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GS Paper: GS2

  • The upcoming challenges to Indian federalism

    Context

    In 2026, there will be the challenge of addressing the conflict between the democratic principles and the federal principles, when there will be a reallocation of Lok Sabha seats. India needs to reimagine the current federal compact to address the challenges to federalism.

    Population freeze for Lok Sabha seats

    • Since 1976, seats in the Lok Sabha have reflected the 1971 census and have not taken into account changes in the population.
    • The primary reason for this has been unequal population growth among States.
    • India’s most highly developed and prosperous States have been successful at family planning, while the poorer States continue to expand.
    • The freeze was thus a chance to ensure that India’s most successful States are not punished politically for their success.
    • Therefore, the Indian Constitution may face an unprecedented crisis in 2026 when there will be a dramatic change in the composition of the Lok Sabha.

    Challenge of balancing the principle of democracy and federalism

    • As Article 1 of the Indian Constitution says, India is a Union of States.
    • However, the history of the linguistic reorganisation of States in 1956, and subsequent movements for Statehood afterwards demonstrates that States are distinct associative communities, within the federal structure of the Indian Union.
    • In a democratic set-up, all citizens are equal and are thus entitled to equal representation in governance.
    • But this would imply that bigger States are likely to dominate the national conversation over smaller States.
    • This leads us to an inherent contradiction between the principles of democracy and federalism when federal units are unequal in size, population and economics. 
    • The small States fear that they would get a smaller share of the pie economically, a much reduced say in national issues, and be irrelevant in the political governance of the country.

    How the US Constitution addresses the concerns of small states

    • When the Americans adopted their Constitution, they protected smaller States in four ways.
    • First, national powers over the States were limited.
    • Second, each State regardless of size had two seats in the Senate, giving smaller States an outsized role in national governance.
    • Third, Presidents are elected by electoral votes, which means they must win States rather than the total national population.
    • Fourth, the slave-owning states were allowed to count the slaves for purposes of representation, with each slave being counted as three-fifths of a person.
    • This essential structure remains the bedrock of the American Constitution today.

    How Indian Constitution deals with the issue?

    • India’s quasi-federal structure has always been sui generis.
    • Our founders knew that India’s diversity made federalism inevitable, but, fearing separatist tendencies among States that had never been a single political unit, they also created a strong centre.
    • However, the 1956 reorganisation of States on linguistic lines was a popular recognition of federal principles and yet did not result in separatist tendencies.
    • Since then, new States within the Union have been created in response to the demands of people for greater autonomy.

    Way forward on addressing the challenges to federalism

    • There is an urgent need to reimagine our national compact.
    • Following are the components of such a new balance that need to be fine-tuned to Indian realities.
    • Give more powers to States: The powers of States vis-à-vis the Centre contained in the Lists and in the provisions dealing with altering boundaries of States must be increased to assuage the fear of smaller States that they will be dominated by bigger ones.
    • More localised decision-making is bound to increase national prosperity.
    • Indeed, this was the entire goal of the creation of Panchayat governance through the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution.
    • Expand the role of Rajya Sabha: The role and composition of the Rajya Sabha, our House of States, must be expanded.
    • This would allow smaller States a kind of brake over national majoritarian politics that adversely impact them.
    • Consent of all states on financial redistribution: Constitutional change and the change in financial redistribution between the States must require the consent of all or nearly all States.
    • Constitutional provisions dealing with language and religion must also be inviolate.
    • Break the bigger States: Serious thought must be given to breaking up the biggest States into smaller units that will not by themselves dominate the national conversation.

    Conclusion

    The unity of India is, of course, the fundamental premise underlying this discussion; but this unity does not depend on an overbearing Centre for its survival.

  • Regional powers and the Afghanistan question

    Context

    A regional conclave of foreign ministers taking place in Dushanbe this week under the banner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) should give us a sense of the unfolding regional dynamic on Afghanistan.

