💥Join UPSC 2027,2028 Mentorship (July Batch) + XFactor Notes & Microthemes PDF
Talk to Mentor

Civilsdaily

Login

GS Paper: GS2

  • 30 years of India-Israel Diplomatic Relations

    A recent speech by the PM Modi has marked three decades since New Delhi established formal diplomatic ties with Tel Aviv on January 29, 1992, when P.V. Narasimha Rao was the Prime Minister.

    India-Israel Relation: A Backgrounder

    (I) Recognition of Israel

    • Both nations became independent almost at the same time, in the late 1940s, following a long struggle against British Colonialism.
    • Though India had recognized Israel on September 17, 1950, full-fledged diplomatic relations between the countries were established on January 29, 1992.
    • Their diplomatic relationship was previously based on popular consensus and only much later became official.

    (II) India’s reluctance for extending ties

    • The popular perception of Israel was negative as it was a state formed on religion and analogous to Pakistan.
    • This was because during that time India was a young state that needed to take into account Arab states’ numerical impact at the United Nations.
    • Furthermore, it could not afford to antagonize its Muslim population by establishing ties with a Jewish state.
    • Sympathizing the Palestinian cause is a by-product of these motives.

    (III) India’s shift towards Israel

    • Though India voted against a UN resolution for the creation of Israel, once Israel is created, India officially recognized Israel (in 1950).
    • But full diplomatic ties were established only in 1992.

    Reasons for India prioritizing Israel

    • India’s exclusion from OIC: The formation of an Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in 1969 which neglected the sentiments of Indian Muslims by blocking India’s membership to this group by Pakistan is one of the primary triggers for the change instance.
    • Backing of Kashmir: India has received no backing from the Arab countries on the Kashmir Issue. There have been no serious attempts by the Arab world to put pressure on Pakistan to reign in the cross-border insurgency in Kashmir.
    • Support in crucial wars: Israel supported India during the Indo-Pak wars even before full diplomatic ties were established.
    • India’s US allegiance: With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of the US as a superpower, India started aligning itself with the US, and this further added to our improved relations with Israel.
    • Deviation from NAM: After decades of Non-Alignment and Pro-Arab policy, in 1992 India changed its stance and established full diplomatic ties with Israel.
    • Support at global forums: Israel has always been a vocal supporter of India’s permanent seat in the UNSC.
    • Technology: India’s world-class institutes of higher education could benefit from the strong culture of research and high-end innovation that thrives in Israel.

    Israeli interests in India

    • India presents a massive market for Israel’s manufactured goods and technology.
    • India has for long enjoyed great goodwill among Israel’s citizens as the only country in the world where Jews have not faced anti-Semitism.
    • There are many instances of Jews under Hitler’s persecution finding shelter in India including some that were said to have been facilitated by Nehru.
    • The minuscule Jew community was able to rise to eminence in various fields.
    • Israel cherishes its admirers in India for its ability to thrive in spite of very adverse situations in its short history as an independent nation.

    Collaborations between India and Israel

    [A] Military collaboration

    • Against terrorism: India and Israel have increased collaboration in military ventures since both nations face the threats of rising radical terrorism and separatism.
    • Arms trade: India is the largest buyer of Israeli military equipment and Israel is the second-largest defense supplier to India after Russia.
    • Security: Working groups in areas of border management, internal security and public safety, police modernization, and capacity building for combating crime, crime prevention, and cybercrime were established.
    • Defence R&D: IAI is developing the Barak 8 missile for the Indian Navy and Indian Air Force which is capable of protecting sea vessels and ground facilities from aircraft and cruise missiles.

    [B] Political collaboration

    • Since the up-gradation of relations in 1992, defense and agriculture have become the two main pillars of the bilateral engagement.
    • The political ties have become especially cordial under the Modi Government.
    • In 2017, Prime Minister Modi became the first-ever Indian Prime Minister to visit Israel.

    [C] Agriculture collaboration

    • India has chosen Israel as a strategic partner (G2G) in the field of agriculture.
    • This partnership evolved into the Indo-Israel Agricultural Project (IIAP), under the Indo-Israel Action Plan, based on an MOU signed by Indian and Israeli ministers of Agriculture in 2006.
    • The partnership aims to introduce crop diversity, increase productivity & increase water use efficiency.
    • India has a lot to learn from the dryland agriculture of Israel. The Economic Survey 2016-17 batted for Indo-Israel cooperation in drip-irrigation technologies.

