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Subject: Polity

  • All India Judicial Service (AIJS): The centralised recruitment debate

    The central government is preparing to give a fresh push to the establishment of an All India Judicial Service (AIJS) on the lines of the central civil services.

    All India Judicial Service (AIJS)

    • The AIJS is a reform push to centralize the recruitment of judges.
    • It would work at the level of additional district judges and district judges for all states.
    • In the same way that the UPSC conducts a central recruitment process and assigns successful candidates to cadres, judges of the lower judiciary are proposed to be recruited centrally and assigned to states.
    • This idea has been debated in legal circles for decades, and remains contentious.

    How are district judges currently recruited?

    • Articles 233 and 234 of the Constitution of India deal with the appointment of district judges, and place it in the domain of the states.
    • The selection process is conducted by the State Public Service Commissions and the concerned High Court since High Courts exercise jurisdiction over the subordinate judiciary in the state.
    • Panels of High Court judges interview candidates after the exam and select them for an appointment.
    • All judges of the lower judiciary up to the level of district judge are selected through the Provincial Civil Services (Judicial) exam.

    Why has the AIJS been proposed?

    The idea was to ensure:

    • Efficient subordinate judiciary
    • Address structural issues such as varying pay and remuneration across states
    • Fill vacancies faster
    • Ensure standard training across states

    Beginning of the debate

    • The idea of a centralized judicial service was first proposed in the Law Commission 1958 ‘Report on Reforms on Judicial Administration’.
    • It was proposed again in the Law Commission Report of 1978, which discussed delays and arrears of cases in the lower courts.
    • In 2006, the Parliamentary Standing Committee backed the idea of a pan-Indian judicial service, and also prepared a draft Bill.

    What is the judiciary’s view on the AIJS?

    • 1992: the Supreme Court directed the Centre to set up an AIJS in All India Judges’ Assn. vs Union of India
    • 1993: In review of the judgment, the court left the Centre at liberty to take the initiative on the issue.
    • 2017: The Supreme Court took suo motu cognizance of the issue of appointment of district judges, and mooted a “Central Selection Mechanism”.

    What is the opposition to the AIJS?

    • Blow to federalism: AJIS is seen as an affront to federalism and an encroachment on the powers of states granted by the Constitution.
    • Language of Business: Language and representation, for example, are key concerns highlighted by states. Judicial business is conducted in regional languages, whi ch could be affected by central recruitment.
    • Quotas: Also, reservations based on caste, and even for rural candidates or linguistic minorities in the state, could be diluted in a central test, it has been argued.
    • Separation of power: The opposition is also based on the constitutional concept of the separation of powers.
    • Not a complete remedy: Additionally, legal experts have argued that the creation of AIJS will not address the structural issues plaguing the lower judiciary.

    Why is the government seeking to revive the idea of AIJS?

    • The government has targeted the reform of the lower judiciary in its effort to improve India’s Ease of Doing Business ranking.
    • It will act as efficient dispute resolution is one of the key indices in determining the rank.
    • AIJS is a step in the direction of ensuring an efficient lower judiciary.

    Centre’s argument for AJIS

    • The government has cited IAS officers’ examples.
    • It has argued that if a central mechanism can work for administrative services — IAS officers learn the language required for their cadre — it can work for judicial services too.

     

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  • In news: National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC)

    The National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) will examine the complaint of a decorated Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) officer against caste-based allegations by a Maharashtra minister.

    About National Commission for Scheduled Castes

    • NCSC is a constitutional body under Article 338 of the Indian Constitution.
    • It functions under the jurisdiction of Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.
    • It was established with a view to provide safeguards against the exploitation of Scheduled Castes.
    • It aims to promote and protect their social, educational, economic and cultural interests, special provisions were made in the Constitution.

    How were they established?

    • The original constitution provided for the appointment of a Special Officer under Article 338.
    • The special officer was designated as the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
    • The 65th Constitutional Amendment Act 1990, amended Article 338 of the Constitution to introduce a joint NC for SCs and STs.
    • Later by 89th Amendment, NC for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) and NC for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) were separated by creating a new Article 338-A.

