust: Vaccine hesitancy is also influenced by factors such as complacency, convenience and confidence.

    Way forward

    With no “one-size-fits-all” solution to vaccine hesitancy, contextualised and curated approaches are crucial.

    • Dispelling misinformation: There is the need to dispel all misinformation – unscientific, incorrect and unsubstantiated.
    • Counselling: WHO has put forth the BeSD (behavioural and social drivers) vaccination model, which emphasises “motivation” as the vanguard of human psychology during a vaccination drive.
    • Standard safeguards: The fact that vaccines meet the necessary safety standards set by the various organizations needs to be highlighted.
    • Vaccine equality: There is the need to ensure access of affordable, quality and timely vaccines to all.
    • Highlighting success: Countries must highlight the success observed due to the vaccination programmes, wherein despite rapid rise in cases the hospitalization and death rates remain within controllable limits.

     

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  • Governments ignoring court orders: CJI

    The CJI pointed to how courts had to deal with the new problem of “contempt petitions” triggered by the “deliberate inaction” of governments that chose to ignore judgments and orders.

    What did the CJI say?

    • The contempt petitions are a new category of burden on the courts, which is a direct result of the defiance by the governments.
    • Such actions show sheer defiance of governments towards judicial pronouncements.
    • There is visible inclination to pass off the responsibility of decision-making to courts.
    • The legislature’s work show ambiguity, lack of foresight and public consultation before making laws have led to docket explosion.

    What is Contempt of the Court?

    • Contempt of court is the offense of being disobedient to or disrespectful toward a court of law and its officers in the form of behaviour that opposes or defies the authority, justice, and dignity of the court.
    • There are broadly two categories of contempt: being disrespectful to legal authorities in the courtroom, or wilfully failing to obey a court order.

    How did the concept came into being?

    • The concept of contempt of court is several centuries old.
    • In England, it is a common law principle that seeks to protect the judicial power of the king, initially exercised by him, and later by a panel of judges who acted in his name.
    • Violation of the judges’ orders was considered an affront to the king himself.
    • Over time, any kind of disobedience to judges, or obstruction of the implementation of their directives, or comments and actions that showed disrespect towards them came to be punishable.

    What is the statutory basis for contempt of court?

    • There were pre-Independence laws of contempt in India. Besides the early High Courts, the courts of some princely states also had such laws.
    • When the Constitution was adopted, contempt of court was made one of the restrictions on freedom of speech and expression.
    • Separately, Article 129 of the Constitution conferred on the Supreme Court the power to punish contempt of itself.
    • Article 215 conferred a corresponding power on the High Courts.
    • The Contempt of Courts Act, 1971, gives statutory backing to the idea.

    What are the kinds of contempt of court?

    The law codifying contempt classifies it as civil and criminal.

    • Civil contempt is fairly simple. It is committed when someone wilfully disobeys a court order or wilfully breaches an undertaking given to the court.
    • However, Criminal contempt is more complex.
    • It consists of three forms: (a) words, written or spoken, signs and actions that “scandalise” or “tend to scandalise” or “lower” or “tends to lower” the authority of any court (b) prejudices or interferes with any judicial proceeding and (c) interferes with or obstructs the administration of justice.
    • The rationale for this provision is that courts must be protected from tendentious attacks that lower its authority, defame its public image and make the public lose faith in its impartiality.
    • The punishment for contempt of court is simple imprisonment for a term up to six months and/or a fine of up to â‚č. 2,000.

    What does not account to contempt?

    • Fair and accurate reporting of judicial proceedings will not amount to contempt of court.
    • Nor is any fair criticism on the merits of a judicial order after a case is heard and disposed of.

    Is truth a defence against a contempt charge?

    • For many years, the truth was seldom considered a defence against a charge of contempt.
    • There was an impression that the judiciary tended to hide any misconduct among its individual members in the name of protecting the image of the institution.
    • The Act was amended in 2006 to introduce truth as a valid defence if it was in the public interest and was invoked in a bonafide.

     

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  • What is the Delhi Dual Governance Conundrum?

    New Delhi has been at the flashpoint of innumerable power struggles these days.

    Why in news?

    • In the absence of statehood for Delhi, there has been a prolonged confrontation on the relative powers of the territorial administration and the Union government.

    Dilemmas of Dual Governance

    • Article 239AA of the Constitution of India granted Special Status to Delhi among Union Territories (UTs) in the year 1991 through the 69th constitutional amendment.
    • It provided a Legislative Assembly and a Council of Ministers responsible to such Assembly with appropriate powers.
    • That’s when Delhi was named as the National Capital Region (NCT) of Delhi.
    • As per this article – Public Order, Police & Land in NCT of Delhi fall within the domain and control of Central Government which shall have the power to make laws on these matters.
    • For remaining matters of State List or Concurrent List, in so far as any such matter is applicable to UTs, the Legislative Assembly shall have the power to make laws for NCT of Delhi

    [a] Centre-State Dispute

    • Delhi was given a fully elected legislative assembly and a responsible government through an amendment in the constitution in 1991.
    • Since 1991, Delhi had been made a UT with an assembly with “limited legislative powers”.
    • Cordial relations have prevailed between the Central and Delhi governments since 1996 and all differences have been resolved through discussions – with a few exceptions.

    [b] Lt. Governor vs the CM

    • The Article 239AA while conferring on the assembly the power to legislate on all matters in the state list as well as the concurrent list except land, police and public order – contained one sore point.
    • It said that in case of a difference between the L-G and the council of ministers, the matter shall be referred to the president by the LG for his decision and pending such decision the LG can take any action on the matter as he thinks fit.
    • It is this issue that the constitution bench of the Supreme Court resolved in 2018, when it said that the government does not have to seek the concurrence of the L-G on its decisions.
    • Any differences between them should be resolved to keep in view the constitutional primacy of representative government and co-operative federalism.