    [D] Economic collaboration

    • India is Israel’s third-largest trading partner in Asia after China and Hong Kong.
    • In recent years, bilateral trade has diversified to include several sectors like pharmaceuticals, agriculture, IT and telecom, and homeland security.
    • Major exports from India to Israel include precious stones and metals, chemical products, textiles, etc.
    • Major imports from Israel include chemicals and mineral products, base metals and machinery, and transport equipment. Potash is a major item of Israel’s exports to India.

    Various deterrents in ties

    • Bilateral Trade and investment still below potential: From just $200 million in 1992, bilateral trade (excluding defense) peaked at about $5 billion in 2012 but since then it has dropped to about $4 billion. Also, bilateral trade has not diversified much—diamonds and chemicals still make up for the large chunk of the pie.
    • Connectivity between the two countries is still poor with just one direct flight from Mumbai 3 times a week and no direct flights from Delhi.
    • Historical retrenchment: India’s consistent support for a sovereign, independent, viable, and united Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, living within secure and recognized borders, side by side, and at peace with Israel and Pro-Arab stance has been a sticky point.
    • Limited People to People ties and cultural differences: Israelis and Indian approach business differently and often find it difficult to get on the same page.
    • India’s support for Palestinian Cause: Though formal ties were established in 1992, the ideological divide resurfaces time and again due to India’s affinity for Palestine.

    Way forward

    • Indian policy appears to be guided primarily by strategic considerations.
    • There is a strong need to use soft power diplomacy to build people-to-people bridges and to add to economic benefits through robust inter-country tourism.
    • The Indian and Israeli markets do not compete with one another but complete one another.
    • A potential quadrilateral with US and UAE can help this relationship soar to new heights.

     

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Also read:

    Indo-Abrahamic Accord: A new QUAD

  • India-Oman Relations

    India is laying out the red carpet for Oman’s top defence official Mohammed Nasser Al Zaabi, who will be in India for a four-day official visit.

    India-Oman Relations: A Backgrounder

    • The Sultanate of Oman is a strategic partner of India in the Gulf.
    • Both nations are linked by geography, history and culture and enjoy warm and cordial relations.
    • An Indian consulate was opened in Muscat in February 1955 which was upgraded to a consulate general in 1960 and later into a full-fledged embassy in 1971.
    • The first ambassador of India arrived in Muscat in 1973.

    History of the ties

    • Oman, for many years, was ruled by Sultan Qaboos bin Said al Said, who was a friend of India.
    • Sultan Qaboos, the longest-reigning leader of the modern Arab world, died in January ‘2020 at the age of 79.
    • He was a man who was, as a student, taught by Shankar Dayal Sharma who went on to become the President of India.
    • Sultan Qaboos’s father, an alumnus of Ajmer’s Mayo College, sent his son to study in Pune for some time, where he was former President Shankar Dayal Sharma’s student.

    Economic ties

    • Expatriate community: Oman has over five hundred thousand Indian nationals living there making them the largest expatriate community in Oman. They annually remit $780 million to India.
    • Bilateral trade: In 2010, bilateral trade between India and Oman stood at $4.5 billion. India was Oman’s second-largest destination for its non-oil exports and its fourth-largest source for Indian imports.
    • Energy: India has been considering the construction of a 1,100-km-long underwater natural gas pipeline from Oman called the South Asia Gas Enterprise (SAGE).

    Defense cooperation

    Oman is the first Gulf nation to have formalized defense relations with India.

    • Naval cooperation: The Indian Navy has berthing rights in Oman, and has been utilizing Oman’s ports as bases for conducting anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden.
    • Tri-services base: In February 2018, India announced that it had secured access to the facilities at Duqm for the Indian Air Force and the Indian Navy. Duqm had previously served as a port for the INS Mumbai.
    • Arms trade: The standard issue rifle of the Royal Army of Oman is India’s INSAS rifle.
    • Bilateral exercises: Naseem al-Bahr (Arabic for Sea Breeze) is a bilateral maritime exercise between India and Oman. The exercise was first held in 1993.

    Significance of Oman for India

    • Oman is India’s closest defense partner in the Gulf region and an important anchor for India’s defense and strategic interests.
    • It is the only country in the Gulf region with which all three services of the Indian armed forces conduct regular bilateral exercises and staff talks, enabling close cooperation and trust at the professional level.
    • It also provides critical operational support to Indian naval deployments in the Arabian sea for anti-piracy missions.