    SCO addressing challenges in Afghanistan

    • Geography, membership and capabilities make the SCO an important forum to address the post-American challenges in Afghanistan.
    • The SCO was launched 20 years ago by China and Russia to promote inner Asia stability. 
    • The current members of the SCO are China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Pakistan, and India.
    • The SCO has four observer states — Iran, Afghanistan, Mongolia and Belarus.
    • The idea of a regional solution to Afghanistan has always had much political appeal.
    • But divergent regional strategic perspectives limit the prospects for a sustainable consensus on Afghanistan.

    Implications of the US exit for the region

    • The quiet satisfaction in Moscow, Beijing, Tehran and Rawalpindi at the US’s exit from Afghanistan, however, is tinged by worries about the long-term implications of Washington’s retreat
    • Regional players have to cope with the consequences of the US withdrawal and the resurgence of the Taliban.
    • Neither Moscow nor Beijing would want to see Afghanistan becoming the hub of international terror again under the Taliban.
    • For China, potential Taliban support to the Xinjiang separatist groups is a major concern.
    • Iran can’t ignore the Sunni extremism of the Taliban and its oppressive record in dealing with the Shia, and Persian-speaking minorities.
    • Pakistan worries about the danger of the conflict spilling over to the east of the Durand Line, and hostile groups gaining sanctuaries in Afghanistan.

    Three factors that drive India’s Afghan policy

    • The US exit means a new constraint on Delhi’s ability to operate inside Afghanistan.
    • There is also the danger that Afghanistan under the Taliban could also begin to nurture anti-India terror groups.
    • If India remains active but patient, many opportunities could open up in the new Afghan phase.
    • Three structural conditions will continue to shape India’s Afghan policy.
    • One is India’s lack of direct physical access to Afghanistan.
    • This underlines the importance of India having effective regional partners.
    • Second, it remains to be seen if Pakistan’s partnership with China and the extension of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor into Afghanistan can address Pakistan’s inability to construct a stable and legitimate order in Afghanistan.
    • Third, the contradiction between the interests of Afghanistan and Pakistan is an enduring one.
    • While many in Pakistan would like to turn Afghanistan into a protectorate, Afghans deeply value their independence.
    • All Afghan sovereigns, including the Taliban, will inevitably look for partners to balance Pakistan.

    Way forward for India

    • India must actively contribute to the SCO deliberations on Afghanistan, but must temper its hopes for a collective regional solution.
    • At the same time, Delhi should focus on intensifying its engagement with various Afghan groups, including the Taliban, and finding effective regional partners to secure its interests in a changing Afghanistan.

    Conclusion

    India should pursue the regional solution to Afghanistan challenge after the US exit while increasing the engagement with the various players in Afghanistan including the Taliban.

  • Case for an anti-discrimination law

    Context

    “Silent segregation” on the grounds of marital status, gender, sexual orientation or eating preferences are followed in several housing societies and residents’ associations. Legal remedies are needed for its victims.

    Issue of the prevalence of discrimination on various grounds

    • The recent Pew Research Center Report has confirmed that a substantial number of Indians prefer not to have a person from a different religious community as their neighbour.
    • The absence of a proper legal recourse for those who suffer from housing discrimination only makes matters worse.
    • Social prejudice against members of the LGBTQIA+ community in the country remains strong, despite Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code was read down by the Supreme Court of India.
    • In April, the Supreme Court, in Patan Jamal Vali vs State of Andhra Pradesh, recognised intersectional discrimination.
    • It is discrimination on the basis of the intersection of personal characteristics, such as that faced by Dalit women as Dalits, as women and in the unique category of Dalit women.
    • Discriminatory practices may also be indirect in nature, whereby policies that seem neutral and not expressly targeted at a particular group, still cause a disproportional adverse impact on disadvantaged sections of society.

    Why Article 15(1) is not enough

    • Article 15(1) of the Constitution of India prohibits the state from discriminating against individuals on basis of certain protected characteristics such as religion, race, caste, sex and place of birth.
    • But it does not bar private individuals or institutions from doing what the state is not permitted to.
    • Nor does it expressly list ethnicity, linguistic identity, nationality, marital status, sexual orientation, disability, physical appearance and other personal characteristics as prohibited grounds of discrimination.