    Functions

    • To investigate and monitor all matters relating to the safeguards provided for the SCs
    • To inquire into specific complaints with respect to the deprivation of rights and safeguards of the Scheduled Castes
    • To participate and advise on the planning process of socio-economic development of the SCs
    • To evaluate the progress of their development under the Union and any State
    • To present to the President, annually and at such other times as the Commission may deem fit, reports upon the working of those safeguards
    • To make in such reports recommendations as to the measures that should be taken by the Union or any State
    • To discharge such other functions as the President may, subject to the provisions of any law made by Parliament, by rule specify

    Note: National Commission for Backward Castes is also a constitutional body too. According to article 340, President shall establish a commission to examine the condition of social and backward class.

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  • The Supreme Court is walking the talk on citizens’ rights

    Context

    When the bench of the Chief Justice of India passed an order appointing a committee in the Pegasus matter, it served the interest of every Indian.

    What led to the appointment of committee by the Supreme Court

    • Pegasus has allegedly been used against politicians and individuals across the globe, including against politicians, journalists and other private individuals in India.
    • The issue rocked Parliament, but the government was not willing to share any information pertaining to the software or its use, citing national security as a reason.
    • The alleged victims of the software turned to the Supreme Court, and prayed for setting up of an independent enquiry.
    • The government, on being called upon by the Supreme Court, cited national security, contending that any information it let out would become a matter of public debate, which could be used by terror groups to hamper national security.
    • Its unrelenting stand left the court with no option but to take a call on whether to blindly accept the government’s refusal to share no information whatsoever, or lean in favour of a citizen’s right to privacy, a fundamental right guaranteed under the Constitution.
    • The Supreme Court chose the latter course.

    Balancing the fundamental rights  nad judicial review with national security

    • The Supreme Court has observed that “the state cannot get a free pass every time the spectre of national security is raised”.
    • It goes on to say that national security “cannot be the bugbear that the judiciary shies away from, by virtue of its mere mentioning. Although this court should be circumspect in encroaching upon the domain of national security, no omnibus prohibition can be called for against judicial review”.

    Conclusion

    The Pegasus order upholding the individual’s right to a life of dignity and privacy, is music to the ears of those who believe in constitutional values and rule of law.
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  • The Court’s order on Pegasus still falls short

    Context

    The Supreme Court of India appointed an independent committee to inquire into charges that the Union government had used the mobile phone spyware Pegasus to invade, access, and snoop into devices used by India’s citizens.

    Background

    • The petitioners before the Supreme Court relied on an investigation conducted by a consortium of global media.
    • These reports revealed that hundreds of phone numbers from India had appeared on a global list of more than 50,000 numbers that were selected for surveillance by clients of the Israeli firm, the NSO Group.
    • The NSO has since confirmed that its spyware is sold only to governments, chiefly for the purposes of fighting terrorism.

    Government’s defence

    • In response to the allegations made against it, the Government invoked national security.
    • What is more, according to it, the very adoption of this argument virtually forbade the Court from probing further.
    • In matters purportedly involving national security, the Court has shown an extraordinary level of deference to the executive.
    • The cases also posed another hurdle: a contest over facts.
    • The petitioners were asserting the occurrence of illegal surveillance.
    • The Government was offering no explicit response to their claims.
    • Now, to some degree, in its order appointing a committee, the Court has bucked the trend of absolute deference.
    • The Court has held that there is no magic formula to the Government’s incantation of national security, that its power of judicial review is not denuded merely because the state asserts that the country’s safety is at stake.

    Accountability on part of the government

    • The order recognises, correctly, that spying on an individual, whether by the state or by an outside agency, amounts to an infraction of privacy.
    • This is not to suggest that all surveillance is illegal.
    • In holding thus, the Court has effectively recognised that an act of surveillance must be tested on four grounds:
    • First, the action must be supported by legislation.
    • Second, the state must show the Court that the restriction made is aimed at a legitimate governmental end.
    • Third, the state must demonstrate that there are no less intrusive means available to it to achieve the same objective;
    • Finally, the state must establish that there is a rational nexus between the limitation imposed and the aims underlying the measure.
    • The test provides a clear path to holding the Government accountable.

    Way forward

    • The absence of a categorical denial from the Government, the order holds, ought to lead to a prima facie belief, if nothing else, that there is truth in the petitioners’ claims.
    •  Having held thus, one might have expected the Court to frame a set of specific questions demanding answers from the state.
    • If answers to these questions were still not forthcoming, elementary principles of evidence law allow the Court to draw what is known as an “adverse inference”. 
    • A party that fails to answer questions put to it will only risk the Court drawing a conclusion of fact against it.
    • If, on this basis, the petitioners’ case is taken as true, there can be little doubt that there has been an illegitimate violation of a fundamental right.
    • It is, therefore, unclear why we need a committee at all.
    • Ultimately, in the future, the Court must think more carefully about questions of proof and rules of evidence.