    Duqm port and its strategic imperative

    • In a strategic move to expand its footprint in the Indian Ocean region, India has secured access to the key Port of Duqm in Oman for military use and logistical support.
    • This is part of India’s maritime strategy to counter Chinese influence and activities in the region.
    • The Port of Duqm is strategically located, in close proximity to the Chabahar port in Iran.
    • With the Assumption Island being developed in Seychelles and Agalega in Mauritius, Duqm fits into India’s proactive maritime security roadmap.
    • In recent years, India had deployed an attack submarine to this port in the western Arabian Sea.

    Deterrent in ties: Chinese influence in Oman

    • China started cultivating ties with the Arab countries following the former Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan.
    • Beijing has cultivated close ties with Oman and the latter was, in fact, the first country to deliver oil to China.
    • As of today, 92.99 per cent of Oman’s oil exports go to China, making China Oman’s largest oil importer.
    • Oman and China signed an agreement to establish an Oman-China Industrial Park at Duqm in 2016.
    • China has identified Oman as a key country in the region and has been enhancing defence ties with it steadily.

    Way forward

    • India does not have enough energy resources to serve its current or future energy requirements. The rapidly growing energy demand has contributed to the need for long term energy partnerships with countries like Oman.
    • Oman’s Duqm Port is situated in the middle of international shipping lanes connecting East with West Asia.
    • India needs to engage with Oman and take initiatives to utilise opportunities arising out of the Duqm Port industrial city.

     

  • Anganwadis should provide early childhood care and education

    Context

    The National Education Policy, 2020 has rightly highlighted the importance of early childhood care and education (ECCE), vital for the young child’s early cognitive, social, and emotional development.

    Need for focus on early childhood care and education (ECCE)

    • The National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) finds only 13.6 per cent of children enrolled in pre-primary schools.
    • With its overriding focus on health and nutrition, ECCE has hitherto been the weakest link of the anganwadi system.
    • Multiple administrative duties have left anganwadi workers with little time for ECCE.
    • A child’s early learning begins at birth, initially through stimulation, play, interactions, non-verbal and verbal communication.
    • Unfortunately, due to a lack of parental awareness compounded by the daily stresses of poverty, disadvantaged households are unable to provide an early learning environment.
    • The existing system at best serves the age group of 3-6 years, ignoring infants and toddlers.

    Way forward

    1] A meaningful ECCE programme in anganwadis

    • A meaningful ECCE programme in anganwadis is not only a more intelligent and cost-effective strategy but is also feasible to implement through seven concerted actions.
    • 1)Activity-based framework which reflect local context: To design and put in place a meaningful activity-based ECCE framework that recognises the ground realities with autonomy to reflect the local context and setting.
    • 2) Remove non-ICDS work: Routine tasks of anganwadi workers can be reduced and non-ICDS work, such as surveys, removed altogether.
    • 3)Extend Anganwadi time: Anganwadi hours can be extended by at least three hours by providing staff with an increase in their present remuneration, with the additional time devoted for ECCE.
    • Karnataka has already taken the lead; its anganwadis work from 9.30 am to 4 pm.
    • This will have the added benefit of serving as partial daycare, enabling poor mothers to earn a livelihood.
    • 4) Change in policy mindset: ICDS needs a change in policy mindset, both at central and state levels, by prioritising and monitoring ECCE.
    • 5) Engagement with parents: Anganwadi workers must be re-oriented to closely engage with parents, as they play a crucial role in the cognitive development of young children.
    • Responsive parenting requires both parents to play an active role in ECCE activities at home; therefore, anganwadi workers should be asked to consciously engage with fathers too.
    • Appropriate messaging and low-cost affordable teaching materials can be designed and made accessible to parents.
    • 6) Activity-based play material: ICDS must supply age-appropriate activity-based play material in adequate quantities regularly, and anganwadi workers encouraged to utilise them in a liberal manner.
    • 7) Invest in research and training: States should invest in research and training to support early childhood education, and ensure that the ECCE programme is not a downward extension of school education.

