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Subject: Polity

  • [pib] Appointment of the UPSC Chairman

    The President of India has appointed Pradeep Kumar Joshi as Chairman of Union Public Service Commission (UPSC).

    Try this PYQ:

    Q.Consider the following statements:

    1. The Executive Power of the Union of India is vested in the Prime Minister.
    2. The Prime Minister is the ex-officio Chairman of the Civil Services Board.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (CSP 2015)

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

    Backgrounder: UPSC

    • Established on 1 October 1926 as Public Service Commission, it was later reconstituted as Federal Public Service Commission by the GoI Act 1935; only to be renamed as today’s UPSC after the independence.
    • The UPSC is India’s premier central recruiting agency responsible for appointments to and examinations for All India services and group A & group B of Central services.
    • The Department of Personnel and Training is the central personnel agency in India.
    • It is also required to be consulted by the Government in matters relating to the appointment, transfer, promotion and disciplinary matters.

    Appointments to the UPSC

    • As per Article 316 of the constitution, the Chairman and other members of UPSC shall be appointed by the President.
    • In case the office of the Chairman becomes vacant his duties shall be performed by one of the other members of the Commission as the President may appoint for the purpose.
    • Under Art. 318, the President is empowered to determine the number of members of the Commission and their conditions of service.
    • As per Art 319, a person who holds office as Chairman shall, on the expiration of his term of office, be ineligible for re-appointment to that office.
    • But, a member other than the Chairman shall be eligible for appointment as the Chairman of the UPSC.
    • Also, the Chairman of a State PSC shall be eligible for appointment as the Chairman or any other member of the UPSC.

    Removal of members/chairman

    • As per Art. 317, the Chairman or any other member of a UPSC shall only be removed from their office by order of the President on the ground of “misbehaviour” after the Supreme Court inquiry report.
    • The President may suspend the Chairman or other member of the Commission until a report of the Supreme Court is received.

    Distinguishing features

    • The commission reports directly to the President and can advise the Government through him.
    • Although, such advice is not binding on the Government.
    • Being a constitutional authority, UPSC is amongst the few institutions which function with both autonomy and freedom, along with the country’s higher judiciary and lately the Election Commission.
  • Issue of contempt of court

    The concept of contempt of court has been in the news recently. This article analyses the issue and draws on the approach adopted by the British judiciary.

    Issues with the concept of contempt

    • The concept of contempt is a centuries-old British law abolished in 2013.
    • At the time the British Law Commission said that one of the intentions for contempt of court was to hide judicial corruption.
    • The concept, therefore, clashed with the need for transparency but also freedom of speech.

    Let’s look into some comment’s from judges

    • In1968, a British judge, had this to say of the Law of Contempt “We will not use it to suppress those who speak against us. We do not fear criticism, nor do we resent it. For there is something far more important at stake. It is no less than freedom of speech itself. “
    • In a 2008 lecture by Justice Markandey Katju noted that “The test to determine whether an act amounts to contempt of court or not is this: Does it make the functioning of judges impossible or extremely difficult? If it does not, then it does not amount to contempt of court even if it’s harsh criticism”.

    Way forward

    • Whilst justice is important, judges must not take themselves too seriously.
    • Even if their amour propre is offended, it does not mean the institution has been questioned or justice brought into disrepute.
    • Judges deliver justice, they do not embody it.
    • They should never forget their Court is supreme because it’s final not because it’s infallible.
    • When they lapse they can be criticised, but of course, politely and fairly.

    Conclusion

    Indian Supreme Court hopefully pay attention to this aspect while delivering the judgement on the contempt cases.

  • Back in news: EWS quota law

    The Supreme Court has referred to a five-judge Constitution Bench a batch of petitions challenging the 103rd Constitution Amendment of 2019 that provides 10% reservation for Economically Backward Section (EWS).

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.What are the various constitutional challenges posed by the 103rd Constitutional Amendment Act?

    What does the reference mean?

    • A reference to a larger Bench means that the legal challenge is an important one.
    • As per Article 145(3) of the Constitution, “the minimum number of Judges who are to sit for the purpose of deciding any case involving a substantial question of law as to the interpretation of this Constitution” shall be five.
    • The Supreme Court rules of 2013 also say that writ petitions that allege a violation of fundamental rights will generally be heard by a bench of two judges unless it raises substantial questions of law.
    • In that case, a five-judge bench would hear the case.
    • Laws made by Parliament are presumed to be constitutional until proven otherwise in court.
    • The SC had refused to stay the 103rd Amendment. A reference will make no difference to the operation of the EWS quota.