    Conclusion

    Ad hoc committees — sterling as their members might be — cannot be the solution. Far too many cases are consigned to the back burner on the appointment of external panels, and, in the process, civil liberties are compromised.

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  • Karnataka Gambling Law: Ambit and the High Court Challenge

    Last month, the Karnataka legislature passed a legislation to amend the Karnataka Police Act, 1963, making all forms of gambling, including online, a cognisable and non-bailable offence.

    Gambling Law

    • The Karnataka Police (Amendment) Act, 2021 was notified and came into force.
    • It is aimed for broadening the scope of gambling beyond what has been defined by law.
    • It was passed despite similar laws introduced in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Telangana having faced legal challenges.

    What forms of gambling does the new law cover?

    • The amended law covers all forms of wagering or betting “in connection with any game of chance” with the exception of horse racing and lotteries.
    • It also puts betting on the skills of others in the category of gambling.
    • It provides an exception only to any pure game of skill and not to “wagering by persons taking part in such game of skill”.

    Penalties prescribed

    • It enhances maximum punishment for owners of gambling centres from one year to three years of imprisonment and fines from Rs 1,000 to Rs 1 lakh.
    • The minimum punishment proposed is six months instead of the current one month and the fine is Rs 10,000 instead of Rs 500.

    Implications of the law

    • Since the new law came into effect, several online gaming firms have geo-locked their apps and sites in Karnataka to prevent attracting police action if customers access the sites.

    Legal issues raised by the amended laws

    One of the primary grounds on which the new gaming laws in these states has been challenged is:

    • Games of skill: This been clubbed along with games of chance in the definition of gaming, if the games of skill are played for prizes or bets.
    • Violation of FR: Gaming companies have argued — successfully that competitive games of skill are business activities protected under Article 19 (1) (g) of the Constitution.
    • Other examples: Rummy and horse racing have been classified by the courts as games of skill that do not come under the purview of gaming laws.
    • Competence of the state: It has been argued that states do not have “legislative competence” to prohibit games of skill and that only games of chance can be regulated for gambling and betting.

    Why has Karnataka amended the law?

    • Ban on online gambling: The statement of objects and reasons justify that the new law is needed to make gambling a cognisable and non-bailable offence (gambling in public streets remains cognisable and bailable).
    • More power to Police: Other reasons cited is that police cannot raid gambling dens without a formal written order from a magistrate, since gambling is a non-cognisable and bailable offence.
    • Public demands for ban: Recent public interest litigations seeking a ban on online gaming and betting, too, have been a trigger for the amendments.
    • Illicit use of cyber-space: The new law has also been introduced to include the use of cyberspace as defined in the IT Act 2000 to curb the menace of gaming through internet.

    Will these amendments stand the test of law?

    • As mentioned, a similar law in Tamil Nadu was struck down by the Madras High Court as being ultra vires after it was challenged by online gaming firms.
    • The court ruled that- Games and sporting activities in the physical form cannot be equated with games conducted in virtual mode or in cyberspace.
    • However, when it comes to card games or board games such as chess or Scrabble, there is no distinction between the skill involved in the physical form of the activity or in the virtual form.
    • The HC said both rummy and poker are games of skill.

     

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  • How Political Parties are registered in India?

    Former Punjab CM has announced that he will be forming his own political party in Punjab ahead of the state assembly elections.

    Registering a Political Party

    • The registration of all political parties is governed by the provisions of the Representation of the People Act, 1951.
    • According to the Election Commission (EC), any party seeking registration has to submit an application to the Commission within a period of 30 days.
    • This is done as per guidelines prescribed by the EC in exercise of the powers conferred by Article 324 of the Constitution and Section 29A of the RP Act, 1951.

    Note: There is no procedure available for de-registration of dormant political parties.

    Process of registration

    • The applicant is asked to publish a proposed party name in two national daily newspapers and two local daily newspapers, and provide two days for submitting objections, if any.
    • The notice for publication is also displayed on the website of the Election Commission.

    Why registering with the EC is important?

    • It is not mandatory to register with the Election Commission.
    • However, registering as a political party with the EC has its advantage in terms of intending to avail itself of the provisions of the RP Act, 1951.
    • The candidates set up by a political party registered with the EC will get preference in the matter of allotment of free symbols vis-à-vis purely independent candidates.
    • More importantly, these registered political parties, over course of time, can get recognition as a ‘state party’ or a ‘national party’.