    2] Pre-primary sections in government primary schools

    • Some educationists have suggested that owing to the high workload of anganwadi workers, ECCE in anganwadis would remain a non-starter.
    • Therefore, all government primary schools should open pre-primary sections, with anganwadis limiting themselves to the 0-3 age group.
    • Challenges: It would require a massive outlay to build over a million classrooms with a million nursery teachers and helpers — even a conservative estimate would put the additional annual outlay at over Rs 30,000 crore.
    • Moreover, with child stunting levels at 35 per cent in India, would children enrolled in pre-schools would require supplementary nutrition and health monitoring.
    • This would overburden the nursery teacher.

    Conclusion

    Nearly 1.4 million anganwadis of the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) across India must provide ECCE for the millions of young children in low-income households.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Electoral bond scheme

    Context

    Ever since its introduction, the electoral bond scheme has envenomed the democratic process, by destroying altogether any notion of transparency in political funding.

    Issue of anonymity in electoral bond

    • The electoral bond scheme is designed to allow an individual, or any “artificial juridical person”, including body corporates, to purchase bonds issued by the State Bank of India during notified periods of time.
    • These instruments are issued in the form of promissory notes, and in denominations ranging from ₹1,000 to ₹1 crore.
    • Once purchased, the buyer can donate the bond to any political party of their choice and the party can then encash it on demand.

    Supreme Court’s opinion

    • The Supreme Court has allowed the scheme to continue unabated and has denied an interim stay on its operation.
    • In one such provisional order, the Court asserted that the bonds were not, in fact, anonymous.
    • According to the Court, since both the purchase and the encashment of bonds are made through banking channels, all it would take for a person to glean the identity of a donor was for her to look through every corporation’s financial statement — these records, the Court said, ought to be available with the Registrar of Companies.
    • What the order ignored was that there is no attendant obligation on political parties to provide details to the public on each donation received by them through electoral bonds.
    • Companies are also under no obligation to disclose the name of the party to whom they made the donation.

    Violation of voter’s right

    •  The Supreme Court has consistently held that voters have a right to freely express themselves during an election and that they are entitled to all pieces of information that give purpose and vigour to this right.
    • Surely, to participate in the electoral process in a meaningful manner and to choose one’s votes carefully, a citizen must know the identity of those backing the candidates.

    Electoral bond does not eliminate the role of black money in funding elections

    • As affidavits filed by the Election Commission of India in the Supreme Court have demonstrated, the scheme, if anything, augments the potential role of black money in elections.
    • It does so by, among other things, removing existing barriers against shell entities and dying concerns from donating to political parties.
    • Moreover, even if the bonds were meant to eliminate the presence of unaccounted currency, it is difficult to see what nexus the decision to provide complete anonymity of the donor bears to this objective.
    • It is for this reason that the Reserve Bank of India reportedly advised the Government against the scheme’s introduction.

    Conclusion

    The worries over the electoral bond scheme, however, go beyond its patent unconstitutionality. This is because in allowing anonymity it befouls the basis of our democracy and prevents our elections from being truly free and fair.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Supreme Court revokes Suspension of Maharashtra MLAs

    The Supreme Court has set aside the one-year suspension of 12 MLAs from the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly.

    What was the case?

    • A petition was filed against the suspension.
    • It stated the move as “grossly arbitrary and disproportionate”.
    • The challenge relied mainly on grounds of denial of the principles of natural justice, and of violation of laid-down procedure.

    What did the judgment observe?

    • The apex court observed the decision to suspend them for a year was ‘unconstitutional, substantively illegal and irrational’.

    What did the court say about members being suspended beyond an ongoing session?

    (A) Arbitrary Action

    • The court agreed with the MLAs’ contention that the suspension has to follow the procedure laid down in Rule 53.
    • It said that the suspension of a member must be preferred as a short term or a temporary, disciplinary measure for restoring order in the Assembly.
    • Anything in excess of that would be irrational suspension, the court said.
    • It said that Rule 53 only provides for the withdrawal of a member for the remainder of the day or in case of repeat misconduct in the same session, for the remainder of the session.

    (B) Defining ‘disorderly behaviour’

    • The court said that as per this rule, withdrawal of a member can only be done in case of the member’s conduct being “grossly disorderly”.
    • It relied on definitions of the two words and said that the conduct has to be considered in a graded objective manner.
    • It is not a punishment like expulsion but more a direction to ensure that the business of the House can be carried on smoothly, without any disruption.

    (C) Violative of Fundamental Rights

    • The MLAs were not given an opportunity to present their case and that the suspension violated their fundamental right to equality before the law under Article 14 of the Constitution.
    • They also submitted that they were not given access to video of the proceedings of the House, and it was not clear how they had been identified in the large crowd that had gathered in the chamber.