    We need a comprehensive anti-discrimination legal framework

    • A comprehensive anti-discrimination legal framework is required to fill the existing legal lacunae.
    • India is one of the few liberal democracies without such a framework.
    • The Sachar Committee, in 2006, recognised the need for an anti-discrimination law.
    • This was further reiterated by the Expert Group on Equal Opportunity Commission headed by Prof. N.R. Madhava Menon.

    Way forward

    • The States can lead the way, by enacting anti-discrimination laws in their respective jurisdictions.
    • States have a vital role in strengthening our right to equality.
    • The State legislature can use its powers under Entry 8 of List III in the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution to enact an anti-discrimination law.
    • And if States take the initiative, the demand for a national anti-discrimination law to cover services and institutions under the domain of the Union government will be reignited.
    • The law should have provisions that prohibit employers, landlords, traders, service providers, private persons performing public functions, and public authorities, from discriminating.
    • Law should prohibit discrimination on grounds of caste, race, ethnicity, descent, sex, gender identity, gender expression, pregnancy, sexual orientation, religious identity, tribe, disability, linguistic identity, HIV-status, nationality, marital status, dietary preference, skin tone, physical appearance, place of residence, place of birth, age or analogous characteristics which are beyond the control of an individual or those that constitute a fundamental choice.
    • The law should also balance the anti-discrimination mandate with other rights guaranteed by the Constitution.
    • The anti-discrimination mandate can be restricted in pursuance of a legitimate objective.
    • Affirmative-action provisions can be included whereby public authorities are obliged to progressively realise diversification of their workforces.

    Consider the question “Article 15(1) of the Constitution of India prohibits the state from discriminating against individuals on basis of certain protected characteristics. But it does not bar private individuals or institutions from doing what the state is not permitted to. In light of this, discuss the need for anti-discrimination law in India and its provisions.”

    Conclusion

    We must recognise that anti-discrimination law is not a panacea for the problems of inequality and social prejudice that are deeply rooted in our society. Nevertheless, it is a necessary step — an idea whose time has come.

  • Strategic cooperation between India, Italy and Japan can ensure a free Indo-Pacific

    Context

    Recently, Mr. Draghi, Italy’s Prime Minister described Chinese competitive practices as “unfair” and invited the EU to be franker and more courageous in confronting Beijing on various issues. Against this backdrop, a trilateral partnership between India-Japan-Italy could play important role in the Indo-Pacific region.

    India’s growing centrality in Indo-Pacific strategic architecture

    • Countries that share similar values and face similar challenges are coming together to create purpose-oriented partnerships.
    • In the context of the Indo-Pacific, the challenges posed by China’s assertive initiatives clash with a region lacking multilateral organisations capable of solving problems effectively.
    • But as a new pushback against China takes shape and as Indian foreign policy becomes strategically clearer, there is new momentum to initiatives such as the Quad.

    India-Italy-Japan trilateral partnership

    • Recently, Italy has also begun to signal its intention to enter the Indo-Pacific geography.
    • It has done so by seeking to join India and Japan in a trilateral partnership.
    • Italy has become more vocal on the risks emanating from China’s strategic competitive initiatives.
    • On the Indian side, there is great interest in forging new partnerships with like-minded countries interested in preserving peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific.
    • The responsibility of keeping the Indo-Pacific free and open, and working for the welfare of its inhabitants falls on like-minded countries within and beyond the region.

    Potential of trilateral partnership

    • Their compatible economic systems can contribute to the reorganisation of the global supply chains that is now being reviewed by many players as a natural result of the Chinese mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic.
    •  At the security level, the well-defined India-Japan Indo-Pacific partnership can easily be complemented by Italy.
    • At the multilateral level, the three countries share the same values and the same rules-based world view.