    How EC recognises a political party as a state or national party?

    For recognition as a NATIONAL PARTY, the conditions specified are:

    1. a 6% vote share in the last Assembly polls in each of any four states, as well as four seats in the last Lok Sabha polls; or
    2. 2% of all Lok Sabha seats in the last such election, with MPs elected from at least three states; or
    3. recognition as a state party in at least four states.

    For recognition as a STATE PARTY, any one of five conditions needs to be satisfied:

    1. two seats plus a 6% vote share in the last Assembly election in that state; or
    2. one seat plus a 6% vote share in the last Lok Sabha election from that state; or
    3. 3% of the total Assembly seats or 3 seats, whichever is more; or
    4. one of every 25 Lok Sabha seats (or an equivalent fraction) from a state; or
    5. an 8% state-wide vote share in either the last Lok Sabha or the last Assembly polls.

    Benefits for recognized parties

    • This is subject to the fulfilment of the conditions prescribed by the Commission in the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968.

    (a) Reserved Sybol

    • If a party is recognised as a ‘state party’, it is entitled for exclusive allotment of its reserved symbol to the candidates set up by it in the state in which it is so recognised. If a party is recognised as a ‘national party’ it is entitled for exclusive allotment of its reserved symbol to the candidates set up by it throughout India.

    (b) Proposer for nomination

    • Recognised ‘state’ and ‘national’ parties need only one proposer for filing the nomination.

    (c) Campaigning benefits

    • They are also entitled for two sets of electoral rolls free of cost and broadcast/telecast facilities over state-owned Akashvani/Doordarshan during the general elections.

     

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  • Religious Conversion and Quota Benefits

    In a retaliatory move, a state minister has alleged about a decorated officer serving in the Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB), has benefitted from the reservation for Scheduled Castes (SCs) despite being Muslim.

    Do you know?

    If the quota/caste certificate is found to be false, the government servant is be removed or dismissed from the service.  There are many who are arranging EWS quota certificates based on forged evidences. Beware.

    Quota and religion

    • The Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, lays down that no person professing a religion different from the Hindu or Sikh or Buddhist religion can be deemed to be a member of an SC.
    • However, this provision has been amended several times.
    • The original order under which only Hindus were classified as SCs, was amended to include Sikhs in 1956, and Buddhists in 1990.

    Rules of Religion in eligibility for the SC Quota

    • There is a 15 per cent quota for SCs in government jobs.
    • But Hindu SCs who convert to Islam lose their SC status, and are no longer eligible for the quota.

    A brochure on the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT), site lays down the position on SC status and conversions:

    1. A person shall be held to be a member of a SC or ST if he belongs to a caste, or a tribe which has been declared as such.
    2. No person who professes a religion different from the Hindu or the Sikh religion shall be deemed to be a member of the SCs.
    3. Further a person belonging to a SC or ST will continue to be deemed as such irrespective of his/her marriage to a non-Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe.
    4. However, a convert or re-convert to Hinduism and Sikhism shall be accepted as a member of SC if he has been received back and accepted as a member of the concerned SC.
    5. No such religion-based bar, however, operates for STs and Other Backward Classes (OBCs).

    What about STs?

    • The rights of a person belonging to a Scheduled Tribe are independent of his/her religious faith.

    Is the exclusion of Muslims and Christians discriminatory?

    • Petitions have been filed in the Supreme Court seeking the inclusion of Muslims and Christians in the SC category.
    • In 2008, the National Commission on Minorities concluded that there was a case for inclusion Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims in the SC category.
    • In January 2020, the SC agreed to examine a plea by the National Council of Dalit Christians to make the government’s affirmative action programmes religion-neutral.
    • The plea is pending before the court.

    In inter-caste marriages, can mother’s caste be the caste of the couple’s child?

    • The child carries the caste of the father, and caste certificates are issued on this basis.
    • However, courts have taken note of the surroundings in which the child was brought up.
    • In Rameshbhai Dabhai Naika vs State of Gujarat & Ors (2012), the Supreme Court has set a precedence.
    • In an inter-caste marriage or a marriage between a tribal and a non-tribal there may be a presumption that the child has the caste of the father.
    • This presumption may be stronger in the case where husband belongs to a forward caste.
    • In 2006, then Minister for Social Justice and Empowerment has proposed that children born of inter-caste marriages should get SC status if either parent belongs to a SC.