    (D) Against constitutional ethos

    • It termed the one-year suspension worse than expulsion or disqualification or resignation as far as the rights of the constituency to be represented in the House are concerned.
    • It would also impact the democratic setup.

    (E) Immunity of the state legislature

    • It also considered whether the legislature had complete immunity from judicial review in matters of irregularity of procedure.
    • It ruled that procedures are open to judicial review on the touchstone of being unconstitutional, grossly illegal, irrational or arbitrary.

    Legal basis of the Judgment

    Ans. The bench referred to Article 190 (4) of the Constitution

    • It says- if for a period of sixty days a member of a House of the Legislature of a State is without permission of the House absent from all meetings thereof, the House may declare his seat vacant.
    • Under Section 151 (A) of The Representation of the People Act, 1951, “a bye-election for filling any vacancy shall be held within a period of six months from the date of the occurrence of the vacancy”.
    • This means that barring exceptions specified under this section, no constituency can remain without a representative for more than six months.

    What was the Assembly’s response to the judicial enquiry?

    • It argued that the House had acted within its legislative competence.
    • Under Article 212, courts do not have jurisdiction to inquire into the proceedings of the legislature.
    • Article 212 (1) states that “the validity of any proceedings in the Legislature of a State shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure”.
    • It also said that a seat does not automatically become vacant if the member does not attend the House for 60 days but it becomes vacant only if declared so by the House.
    • It was submitted that the House is not obligated to declare such a seat vacant.

    Why was this suspension controversial?

    • manipulation: A thin majority coalition government could use such suspensions to manipulate the number of Opposition party members.
    • Avoiding legislative scrutiny: With prominent members suspended, opposition will not be able to effectively participate in discussions/debates in the House fearing suspension of its members for a longer period.
    • Enmity among legislators: The court pointed out that Parliament and Assemblies were becoming more and more an intransigent place.

    Way forward

    • A nation aspiring to be a “world leader” should debate on the welfare of its citizens rather than make Parliament/State Assemblies a stage to exchange jeers and launch personal attacks.
    • The members must maintain statesmanship and not brinkmanship in the House, said the apex court.
    • For becoming world leaders and self-dependent/reliant, quality of debates in the House ought to be of the highest order.

    Conclusion

    • Parliament or the State legislatures are no places to create a ruckus.
    • It is a place where policies and laws are propounded for governing the citizenry.
    • Aggression during the debates has no place in the setting of country governed by the Rule of Law.
    • Even a complex issue needs to be resolved in a congenial atmosphere by observing collegiality and showing full respect and deference towards each other.

     

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • States must decide on SC/ST quota in promotions: Supreme Court

    The Supreme Court has refused to lay down the criteria for determining the inadequacy of representation for granting reservation in promotions for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe candidates in government jobs.

    What did the court held?

    • The court stuck firm by the decisions of its Constitution Benches in the Jarnail Singh and M. Nagaraj case that the question of adequate representation of SC/ST communities ought to be left to the respective States to determine.
    • It held ‘cadre’, and not class or group or the entire service, as the unit for the purpose of collection of quantifiable data for giving promotion quotas.

    Why such decision?

    • Determination of inadequate representation depends upon myriad factors of states which this Court cannot envisage.
    • Laying down of criteria for determining the inadequacy of representation would result in curtailing the discretion given to the State governments.

    Quota in Promotions: A timeline

    What was the case?

    • The Union government has been pressing for reservation in promotion proportionate to the population of SCs and STs as per a 1995 judgment by the top court in the RK Sabharwal case.
    • It wants it to be left open to the Centre and states to decide on promotional avenues for SCs and STs.
    • It claims that the condition regarding the collection of quantifiable data to show the inadequacy of representation of SCs/STs is “vague”.
    • Advocates representing the general category have contended that the reservation cannot be for an indefinite period and that it must stop as soon as the upper ceiling has been reached.
    • Further, they have emphasized that reservation in promotion should be cadre-based only after quantifiable data is collected and the creamy layer has been excluded.

    Defying the need for quantifiable data

    • Attorney General sought to convince the court that the roster system, based on the proportionate population of SCs/STs, has been working quite well in all government departments.
    • The condition of collecting quantifiable data on inadequacy of representation of SCs/STs may not be required at all.
    • He urged that there is no need to verify any further or collect quantifiable data after the roster system.