    What is the 103rd amendment about?

    • It provides for 10% reservation in government jobs and educational institutions for EWS, by amending Articles 15 and 16 that deal with the fundamental right to equality.
    • While Article 15 prohibits discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, Article 16 guarantees equal opportunity in matters of public employment.
    • An additional clause was added to both provisions, giving Parliament the power to make special laws for EWS as it does for SCs, STs and OBCs.
    • The states are to notify who constitute EWS to be eligible for reservation.

    Issues with the law

    The SC agreed that the case involved at least three substantial questions of law, whether:

    • First, it violates the Basic Structure of the Constitution. This argument stems from the view that the special protections guaranteed to socially disadvantaged groups is part of the Basic Structure and that the 103rd Amendment departs from this by promising special protections on the sole basis of economic status.
    • Second, it violates the SC’s 1992 ruling in Indra Sawhney Case, which upheld the Mandal Report and capped reservations at 50%. In the ruling, the court held that economic backwardness cannot be the sole criterion for identifying backward class.
    • The third challenge has been of private, unaided educational institutions. They have argued that their fundamental right to practise a trade/profession is violated when the state compels them to implement its reservation policy and admit students on any criteria other than merit.

    What are the government’s arguments?

    • The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment filed counter-affidavits to defend the amendment.
    • When a law is challenged, the burden of proving it unconstitutional lies on the petitioners.
    • The government argued that under Article 46 of the Constitution, part of DPSP, it has a duty to protect the interests of economically weaker sections.

    1) The very identity of the Constitution has not been altered.

    2) Countering the claims about Indra Sawhney principle, the government relied on a 2008 ruling— Ashok Kumar Thakur v Union of India, in which the SC upheld the 27% quota for OBCs. Here, the court accepted that the definition of OBCs was not made on the sole criterion of caste but a mix of caste and economic factors, to prove that there need not a sole criterion for according reservation.

    3) For the unaided institutions, the government argued that the Constitution allows the Parliament to place “reasonable restrictions” on the right to carry on trade.

    B2BASICS

    What are the significances of the EWS quota?

    • Address economic inequality: Currently, the economically weaker sections of citizens have remained excluded from attending higher educational institutions and public employment due to their financial incapacity. Therefore, the 10% quota is progressive and could address the issues of educational and income inequality in India.
    • Constitutional recognition:The proposed reservation through a constitutional amendment would give constitutional recognition to the poor from the upper castes.
    • Remove stigma associated with Reservation: It will gradually remove the stigma associated with reservation because reservation has historically been related with caste and most often the upper caste look down upon those who come through the reservation.

    What are the challenges before the EWS quota?

    1.Eligibility criteria:

    • Critics claim that the 8 lakh income threshold is very high and will practically cover nearly all population not already covered by reservations.
    • Notably, NSSO and IT department data shows that at least 95% of Indian families will fall within this limit.
    • Other eligibility criteria have also claimed to be flawed.

    2.Sole economic criteria:

    • The Supreme Court in Indra Sawhney judgement has maintained that a backward class cannot be determined mainly with respect to the economic criterion.
    • Hence introducing reservation based on economic criteria would invite judicial scrutiny.

    3.50 percent limit:

    The SC has put a cap for reservations at 50% – the current proposal will exceed the limit and hence could be legally challenged.

    4.Determining economic backwardness:

    This is a  major challenge as there are concerns regarding the inclusion and exclusion of persons under the criteria.

    5.Enforcement:

    The implementation of the legislation would also be a great challenge since the states do not have the finances to enforce even the present and constitutionally mandated reservations.

    Shrinking jobs:

    When the government is trying to restrict its public services through the advancement of technology in the government system, providing quota in jobs will be a useless move.

    6.Encouraging reservations: 

    The intent of constitutional makers as originally manifested via Article 15 and 16 was to be reviewed after 10 years. However, instead of restricting the policy of positive discrimination, the government is pushing it in some or other forms.

    7.Populist initiative:

    When elections are near, many populists’ measures are put forward by political parties such as loan waiver, reservations, etc. Considering the low levels of political literacy and awareness among masses, political parties take leverage of the same thus impacting the socio-economic and political structure at large.

    8.Lack of proofs to back the outcomes:

    Even after years of reservation policy, there are no considerable pieces of evidence to support the achievements of the original intent of affirmative action. For instance, only about 4 percent each of rural Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste households have a member in a government job.