    The way forward for trilateral cooperation

    • The Italian government must formulate a clear Indo-Pacific strategy that must indicate its objectives.
    • But Rome must go beyond that in defining and implementing, at the margins of the EU’s common initiatives, its own policy with respect to the Indo-Pacific.
    • The India, Italy and Japan trilateral initiative can be a forum to foster and consolidate a strategic relationship between these three countries, and specifically expand India-Italy bilateral relations.
    • A trilateral cooperation can be the right forum for India and Italy to learn more from each other’s practices and interests and consolidate a strategic dialogue that should include the economic, the security and the political dimensions.
    •  To consolidate the trilateral cooperation in this field, the three countries need to define a common economic and strategic agenda.

    Conclusion

    A clear political will is needed from all sides, and Italy, in particular, should recognise its interests in playing a larger role towards the maintenance of a free and open Indo-Pacific. Robust India-Italy strategic ties can be the first step towards the realisation of this goal.

  • Arbitration in India: Issues

    Context

    Plagued by delays and rising costs, arbitration in India needs urgent attention. The pandemic has only worsened the situation.

    Issues with arbitrations process in India

    • Arbitrations in India suffers from rising costs and sluggish proceedings.
    • Arbitration proceedings are often dragged on by lawyers on either side filing misconceived applications at various stages of the proceedings.
    • Litigants, too, at times contribute to this delay with their stubbornness in not conceding a loss or defeat.
    • The courts have narrowed down the scope of judicial interference under Section 34 of the Arbitration and Conciliation Act.
    • The very limited recourse for setting aside an arbitral award under the Act invariably means that it will be upheld, even if it appears unfair or illogical.
    • The aggrieved party may well be stuck with the award and precluded forever from challenging it.
    • Arbitration hearings are generally held in camera, and decisions are usually not publicly accessible, giving rise to doubts about impartiality and fairness.
    • Arbitration proceedings have become more complex with time.
    • The Supreme Court, in Guru Nanak Foundation v. Rattan Singh and Sons, had expressed disappointment against the procedural delays and tardiness in the resolution of disputes through arbitration.
    • Even the clauses providing for fees of the arbitrators and fixed timelines for disposal are often disregarded by the players
    • The inevitable consequence of these drawbacks is a slow departure of the biggest litigant, the government, from the arbitration spectrum.
    • A sector that is dominated by approvals, protocols and scrutiny, uncertainty about the budget outlay towards arbitrations and unexpected delays in disposal does not inspire confidence and detracts from the sanctity of the process.

    Way forward

    • Arbitrators have endeavoured to simplify the proceedings by limiting the pleadings, insisting on written arguments, reducing the number of sittings and laying down a schedule for various milestones.
    • Some restraint is needed from all quarters to bring its wheels back on the tracks. These are:
    • A small check on the arbitral fees and timelines.
    • Careful drafting of arbitration clauses.
    • Stringent procedural safeguards to curb delays.
    • Expeditious disposal of the court proceedings and legislative intent towards all of the above.

    Consider the question “What are the issues faced by the arbitration in India? Suggest the measures to deal with these issues.” 

    Conclusion

    Arbitration still has the inherent potential and characteristics to outperform other modes of dispute resolution, but for that to happen, some changes are a must.

  • How China eliminated malaria and the road ahead for India

    Recently, El Salvador and China were declared malaria-free by the WHO.

    What is Malaria?

    • Malaria is a disease caused by a parasite called plasmodium vivax, p. filarium.
    • The parasite is spread to humans through the bites of infected mosquitoes.
    • People who have malaria usually feel very sick with a high fever and shaking chills.
    • While the disease is uncommon in temperate climates, malaria is still common in tropical and subtropical countries.

    How many countries have successfully eliminated malaria?

    • Since 1900, 127 countries have registered malaria elimination. This is definitely not an easy task.
    • It needs proper planning and a strategic action plan based on the local situations.
    • All these countries followed the existing tools and strategies to achieve the malaria elimination goal.
    • The main focus was on surveillance.
    How did China eliminate malaria?
    • China followed some specific strategies, namely strong surveillance following the ‘1-3-7’system: malaria diagnosis within 1 day, 3 days for case investigation and by day 7 for public health responses.
    • Molecular Malaria Surveillance for drug resistance and genome-based approaches to distinguish between indigenous and imported cases was conducted.
    • All borders to the neighboring countries were thoroughly screened to prevent the entry of unwanted malaria into the country.