    What is the Nagraj Case?

    • Article 16(4A) of Indian Constitution allows reservations to SCs and STs in promotions, as long as the government believes that they are not adequately represented in government services.
    • In 2006, a Constitution bench’s ruling in the M Nagaraj case made it incumbent upon the state to collect quantifiable data showing inadequacy of representation in public employment.
    • This was to be done in addition to maintaining overall administrative efficiency.

    Related amendments

    • 77th Amendment: It introduced Clause 4A to the Constitution, empowering the state to make provisions for reservation in matters of promotion to SC/ST employees if the state feels they are not adequately represented.
    • 81st Amendment: It introduced Clause 4B, which says unfilled SC/ST quota of a particular year, when carried forward to the next year, will be treated separately and not clubbed with the regular vacancies of that year to find out whether the total quota has breached the 50% limit set by the Supreme Court.
    • 82nd Amendment: It inserted a proviso at the end of Article 335 to enable the state to make any provision for SC/STs “for relaxation in qualifying marks in any examination or lowering the standards of evaluation, for reservation in matters of promotion to any class or classes of services or posts in connection with the affairs of the Union or of a State”.
    • 85th Amendment: It said reservation in the promotion can be applied with consequential seniority for the SC/ST employee.

    Why such demand for quotas in promotion?

    • The Attorney General has said that it is tough for a member of the SC/ST to reach the ‘Group A’ category jobs.
    • The time has come for the apex court to firm up and draw the basis for reservation in promotions for SC/ST candidates to fill up vacancies in top jobs.
    • The Bench referred to records filed before it to note that there was low representation of SC/ST category in Group A jobs.
    • Instead of improving the situation in the Group A ranks, the court said, efforts are on to ensure adequate representation in Groups B and C.
    • This was not fair, it remarked.

     

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Finding a way to share IAS officers

    Context

    There are recent reports in the media about serious concerns of several state governments on Government of India’s proposed move to amend the IAS service rules to meet the shortage of officers at various levels at the Centre.

    How does central deputation work?

    • Voluntary: Under the current dispensation, officers opt for central deputation from the states voluntarily.
    • The Centre then makes a selection from among these officers for posts which are vacant or are likely to be vacant in the near future.
    • While doing so, it considers the suitability of the officer based on his/her past experience.
    • Once the selection is finalised, orders are issued, requesting the state government to relieve the officer concerned.
    • Quota for each state: Each state has a certain quota beyond which its officers are not accepted by the Centre.

    Shortage of officers on central deputation

    • In the last decade, there has been a gradual decline in the number of officers who opt for central deputation.
    • Generally, of the total cadre strength of the states, about 25-30 per cent used to be on central deputation.
    • Currently, less than 10 per cent are working in various central ministries.
    • According to certain reports, in states like UP, Bihar, Odisha and Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the number is between 8 per cent and 15 per cent.
    • One of the reasons for this non-availability of officers for central deputation is the inadequate recruitment more than a decade and half ago.
    • But an important reason is also the comparatively better service conditions in the states.

    So, what do the proposed rules seek to achieve?

    • While fixing the cadre strength of states, about 40 per cent posts of senior duty are earmarked for central deputation.
    • Shortage to be shared equitably: Considering that recruitments in the past were not adequate, the proposed change in rules provides for shortage to be shared equitably between the Centre and states.
    • Time limit to relieve officers: Also, since vacancies need to be filled in time, there is a suggestion of a time limit in which states must respond and relieve the officer selected.

    Way forward

    • Respect the views of State: It has to be clearly understood that when states give the list of officers they wish to offer for central deputation, it will be the decision of the states alone.
    • The Centre, if it wishes to have an officer work for it, can suggest so to the state. 
    •  If the state does not wish to suggest his name for deputation, the Centre should respect their views, even though they have the power under cadre rules to do so.
    • Improving working conditions for officers: The Centre has to realise that improving working conditions for officers at the deputy secretary and director levels is critical to the success of cadre management.
    • Many of the officers at this level have concerns regarding education of their children, transport and the higher cost of living in Delhi.
    • A deputation allowance for the period of deputation in Delhi could be an option.
    • Non-adversarial manner: The states also have to look at this issue in a non-adversarial manner, where needs of both the Centre and the state have to be matched and met.
    • The Centre should dispel fears of states about misuse of central power.