    9.Lack of Level Playing Field:

    It has to be noted that the Upper ladder in the reserved category are mainly benefitted from the policy whereas the benefits do not reach the marginalized. It may also happen with respect to reservation based on economic criteria as well.

    What is the way forward?

    • One-time usage: Make sure that beneficiaries use their reserved category status only once in their lifetime. For example, a person shall not be allowed to use the reservation for jobs if he/she has already used it for college admissions. Aadhaar can be utilized for this purpose in order to prohibit the second usage.
    • Quality of education: The government should focus on quality in addition to access. For instance, it is no use to give reservation to the poor people in college admission if the quality of the education is low = they get no job. Hence, the quality of education should be given due attention from the primary school stage itself.
    • Vocational education: should be promoted with the necessary skills and knowledge to make them industry ready.
    • Entrepreneurship: Create a spirit of entrepreneurship and make them job giver instead of a job seeker.
    • Social upliftment measures: Alternative as well as effective social upliftment measures should be adopted instead of just focussing on reservation aspect.

     

  • Appointment of new Lt. Governor of the UT of J&K

    A veteran politician has been appointed as Lieutenant Governor of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.

    Try this PYQ:

    Q.Which one of the following suggested that the Governor should be an eminent person from outside the State and should be a detached figure without intense political links or should not have taken part in politics in the recent past? (CSP 2019)

    (a) First Administrative Reforms Commission (1966)

    (b) Rajamannar Committee (1969)

    (c) Sarkaria Commission (1983)

    (d) National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (2000)

    Office of the Lt. Governor

    • A Lt. Governor is the constitutional head of the union territories in India.
    • She/he is appointed by the President of India for a term of five years and holds office at the President’s pleasure.
    • Since the union territories of Delhi, J&K and Puducherry have a measure of self-government with an elected legislature and council of ministers, the role of the lieutenant governor there is mostly a ceremonial one, akin to that of a state’s governor.
    • In Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Ladakh however, the lieutenant governor holds more power, being both the head of state and head of government.
    • The other three UTs—Chandigarh; Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu; and Lakshadweep—are governed by an administrator.

    Some related facts

    • Unlike the lieutenant governors of other territories, they are usually drawn from the IAS or IPS.
    • Lieutenant governors do not hold the same rank as a governor of a state in the list of precedence.
    • Since 1985 the Governor of Punjab has also been the ex-officio Administrator of Chandigarh.
  • Mythmaking and Article 370

    The articles talk about various myths that have been building around the issues of Jammu and Kashmir. Not only does these myths affect the political outlook towards the state but is also responsible for people’s perspective on this whole story. Go on and read to understand further..

    The myths

    Kashmir has been a favourite site of our national mythmaking; myths that have over the years assumed larger-than-life manifestations in our collective psyche.

    #Myth1

    • Article 370 is considered as the root cause of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir.
    • But there is a little material basis to it — neither Article 370 can be considered as responsible for terrorism in the Valley nor has its removal ensured a reduction in terrorism.

    #Myth2

    • Article 370 is also held responsible for ruining J&K, stalling its development, preventing proper health care and blocking industries. Once again, these arguments also lack merit and evidence.
    • J&K, as a matter of fact, has been doing much better than most other Indian States and one of the reasons for this was the land reforms carried out in the State in the early 1950s which was possible precisely because of the presence of Article 370.
    • Also, private investors do not set up shop in Kashmir due to militancy which is a product of an existing conflict; not because of Articles 370 or 35A.

    #Myth3

    • If J&K is doing better than the other Indian States, it is because of the massive amounts of funds provided by New Delhi.
    • The real argument here is not whether Kashmir received funding from New Delhi but massive funding as it is often made out to be.
    • Funds from the center can be divided as:
    • Funds to take care of J&K government’s revenue deficit: J&K, for historical reasons, has had a bloated bureaucracy in comparison to other States and their salaries and pensions have been financed by the central government. But these funds do little for the State’s economy or the general population.
    • Then there are routine transfers of funds from the Centre to J&K just as transfers take place from New Delhi to other States.
    • Finally, J&K also received funds due to its special category State status which again is a case with several other Indian States.
    • Put differently, J&K’s better performance in comparison to most other Indian States is at least partly because of Article 370, and its well-being is not necessarily a result of New Delhi’s economic packages.