    Govt. stance on this

    • In 2006, then Minister for Social Justice and Empowerment has proposed that children born of inter-caste marriages should get SC status if either parent belongs to a SC.
    • A proposal was to be placed before the Cabinet in April 2008, but was withdrawn at the last minute.
    • There was resistance to the suggestion from many quarters, including the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC).

     

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  • Analysing the Supreme Court’s Pegasus order

    Context

    The Supreme Court of India has appointed a committee presided by Justice (Retd.) R V Raveendran to inquire into the Pegasus revelations.

    Terms of reference

    • The court’s terms of reference include queries on, “What steps/actions have been taken by the Union of India after reports were published in the year 2019 about hacking of WhatsApp accounts”, and, “Whether any Pegasus suite of spyware was acquired by the Union of India, or any State Government, or any central or state agency for use against the citizens of India”.
    • The constitution of this committee marks an important step towards accountability for the victims and the larger public on the use of Pegasus.

    Significance of the committee on Pegasus issue

    1) Transparency and disclosure

    • The order of the court constituting the committee attains significance for three clear reasons.
    • The first is the court’s continuing insistence on transparency and disclosure by the Union government.
    • The only filing made in court by the government was a limited affidavit, containing short paragraphs of generalised denials and the sole annexure of a statement by the Minister for Electronics and IT before Parliament.
    • Immediately, the Supreme Court pointed out that these are inadequate and provided further time.

    2) The SC’s approach towards national security

    • The second reason is the Supreme Court’s firm approach towards the national security submissions by the Union government.
    • The court correctly applied the settled convention on legal pleadings and affidavits by asking the government to, “necessarily plead and prove the facts which indicate that the information sought must be kept secret as their divulgence would affect national security concerns.”
    • The second aspect of the national security argument is how the court balances it with the fundamental right to privacy.
    • Here, drawing from the framework of the K S Puttaswamy judgment the court specifically states that, “national security cannot be the bugbear that the judiciary shies away from, by virtue of its mere mentioning” and, “mere invocation of national security by the State does not render the Court a mute spectator”.
    • These are significant observations that, when followed as precedent, will bolster confidence in constitutional adjudications especially when courts demand evidence on arguments of “national security” to avoid generalised statements made to evade accountability.

    3)  Rejection of the suggestion by the Solicitor-General to constitute a government committee of experts

    • The court correctly notes that even though the Pegasus revelations were first made on November 1, 2019, there has been little movement on any official inquiry.
    • It also records the genuine apprehension of the petitioners, many of whom are victims of Pegasus, that since the sale of this malware can only be made to governments, they fear the involvement of state agencies.

    Challenges

    • These include the functioning of the committee and the cooperation of government witnesses, the publication of the report so as to ensure public confidence and, ultimately, the directions and remedy provided by the Supreme Court.

    Conclusion

    Hence, the constitution of this committee provides hope. At the same time, any honest assessment should consider the more challenging tasks ahead.

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  • Supreme Court forms committee to examine Pegasus allegations

    The Supreme Court has appointed an independent expert technical committee overseen by a former apex court judge, Justice R.V. Raveendran, to examine allegations that the government used Israeli spyware, Pegasus, to snoop on its own citizens.

    Why need a committee?

    • Decisions in cases seeking enforcement of fundamental rights are based on facts.
    • The task of determining these facts, when they are disputed or unknown, are often assigned to committees, which act as an agent of the court.
    • Such committees or fact-finding teams can summon individuals, prepare ground reports, and inform the court.
    • The Pegasus case involves technical questions, and requires extensive fact-finding for the court to determine whether fundamental rights were violated, and to pass suitable orders.

    Functions of the committee:

    What is Pegasus?

    • All spyware do what the name suggests — they spy on people through their phones.
    • Pegasus works by sending an exploit link, and if the target user clicks on the link, the malware or the code that allows the surveillance is installed on the user’s phone.
    • A presumably newer version of the malware does not even require a target user to click a link.
    • Once Pegasus is installed, the attacker has complete access to the target user’s phone.

    Why in news?

    • The three-judge bench, headed by CJI N V Ramana rejected the government’s plea to let it constitute an expert panel to investigate the issue.

    What did the SC rule?

    • The SC order broadly addresses three issues that have been flagged in the Pegasus row:
    1. Citizen’s right to privacy (Article 21)
    2. Judicial review when the executive invokes national security (Article 13, Article 32)

    (Article 13: declares that any law which contravenes any of the provisions of the part of Funda­mental Rights shall be void.