    It is after this judgement, the Centre brought up this Bill.

    [c] NCT of Delhi (Amendment) Bill, 2021

    • Among the major proposed amendments, one makes it explicitly clear that the term “government” in any law made by the Legislative Assembly shall mean the L-G.
    • This, essentially, gives effect to the former L-G 2015 assertion that “Government means the Lieutenant Governor of the NCT of Delhi appointed by the President under Article 239 and designated as such under Article 239 AA of the Constitution”.
    • The Bill adds that the L-G’s opinion shall be obtained before the government takes any executive action based on decisions taken by the Cabinet or any individual minister.

     

    [d] 

    Delhi Municipal Corporation (Amendment) Bill, 2022

     

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  • Status of the Naga Peace Talks

    The annual report of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) released a report on insurgency-related incidents in Nagaland.

    It recently said that the Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) was involved in 44% of insurgency-related incidents in 2020.

    Why in news?

    • The Union government had, in 2015, signed a framework agreement with the NSCN-IM to find a solution to the Naga political issue.
    • The negotiations are yet to be concluded.

    Who are the Nagas?

    • The term Naga was created by the British for administrative convenience to refer to a group of tribes with similar origins but distinct cultures, dialects, and customs.
    • The Naga tribes are accumulated in Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, and Myanmar.

    Why did the Naga insurgency begin?

    • Residing in the Naga hills of Assam during the advent of the British and the annexation of Assam in 1820, the Nagas did not consider themselves a part of British India.
    • The British adopted a way of governance over the Nagas that involved keeping in place their traditional ways of life, customs, and laws while putting British administrators at the top.
    • At the time of the withdrawal of the British, insecurity grew among the Naga tribes about the future of their cultural autonomy after India’s independence.
    • This was accompanied by the fear of the entry of “plains people” or “outsiders” into their territory.

    Do you know?

    In a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929, representatives of Naga tribes demanded that Nagas be left free after Independence and not be included in the Indian Union.

    Collective actions of the Nagas

    • Above mentioned factors gave rise to the formation of the Naga Hills District Tribal Council in 1945, which was renamed the Naga National Council (NNC) in 1946.
    • Amid uncertainties over the post-independence future of the Nagas, a section of the NNC, led by Naga leader A.Z. Phizo declared the independence of the Nagas on August 14, 1947.
    • The underground insurgency began in the early 1950s when Mr. Phizo founded the Naga Federal Government (NFG) and its armed wing, the Naga Federal Army (NFA).

    Outcome of the then insurgency

    • The Central Government sent the armed forces into Naga areas to curb the insurgency.
    • It imposed the contentious Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) which is still in place in parts of Nagaland.
    • The Nagas, led by Mr. Phizo, demanding an independent state outside of India, boycotted the 1952 and 1957 general elections and armed clashes grew.
    • Unlike other groups in the north east which were accepting some form of autonomy under the Constitution, Nagas rejected this in favour of sovereignty.

    Negotiations with the govt

    • Some leaders among the NNC formed their own group to hold discussions with the government, leading to the formation of the State of Nagaland in 1963.
    • This, however, did not satisfy many in the NNC and NFG, who, following years of negotiations with the government, eventually signed the Shillong Accord of 1975, agreeing to surrender arms and accept the Constitution.

    When did the NSCN come into the picture?

    • This signing of the Shillong Accord was not agreeable with many top leaders of the NNC and those operating from Myanmar.
    • A/c to them, the agreement did not address the issue of Naga sovereignty and coerced them to accept the Constitution.
    • Three NNC rebel leaders, formed the National Socialist Council Of Nagaland (NSCN) to continue the armed movement for ‘independence’.

    Again split in NSCN

    • In 1988, after years of infighting and violent clashes along tribal lines and over the main cause of the movement, the NSCN split into two factions.
    • One, led by Mr. Muiwah and Swu called the NSCN-IM and the other, led by Mr. Khaplang called the NSCN-K.
    • The NSCN-IM demanded and continues to demand for ‘Greater Nagaland’ or Nagalim.
    • It wants to extend Nagaland’s borders by including Naga-dominated areas in the neighbouring States of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.
    • The NSCN-IM has now grown to become the most powerful insurgent group, also playing a role in the creation of smaller groups in other States.

    Where do the peace talks stand now?

    • In 1997, the Government of India got the NSCN-IM to sign a ceasefire agreement to begin the holding of talks with the aim of signing a Naga Peace Accord.
    • After this ceasefire, there have been over a hundred rounds of talks spanning over 24 years between the Centre and the insurgent group, while a solution is still awaited.

    Issues of contention

    • Independence celebration: Nagas across Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh celebrate August 14 as Independence Day. According to Naga historians, Gandhi agreed that the Nagas would celebrate their independence a day ahead of India, on August 14, 1947.
    • Naga flag: In the Naga narrative, passed down generations by word of mouth, the Naga flag was not designed by a mortal but is of divine origin.
    • Secessionist tendencies: A large section of the Nagas still holds dear the idea of the Naga identity and their tribal roots.

    Way ahead

    • The Naga struggle claimed thousands of lives over decades and devastated countless homes, all over the idea of a sovereign Naga nation.
    • If the NSCN (I-M) accedes to economic and political packages alone, without a separate flag and constitution, it remains to be seen whether it will be seen as a solution, or as a defeat.

     

    Also read,

    [Burning Issue] Naga Peace Talks

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