    #Myth4

    • Development can defeat militancy and insurgency.
    • The reality is that development may not lead to the pacification of the conflict in Kashmir.
    • The Kashmir conflict is a function of complex historical grievances, politico-ethnic demands, increasing religious radicalisation, and Pakistan’s unrelenting interference in the Kashmir Valley.
    • It would be simplistic to imagine that such a multi-layered and complex conflict can be resolved by development alone.
    The deep impact of mythmaking
    • Changed the way how common people understand and treat Kashmir and Kashmiris.
    • Ideas like “Kashmir needs to be reunited with the rest of India” have become a powerful claim made by such representations and political articulations.
    • Yet another popular perception about ‘Kashmiris as troublemakers and sympathisers of terror’ has led to a noticeable increase in the mistreatment of Kashmiri Muslims in the rest of the country.
    Conclusion

    The way forward here is not in celebrating the scrapping of Article 370. It lies in critically examining various outcomes of this process. It is essential that New Delhi work the local people and leaders to reduce the trust and legitimacy deficit that we see today.

  • Explained: What is Contempt of Court?

    Contempt of court, as a concept is back in the news after the proceeding by the Supreme Court of India, on its own motion, against a senior Delhi-based advocate-activist.

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.What is Contempt of Court? Discuss, how free speech can lead to the contempt of courts?

    What is Contempt of Court?

    • It seeks to protect judicial institutions from motivated attacks and unwarranted criticism, and as a legal mechanism to punish those who lower its authority.

    How did the concept of contempt come into being?

    • The concept of contempt of court is several centuries old.
    • In England, it is a common law principle that seeks to protect the judicial power of the king, initially exercised by him, and later by a panel of judges who acted in his name.
    • Violation of the judges’ orders was considered an affront to the king himself.
    • Over time, any kind of disobedience to judges, or obstruction of the implementation of their directives, or comments and actions that showed disrespect towards them came to be punishable.

    What is the statutory basis for contempt of court?

    • There were pre-Independence laws of contempt in India. Besides the early High Courts, the courts of some princely states also had such laws.
    • When the Constitution was adopted, contempt of court was made one of the restrictions on freedom of speech and expression.
    • Separately, Article 129 of the Constitution conferred on the Supreme Court the power to punish contempt of itself.
    • Article 215 conferred a corresponding power on the High Courts.
    • The Contempt of Courts Act, 1971, gives statutory backing to the idea.

    What are the kinds of contempt of court?

    The law codifying contempt classifies it as civil and criminal.

    • Civil contempt is fairly simple. It is committed when someone willfully disobeys a court order or wilfully breaches an undertaking given to the court. However, Criminal contempt is more complex.
    • It consists of three forms: (a) words, written or spoken, signs and actions that “scandalise” or “tend to scandalise” or “lower” or “tends to lower” the authority of any court (b) prejudices or interferes with any judicial proceeding and (c) interferes with or obstructs the administration of justice.
    • The rationale for this provision is that courts must be protected from tendentious attacks that lower its authority, defame its public image and make the public lose faith in its impartiality.
    • The punishment for contempt of court is simple imprisonment for a term up to six months and/or a fine of up to ₹. 2,000.

    What does not account to contempt?

    • Fair and accurate reporting of judicial proceedings will not amount to contempt of court.
    • Nor is any fair criticism on the merits of a judicial order after a case is heard and disposed of.

    Is truth a defence against a contempt charge?

    • For many years, the truth was seldom considered a defence against a charge of contempt.
    • There was an impression that the judiciary tended to hide any misconduct among its individual members in the name of protecting the image of the institution.
    • The Act was amended in 2006 to introduce truth as a valid defence if it was in the public interest and was invoked in a bonafide
  • Merger of political parties under Tenth schedule

    A political party is trying to win back its defected MLAs in Rajasthan. This has raised a new question- “Does the anti-defection law apply here?”

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.“Time and again, the courts have spoken out against the Governor acting in the capacity of an all-pervading super-constitutional authority.” Analyse.

    What does “merger” mean a/c to Tenth Schedule?

    • The Tenth Schedule of the Constitution prohibits defection to protect the stability of governments but does not prohibit mergers.
    • Paragraph 4(2) of the Tenth Schedule, dealing with mergers, says that only when two-thirds of the members agree to “merge” the party would they be exempt from disqualification.
    • The “merger” referred to in Paragraph 4(2) is seen as a legal fiction, where members are deemed to have merged for the purposes of being exempt from disqualification, rather than a merger in the true sense.