    What is the current scenario of malaria in India?

    • As per the Global Malaria Report 2020 by the World Health Organization (WHO) India shared 2% of the total global malaria cases in 2019.
    • India has a great history of malaria control.
    • The highest incidence of malaria occurred in the 1950s, with an estimated 75 million cases with 0.8 million deaths per year.
    • The launch of National Malaria Control Programme in 1953 and the National Malaria Eradication Programme in 1958 made it possible to bring down malaria cases to 100,000 with no reported deaths by 1961.
    • This is a great achievement been made so far.

    Unexpected resurgence

    • But from a nearing stage of elimination, malaria resurged to approximately 6.4 million cases in 1976.
    • Since then, confirmed cases have decreased to 1.6 million cases, approximately 1100 deaths in 2009 to less than 0.4 million cases and below 80 deaths in 2019.
    • India accounted for 88% of malaria cases and 86% of all malaria deaths in the WHO South-East Asia Region in 2019.
    • It is the only country outside Africa among the world’s 11 `high burden to high impact’ countries.

    Road ahead for India

    Collaboration:

    • India is a signatory to National Framework for Malaria Elimination (NFME) 2016-2030 aiming for malaria elimination by 2030.
    • This framework has been outlined with a vision to eliminate the disease from the country which would contribute to improved health with quality of life and poverty alleviation.
    • China collaborated with Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, USA for Molecular Malaria Surveillance.
    • In India, there are very dedicated expert scientists who can take up such assignments.

    Diagnosis:

    • India stands at a very crucial stage. The present challenge is the detection of asymptomatic cases in most endemic areas.
    • Molecular Malaria Surveillance must be used to find out the drug-resistant variants and genetic-relatedness studies to find out the imported or indigenous cases.
    • The surveillance must be strengthened and using smart digital surveillance devices would be an important step. Real-time and organic surveillance is needed even in remote areas.

    Monitoring:

    • The results of each malaria case can be registered in a central dashboard at the National Vector Borne Disease Control Programme, as it is done for COVID-19 cases by Indian Council of Medical Research.
    • All intervention activities must strictly be monitored.
    • Vector biology, site of an actual vector mosquito bite, host shifting behaviour, feeding time, feeding behaviour and insecticide resistance studies need to be carried out to support the elimination efforts.
  • Election of Speaker and Deputy Speaker

    The Maharashtra Legislative Assembly has been without a Speaker for most of this year.

    Election of Speakers

    • The Constitution specifies offices like those of the President, Vice President, Chief Justice of India, and Comptroller and Auditor General of India, as well as Speakers and Deputy Speakers.
    • Article 93 for Lok Sabha and Article 178 for state Assemblies state that these Houses “shall, as soon as may be”, choose two of its members to be Speaker and Deputy Speaker.
    • In Lok Sabha and state legislatures, the President/Governor sets a date for the election of the Speaker.
    • It is the Speaker who decides the date for the election of the Deputy Speaker.
    • The legislators of the respective Houses vote to elect one among themselves to these offices.
    • The Constitution provides that the office of the Speaker should never be empty.
    • So, he/she continues in office until the beginning of the next House, except in the event of death or resignation.

    Ruling party or Opposition?

    • Usually, the Speaker comes from the ruling party.
    • In the case of the Deputy Speaker of Lok Sabha, the position has varied over the years.
    • Until the fourth Lok Sabha, the Congress held both the Speaker and Deputy Speakers positions.
    • In the fifth Lok Sabha, whose term was extended due to the Emergency, an independent member, Shri G G Swell, was elected the Deputy Speaker.
    • The tradition for the post of the Deputy Speaker going to the Opposition party started during the term of Prime Minister Morarji Desai’s government.
    • The first time the Deputy Speaker’s position went to the opposition was during the term of Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao.