    Conclusion

    Proposed amendment to service rules is needed to meet shortage of personnel, but Centre must dispel states’ fears about overreach.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • What is America COMPETES Act?

    The US has unveiled the Creating Opportunities for Manufacturing, Pre-Eminence in Technology, and Economic Strength (COMPETES) Act of 2022 that proposes to open up new vistas for talented individuals from across the world with a new start-up visa.

    What is the COMPETES Act?

    • The bill provides $52 billion to encourage more semiconductor production in the US, and $45 billion for grants and loans to improve supply chain resilience and manufacturing, among other programs.
    • It also includes funding to address social and economic inequality, climate change, and immigration.
    • For instance, it provides an exemption for STEM PhDs from the green card cap and creates a new green card for entrepreneurs.
    • The bill also authorizes $600 million a year to construct manufacturing facilities to make the US less reliant on solar components made in Xinjiang, China.

    Key provisions in the Act

    • The Act amends the Immigration and Nationality Act to create a new classification of “W” non-immigrants for entrepreneurs with an ownership interest in a start-up entity.
    • It seeks to establish procedures for foreign nationals with an ownership interest in a start-up entity to self-petition for lawful permanent resident status as an immigrant entrepreneur.
    • The bill exempts from the numerical limits on immigrant visas certain foreign nationals (and the spouses and children of such aliens) who have earned a doctoral degree in STEM.

    Implications for Indians

    • It would mean more opportunities in the US for Indian talent, and for skilled workers.
    • Every year, the US administration issues 85,000 H-1B work permits.
    • Every year, Indians and Indian companies corner a lion’s share of the H-1B work permits issued that year.
    • With this new category, Indian professionals will likely have a better shot at opportunities that the Act is likely to provide.

     

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Govt tweaks spending norms for Contingency Fund of India

    The government has tweaked spending norms for Contingency Fund of India, allowing 40% of the total corpus to be placed at disposal of the Expenditure Secretary.

    What are the proposed changes?

    • Budget 2021-22 proposed to enhance the Contingency Fund of India from ₹500 crore to ₹30,000 crore through Finance Bill.
    • An amount equivalent to 40 per cent of the Fund corpus shall be placed at the disposal of the Secretary, Ministry of Finance, Department of Expenditure.
    • This would serve the purpose of meeting unforeseen expenditure.

    What is Contingency Fund of India?

    • Contingency is a negative event which may occur in future, like recession or pandemic.
    • The Constitution has a provision for a contingency fund. Its corpus is always kept intact.
    • Article 267 of the Constitution mandates formation of a corpus under Contingency Fund of India to deal with any emergency situation.
    • It is placed at the disposal of the President of India.
    • Government cannot withdraw funds from it without authorization of the Parliament.
    • And the corpus has to be replenished with the same amount later.

    Management of the fund

    • The fund is held by the Department of Economic Affairs on behalf of the President of India and it can be operated by executive action.
    • The fund can be increased through a Finance Bill when Parliament is in the session.
    • Or through Ordinance if the House is not in session and situation warrants.
    • Withdrawal from the fund takes place with the approval of the Secretary of Department of Economic Affairs, in terms of the Contingency Fund of India Act, 1950.
    • An amount equivalent to 40% of the corpus has now been placed at the disposal of the Expenditure Secretary.
    • All further Contingency Fund releases beyond this limit will require the approval of the Expenditure Secretary in addition to the Economic Affairs Secretary’s approval.

    Back2Basics:

    Consolidated Funds of India

    • The provision for this fund is given in Article 266(1) of the Constitution of India.
    • The government meets all its expenditure from this CFI.
    • It receives money from:
    1. Direct and indirect taxes Loans taken by the Indian government
    2. Returning of loans/interests of loans to the government by anyone/agency that has taken it
    • The government needs parliamentary approval to withdraw money from this fund.
    • Each state has its own Consolidated Fund of the state with similar provisions.
    • The Comptroller and Auditor General of India audits these funds and reports to the relevant legislatures on their management.