    The ‘merger’ Politics

    • The political party is arguing that a state unit of a national party cannot be merged without the party being merged at the national level.
    • However, the Tenth Schedule identifies this dichotomy between state units and national units.
    • As per Paragraph 4(2), “merger” of a party means merger of a legislative party of that House.
    • In this case, it would be the Rajasthan Legislative unit of the BSP and not the BSP at the national level.
    • Paragraph 1 of the Tenth Schedule which defines terms specified in the context of the anti-defection law states this clearly.
    • “Legislature Party” for the purposes of Paragraph 4 (which deals with mergers) means the group consisting of all the members of that House for the time being belonging to that political party in accordance with the said provisions.

    Role of Whip

    • Every legislative party identifies the party’s whip at the beginning of the Assembly’s term and conveys this to the Speaker.
    • A national leader’s direction cannot be considered a whip in the context of the anti-defection law.

    On what grounds is the case-based?

    • The contention is that the merger is illegal and unconstitutional because, for a national party, such merger has to take place at the national level.
    • Supporting this argument, there are two decisions of the Supreme Court: the 2006 Jagjit Singh v State of Haryana, and the 2007 ruling in Rajendra Singh Rana and Ors vs Swami Prasad Maurya.
    • In these cases, the SC ruled that the split cannot be recognised primarily because not all these MLAs split at once.
    • The key aspect is that these cases deal with splits where when one-third of the members of a legislative party split; they could not attract disqualification as per Paragraph 3 of the Tenth Schedule.

    Row over one-third

    • In 2003, through the 91st Constitutional Amendment, Paragraph 3 was deleted from the Tenth Schedule.
    • The amendment was made as the one-third split rule was grossly misused by parties to engineer divisions and indulge in horse-trading.
    • One-third was regarded as an easy target to achieve and the law now exempts defection only when it is at two-thirds (in a merger).

    Are there any such precedents?

    • In July 2019, 10 of the 15 one party’s MLAs in Goa joined the other taking the ruling party’s tally to 27 in the 40 member House.
    • Since they formed two-thirds of the strength of the legislative party unit, they are exempt from disqualification.
    • However, the Speaker’s decision not to disqualify them is under challenge before the Supreme Court.
    • Similarly in Telangana in 2016, two years after the 12 out of 15 of MLAs joined the ruling party.
    • The Speaker recognised the defection as a merger since more than two-thirds had moved.
  • Protesting is a fundamental right: UN

    As authorities worldwide grapple with demonstrations over issues like political rights and racial justice, a UN committee has reaffirmed that protesting peacefully, online or in person, is a fundamental human right.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.There is an urgent need for reforming the criminal justice system in India in light of rising cases of custodial torture and killings. Comment.

    What is the news?

    • The independent experts on the Human Rights Committee published a fresh interpretation of the right of peaceful assembly.
    • It offered comprehensive legal guidance about where and how it applies and also outlining governments’ obligations.
    • The committee is tasked with monitoring how countries implement the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which under Article 21 guarantees the right to peaceful assembly.

    About ICCPR

    • The ICCPR is a multilateral treaty adopted by UN General Assembly Resolution on 16 December 1966, and in force from 23 March 1976.
    • The covenant commits its parties to respect the civil and political rights of individuals, including the right to life, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, electoral rights and rights to due process and a fair trial.
    • As of September 2019, the Covenant has 173 parties and six more signatories without ratification.
    • It is part of the International Bill of Human Rights, along with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).
    • It is monitored by the UN Human Rights Committee (a separate body to the UN Human Rights Council).

    Back2Basics: Article 21

    • Article 21 is the protection of life and personal liberty No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to the procedure established by law.
    • The Article prohibits the deprivation of the above rights except according to a procedure established by law.
    • Article 21 applies to natural persons. The right is available to every person, citizen or alien. Thus, even a foreigner can claim this right.
    • It, however, does not entitle a foreigner the right to reside and settle in India, as mentioned in Article 19 (1) (e).
  • The issue of powers of Speaker and Court

    The article examines the larger issue of powers of the Speaker under 10th Schedule and the current interim order of the Rajasthan High Court.

    Context

    • The Rajasthan High Court had admitted the petition by the Congress faction group challenging the notice of the Speaker.
    • In the interim order, the High Court had ordered to maintain the status quo.