    Their roles

    • According to the book Practice and Procedure of Parliament, published by the Lok Sabha Secretariat, the Speaker is “the principal spokesman of the House, he represents its collective voice and is its sole representative to the outside world”.
    • The Speaker presides over the House proceedings and joint sittings of the two Houses of Parliament.
    • It is the Speaker’s decision that determines whether a Bill is a Money Bill and therefore outside of the purview of the other House.
    • The Deputy Speaker is independent of the Speaker, not subordinate to him, as both are elected from among the members of the House.

    Why need Dy Speaker?

    • The Deputy Speaker ensures the continuity of the Speakers office by acting as the Speaker when the office becomes vacant.
    • In addition, when a resolution for removal of the Speaker is up for discussion, the Constitution specifies that the Deputy Speaker presides over the proceedings of the House.

    Issue over time limit for election

    • The Constitution neither sets a time limit nor specifies the process for these elections.
    • It leaves it to the legislatures to decide how to hold these elections.
    • Haryana and Uttar Pradesh specify a time frame for holding the election to the Speaker and Deputy Speaker’s offices.
    • In Haryana, the election of the Speaker has to take place as soon as possible after the election.
    • Uttar Pradesh has a 15-day limit for an election to the Speaker’s post if it falls vacant during the term of the Assembly.

    Answer this PYQ in the comment box:

    Q.Consider the following statements:

    1. The Speakers of the Legislative Assembly shall vacate his/her office if he/she ceases to be a member of the Assembly
    2. Whenever the legislative assembly is dissolved, the speaker shall vacate his/her office immediately.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (CSP 2013)

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

  • EAM hands over relics of 17th century Georgian Queen St. Ketevan to Georgia

    After a long-standing request of Georgia, External Affairs Minister handed over the holy relics of 17th century Georgian Queen St. Ketevan nearly 16 years after they were found in Goa.

    Who was St. Ketevan?

    • Queen Ketevan was a 17th century Georgian Queen.
    • From Kakheti, a kingdom in eastern Georgia, she was tortured and killed in 1624 in Shiraz during the rule of the Safavid dynasty.
    • Portuguese missionaries were said to have carried the relics to Goa in 1627.
    • In 2005, after years of research and study of medieval Portuguese records, the relics were found at the St. Augustine Church in Old Goa.

    Importance of Georgia for India

    • Georgia a strategically important country situated at the intersection of Eastern Europe and Western Asia.
    • Relations between Georgia and India date back to ancient times.
    • The Panchatantra influenced Georgian folk legends. During the medieval period, Georgian missionaries, travelers, and traders visited India.
    • Some Georgians served in the courts of Mughal emperors, and a few rose to the rank of governor.
    • India was among the first countries to officially recognize Georgia, doing so on 26 December 1991.
    • India is a net exporter to Georgia.
    • The main commodities exported by India to Georgia are cereals, nuclear reactors, boilers, machinery and mechanical appliances, pharmaceuticals, electrical machinery and equipment, aluminium and aluminium articles.

    Answer this PYQ in the comment box:

    Q.Consider the following pairs:

    Sea Bordering Country
    1. Adriatic Sea Albania
    2. Black Sea Croatia
    3. Caspian Sea Kazakhstan
    4. Mediterranean Sea Morocco
    5. Red Sea Syria

    Which of the pairs given above are correctly matched? (CSP 2019)

    (a) 1, 2 and 4 only

    (b) 1, 3 and 4 only

    (c) 2 and 5 only

    (d) 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5

  • Mekedatu Dam Project

    Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are again at the crossroads against the Mekedatu dam project in the Cauvery River Basin.

    What is the Mekedatu Project?

    • Mekedatu, meaning goat’s leap, is a deep gorge situated at the confluence of the rivers Cauvery and Arkavathi, about 100 km from Bengaluru, at the Kanakapura taluk in Karnataka’s Ramanagara district.
    • In 2013, then Karnataka announced the construction of a multi-purpose balancing reservoir project.
    • The project aimed to alleviate the drinking water problems of the Bengaluru and Ramanagara districts.
    • It was also expected to generate hydroelectricity to meet the power needs of the state.