    Public Account of India

    • All other public money (other than those covered under the Consolidated Fund of India) received by or on behalf of the Indian Government are credited to this account/fund.
    • It is constituted under Article 266(2) of the Constitution.
    • This is made up of:
      1. Bank savings account of the various ministries/departments
      2. National small savings fund, defense fund
      3. National Investment Fund (money earned from disinvestment)
      4. National Calamity & Contingency Fund (NCCF) (for Disaster Management)
      5. Provident fund, Postal insurance, etc.
      6. Similar funds
    • The government does not need permission to take advances from this account.
    • Each state can have its own similar accounts.
    • CAG makes audit of all the expenditure from the Public Account of India.

     

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • What are Padma Awards?

    The central government has announced the names of Padma awardees for this year.

    What are Padma awards?

    • The Padma awards are the highest civilian honor of India after the Bharat Ratna.
    • They are announced every year on the eve of Republic Day.
    • The awards are given in three categories:
    1. Padma Vibhushan (for exceptional and distinguished service)
    2. Padma Bhushan (distinguished service of higher order) and
    3. Padma Shri (distinguished service)
    • The award seeks to recognize achievements in all fields of activities or disciplines where an element of public service is involved.

    Note: During the years 1978 and 1979 and 1993 to 1997, Padma awards were not announced.

    Who are the awardees?

    • The awards are given in certain select categories which include Art, Social Work, Public Affairs, Science & Engineering, Trade & Industry, Medicine, Literature & Education, Civil Service and Sports.
    • Awards are also given for propagation of Indian culture, protection of human rights, wild life protection among others.

    Its constitution

    • The PADMA Awards were instituted in 1954 along with Bharat Ratna.
    • At that time only Padma Vibhushan existed with three sub-categories – Pahela Varg, Dusra Varg and Tisra Varg.
    • These were subsequently renamed as Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padma Shri vide Presidential Notification issued on January 8, 1955.

    Particulars of the awards

    • The awardees do not get any cash reward but a certificate signed by the President apart from a medallion which they can wear at public and government functions.
    • The awards are, however, not a conferment of title and the awardees are expected to not use them as prefix or suffix to their names.
    • A Padma awardee can be given a higher award only after five years of the conferment of the earlier award.

    Terms of awarding

    • Not more than 120 awards can be given in a year but this does not include posthumous awards or awards given to NRIs and foreigners.
    • The award is normally not conferred posthumously.
    • However, in highly deserving cases, the Government could consider giving an award posthumously.

    Who is eligible for Padma awards?

    • All persons without distinction of race, occupation, position or sex are eligible for these awards.
    • However, government servants including those working with PSUs, except doctors and scientists, are not eligible for these awards.
    • The award seeks to recognize works of distinction and is given for distinguished and exceptional achievements or service in all fields of activities and disciplines.
    • According to Padma awards selection criteria, the award is given for “special services” and not just for “long service”.
    • It should not be merely excellence in a particular field, but the criteria has to be ‘excellence plus’.

    Who nominates the awardees?

    • Any citizen of India can nominate a potential recipient.
    • One can even nominate one’s own self. All nominations are to be done online where a form is to be filled along with details of the person or the organisation being nominated.
    • An 800-word essay detailing the work done by the potential awardee is also to be submitted for the nomination to be considered.
    • The government also writes to various state governments, governors, Union territories, central ministries and various departments to send nominations.

    Who selects the awardees?

    • All nominations received for Padma awards are placed before the Padma Awards Committee, which is constituted by the Prime Minister every year.
    • The Padma Awards Committee is headed by the Cabinet Secretary and includes Home Secretary, Secretary to the President and four to six eminent persons as members.
    • The recommendations of the committee are submitted to the Prime Minister and the President of India for approval.
    • The antecedents of the selected awardees are verified using the services of central agencies to ensure nothing untoward has been reported or come on record about them.
    • A final list is then prepared and announced.

    Is the recipient’s consent sought?

    • There is no provision for seeking a written or formal consent of the recipient before the announcement of the award.
    • However, before the announcement, every recipient receives a call from the Ministry of Home Affairs informing him or her about the selection.
    • In case the recipient expresses a desire to be excluded from the award list, the name is removed.

     

    Try this question from CSP 2021

    Q.Consider the following statements in respect of Bharat Ratna and Padma Awards

    1. Bharat Ratna and Padma Awards are titles under the Article 18(1) of the Constitution of India.
    2. Padma wards, which were instituted in the year 1954, were suspended only once.
    3. The number of Bharat Ratna Awards is restricted to a maximum of five in a particular year.

    Which of the above statements are not correct?

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 1 and 3 only

    (d) 1, 2 and 3

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”q2fw95675q” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)