    Why Kihoto Hollohan Case matters

    • The Kihoto Hollohan decision of the Supreme Court delivered in 1992 forms the basis in such decisions.
    • The Constitution Bench which heard it was split 3:2.
    • The majority on the bench upheld the constitutionality of the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution.
    • The High Court is not empowered to unsettle Kihota Hollohan and must apply its ratio that the Chairman/Speaker is the final arbiter on the disqualification of a member.
    • Rajasthan High Court has raised the issue about whether disqualification under Tenth Schedule is applicable in the case of “intra-party dissent”.
    • Para 2(1) a of 10th Schedule deals with disqualification of a member of a House belonging to any party “if he has voluntarily given up his membership of such political party”.

    Let’s look at what the Supreme Court said  in Kihoto Hollohan case:

    “paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution is valid. Its provisions do not suffer from the vice of subverting democratic rights of elected members of Parliament and the legislatures of the States. It does not violate their freedom of speech, freedom of vote and conscience as contended”.

    Consider the question “Examine the issue of powers of Speaker/Chairman in the matters of disqualification of the member against the powers of the Courts in such matters. What are the reasons for frequent frictions between the two authorities on this matter?”

    Conclusion

    The high courts and the Supreme Court routinely refuse to interfere in matters where the concerned authority has merely issued a show-cause notice or granted an opportunity of being heard. So, it must fix the issue raised by the Rajasthan High Court interim order.

  • When can a Governor use his discretion, how has the SC ruled?

    Rajasthan Governor returning the fresh proposal by the state Cabinet – seeking to convene a session of the Assembly has raised fresh legal questions on the powers of the Governor.

    Try this question for mains:

    Q. “Time and again, the courts have spoken out against the Governor acting in the capacity of an all-pervading super-constitutional authority.” Analyse.

    Who has the powers to summon the House?

    • It is the Governor acting on the aid and advice of the cabinet.
    • Article 174 of the Constitution gives the Governor the power to summon from time to time “the House or each House of the Legislature of the State to meet at such time and place as he thinks fit…”
    • However, the phrase “as he thinks fit” is read as per Article 163 of the Constitution which says that the Governor acts on the aid and advice of the cabinet.
    • Article 163(1) essentially limits any discretionary power of the Governor only to cases where the Constitution expressly specifies that the Governor must act on his own and apply an independent mind.

    What has the Supreme Court said in the past about the Governor’s power to summon the House?

    • It is settled law that the Governor cannot refuse the request of the Cabinet to call for a sitting of the House for legislative purposes or for the chief minister to prove his majority.
    • In fact, on numerous occasions, including in the 2016 Uttarakhand case, the court has clarified that when the majority of the ruling party is in question, a floor test must be conducted at the earliest available opportunity.
    • In 2016, the Supreme Court in Nabam Rebia and Bamang Felix vs Deputy Speaker expressly said that the power to summon the House is not solely vested in the Governor.

    What did the SC say in the Arunachal case?

    • Referring to discussions in the Constituent Assembly, the court noted that the framers of the Constitution expressly and consciously left out vesting powers to summon or dissolve the House solely with the Governor.
    • It said that the powers of the Governor were substantially altered to indicate that the framers did not want to give Governors the discretion.
    • The Governor can summon, prorogue and dissolve the House, only on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers (CoM) with the Chief Minister as the head and not at his own, said the Court.

    When can a Governor use his discretion?

    • Article 163(1) of the Constitution says that “there shall be a CoM with the CM at the head to aid and advice the Governor in the exercise of his functions, except some conditions for discretion.
    • However, in the 2016 case, the apex court has defined the circumstances if the aid and advice of CoM are binding on the Governor.
    • When the chief minister has lost the support of the House and his strength is debatable, then the Governor need not wait for the advice of the CoM to hold a floor test.

    Novel situations are created these days

    • Generally, when doubts are cast on the chief minister that he has lost the majority, the opposition and the Governor would rally for a floor test.
    • The ruling party may attempt to stall the process to buy time and keep its flock together.
    • In a puzzling situation, in Rajasthan’s case, despite requests from CM, the Governor has returned requests to call for a session.
    • However, in the current case, the rebel MLAs have not defected from their party but have repeatedly stated before the Rajasthan HC that they are merely expressing their dissent within the party.

    Back2Basics: Governor’s Discretionary Powers

    The governor can use his/her discretionary powers:

    • When no party gets a clear majority, the governor has the discretion to choose a candidate for the chief minister who will put together a majority coalition as soon as possible.
    • He can impose president’s rule.
    • He submits reports on his own to the president or on the direction of the president regarding the affairs of the state.
    • He can withhold his assent to a bill and send it to the president for his approval.
    • During emergency rule per Article 353, he can override the advice of the council of ministers if specifically permitted by the president.