    Articles 32 and 226 entrusts the roles of the protector and guarantor of fundamental rights to the Supreme and High Courts.)

    1. Implications of surveillance on free speech

    [A] Upholding Right to Privacy

    • The Court, pointing to its own judgment in K S Puttaswamy Case (2017) has said that “right to privacy (under Article 21) is as sacrosanct as human existence.
    • It is inalienable to human dignity and autonomy.
    • While agreeing that it is not an absolute right, the Court has said any restrictions “must necessarily pass constitutional scrutiny”.
    • Any surveillance or snooping done on an individual by the state or any outside agency is an infringement of that person’s right to privacy.
    • Hence, any violation of that right by the state, even in national interest, has to follow procedures established by the law.

    [B] Linking surveillance and censorship

    • The Court has also drawn a link between:
    1. Surveillance, especially the knowledge that one is under the threat of being spied on”, and
    2. Censorship, particularly self-censorship, to reflect on the potential chilling effect that snooping techniques may have
    • The chilling effect surveillance can produce, is an assault on the vital public-watchdog role of the press, which may undermine the ability of the press to provide accurate and reliable information.

    [C] Constituting a panel

    • The Court has constituted a panel of experts under former SC judge Justice R V Raveendran.
    • It has sharply defined the questions it needs to ask and find answers to: Was any Pegasus suite of spyware acquired by the central or any state government for use against the citizens of India.
    • It would inquire under what law, rule, guidelines, protocol or lawful procedure was such deployment made.
    • These are vital questions at the heart of a citizen’s basic rights.

    Significance of the Judgement

    • The order is a strong rebuttal of the government’s specious and self-serving use of national security.
    • The Court has ruled that the state does not get a free pass every time the spectre of ‘national security’ is raised.
    • This also means “no omnibus prohibition can be called for against judicial review” if the matter impinges on national security.

     

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  • What is National Population Register?

    The latest form of the National Population Register (NPR) appears to have retained contentious questions such as “mother tongue, place of birth of father and mother and last place of residence”.

    National Population Register

    • The NPR is a Register of usual residents of the country.
    • It is being prepared at the local (Village/sub-Town), sub-District, District, State and National level.
    • This is carried under provisions of the Citizenship Act 1955 and the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and issue of National Identity Cards) Rules, 2003.
    • It is mandatory for every usual resident of India to register in the NPR.
    • A usual resident is defined for the purposes of NPR as a person who has resided in a local area for the past 6 months or more or a person who intends to reside in that area for the next 6 months or more.

    Why NPR is under fire?

    • Though NPR was first compiled in 2010 and updated in 2015, the new questions were part of a trial exercise involving 30 lakh respondents in September 2019.
    • The exercise has perceived the first step toward the compilation of the National Register of Indian Citizens (NRC) according to Citizenship Rules, 2003.

    Questions in NPR

    • In 2020 NPR, the respondent will have to specify the “name of State and district” if the place of birth of father and mother is in India and mention the country’s name if not born here.
    • The form will collect details on 14 parameters of all family members.
    • The sub-heads include passport number, relationship to head of the family, whether divorced/widowed or separated, mother tongue, if non-worker, cultivator, labourer, government employee, daily wage earner among others.
    • The form also has a column on Aadhar, mobile phone, Voter ID and driving license number, which are to be provided if available with the respondent.

    How are NRIC and NPR related?

    • Out of the NPR, a set of all usual residents of India, the government proposes to create a database of “citizens of India”.
    • Thus, the “National Register of Indian Citizens” (NRIC) is a sub-set of the NPR.
    • The NRIC will be prepared at the local, sub-district, district and State levels after verifying the citizenship status of the residents.
    • The rules say the particulars of every family and individual found in the Population Register shall be verified and scrutinized by the Local Registrar.

    How NPR is different from Census?

    • The census involves a detailed questionnaire — there were 29 items to be filled up in the 2011 census.
    • They are aimed at eliciting the particulars of every person, including age, sex, marital status, children, occupation, birthplace, mother tongue, religion, disability and whether they belonged to any SC or ST.
    • On the other hand, the NPR collects basic demographic data and biometric particulars.
    • While the census is legally backed by the Census Act, 1948, the NPR is a mechanism outlined in a set of rules framed under the Citizenship Act, 1955.

     

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