    Issues with the project

    • Soon after the project was announced TN has objected over granting of permission or environmental clearance.
    • Explaining the potential for damage to the lower riparian state of TN, it said that the project was in violation of the final award of the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal.
    • It stated that the project will affect the natural flow of the river Cauvery considerably and will severely affect the irrigation in TN.

    What do the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal and the Supreme Court say?

    • The Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, in its final order on February 2007, made allocations to all the riparian States — Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, apart from the Union Territory of Puducherry.
    • It also stipulated “tentative monthly deliveries during a normal year” to be made available by Karnataka to Tamil Nadu.
    • Aggrieved over the final order for different reasons, the States had appealed to the Supreme Court.
    • In February 2018, the court, in its judgment, revised the water allocation and increased the share of Karnataka by 14.75 thousand million cubic feet (tmc ft) at the cost of Tamil Nadu.
    • The enhanced quantum comprised 4.75 tmc ft for meeting drinking water and domestic requirements of Bengaluru and surrounding areas.

    What is Karnataka planning?

    • Encouraged by the Supreme Court verdict, Karnataka, which sees the order as an endorsement of its stand, has set out to pursue the Mekedatu project.
    • Originally proposed as a hydropower project, the revised Mekedatu dam project has more than one purpose to serve.
    • A hydropower plant of nearly 400 MW has also been proposed.
    • The Karnataka government has argued that the proposed reservoir will regulate the flow to Tamil Nadu on a monthly basis, as stipulated by the Tribunal and the Supreme Court.
    • This is why Karnataka has contended that the project will not affect the interests of Tamil Nadu farmers.
  • Issues with school enrolment in India

    Context

    Proportion of children attending the government schools has been on the decline. This has several implications.

    Issues with school education in India

    • A quality, free and regular school education represents our most potent infrastructure of opportunity, a fundamental duty of the state.
    • Meritocracy represents the idea that people should advance based on their talents and efforts.
    • But India’s meritocracy is sabotaged by flailing government schools.
    • The proportion of India’s children attending a government school has now declined to 45 per cent.
    • This number is 85 per cent in America, 90 per cent in England, and 95 per cent in Japan.
    • India’s 100 per cent plus school enrolment masks challenges; a huge dropout ratio and poor learning outcomes.
    • We have too many schools and 4 lakh have less than 50 students (70 per cent of schools in Rajasthan, Karnataka, J&K, and Uttarakhand).
    • China has similar total student numbers with 30 per cent of our school numbers.

    It is not Government Vs. Private schools

    • Demand for better government schools is not an argument against private schools.
    • Because, without this market response to demand, the post-1947 policy errors in primary education would have been catastrophic for India’s human capital.

    Way forward

    • We need the difficult reforms of governance, performance management, and English instruction.
    • Governance must shift from control of resources to learning outcomes; learning design, responsiveness, teacher management, community relationships, integrity, fair decision making, and financial sustainability.
    • Performance management, currently equated with teacher attendance, needs evaluation of scores, skills, competence and classroom management. Scores need continuous assessments or end-of-year exams.
    • The new world of work redefines employability to include the 3Rs of reading, writing, and arithmetic and a fourth R of relationships.
    • India’s farm to non-farm transition is not happening to factories but to sales and customer services which need 4R competency and English awareness.
    • English instruction is about bilingualism, higher education pathways, and employability.
    • Employment outcomes are 50 per cent higher for kids with English familiarity because of higher geographic mobility, sector mobility, role eligibility, and entrance exam ease.
    • India’s constitution wrote Education Policy into Lists I (Centre), II (State), and III (concurrent jurisdiction); this fragmentation needs revisiting because it tends to concentrate decisions that should be made locally in Delhi or state capitals.

    Conclusion

    Government needs urgent measure to addreess the issues which has bearing on its future.