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Subject: Economics

  • UK to issue Open General Export Licence (OGEL) to India

    In the backdrop of the rapid geopolitical turmoil, PM Modi and his British counterpart Boris Johnson agreed on a new and expanded India-UK defence partnership and vowed to seal an ambitious free trade agreement by the end of the year.

    What is the news?

    • The UK is creating an Open General Export Licence (OGEL) for India to reduce bureaucracy and slashing delivery times for defence procurement.
    • It will partner with India on new fighter jet technology as well as in the maritime sphere to detect and respond to threats.

    What is OGEL?

    • The open General Licence is a type of license that is used for the export license that is issued by the government for domestic suppliers.
    • The items that are to be exported in India are categorised into three types. They are prohibited items, restricted items, and freely importable items. These classifications are made based on the nature and use of the products.
    • The application processing and grant of OEGL will be taken care of by the Department of Defence Production. The process will vary for each case.
    • The primary aim of the OEGL is to give a boost to the defence exports of India. This will also improve the ease of doing business and imports and exports.
    • The countries allowed under the OGELs are: Belgium, France, Germany, Japan, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, UK, USA, Canada, Italy, Poland and Mexico.

    Items to be exported

    • The items permitted under OGEL includes components of ammunition & fuse setting device without energetic and explosive material; firing control & related alerting and warning equipment & related system; and body protective items.
    • Complete aircraft or complete unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and any components specially designed or modified for UAVs are excluded under this license.

     

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  • Special Purpose Acquisition Companies (SPACs)

    The government is reportedly considering a regulatory framework for special purpose acquisition companies (SPACs) to lay the ground for the possible listing of Indian companies through this route in the future.

    What are SPACs?

    • An SPAC, or a blank-cheque company, is an entity specifically set up with the objective of acquiring a firm in a particular sector.
    • They aim to raise money in an initial public offering (IPO) without any operations or revenues.
    • The money that is raised from the public is kept in an escrow account, which can be accessed while making the acquisition.
    • If the acquisition is not made within two years of the IPO, the SPAC is delisted and the money is returned to the investors.
    • While SPACs are essentially shell companies, a key factor that makes them attractive to investors are the people who sponsor them.
    • Globally, prominent celebrities have participated in SPACs.

    Why in news?

    • According to reports, the Company Law Committee was set up in 2019 to make recommendations to boost ease of doing business in India.
    • This committee has made this suggestion regarding SPACs in its report submitted to the government recently.
    • The concept of SPAC has existed for nearly a decade now, and several investors and company promoters have used this route to take their investments public.
    • The vehicle gained momentum in 2020, which was a record year for SPAC deals; this record was broken in 2021.

    Where does India stand?

    • Early last year, renewable energy producer ReNew Power announced an agreement to merge with RMG Acquisition Corp II, a blank-cheque company.
    • This became the first involving an Indian company during the latest boom in SPAC deals.
    • As things stand now, the Indian regulatory framework does not allow the creation of blank cheque companies.
    • The Companies Act, 2013 stipulates that the Registrar of Companies can strike off a company if it does not commence operations within a year of incorporation.

    Risk factors around SPACs

    • The boom in investor firms going for SPACs and then looking for target companies have tilted the scales in favour of investee firms.
    • This has the potential, theoretically, to limit returns for retail investors post-merger.
    • SPACs are mandated to return money to their investors in the event no merger is made within two years.
    • However the fineprint of several SPAC prospectuses shows that certain clauses could potentially prevent investors from getting their monies back.
    • Historically, though, this has not happened yet.

     

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  • How the Central and State governments procure Wheat?

    Wheat procurement is now underway in various states of the country.

    Wheat Procurement in India

    • The main purpose of procuring for the central pool is ensuring the MSP as well as the country’s food security by making food available to the weaker sections at affordable prices.
    • The Centre procures wheat by paying the minimum support price (MSP) announced for the crop.
    • The States do it under two systems:
    1. The centralised one, also called the non-decentralised procurement system (non-DCP) and
    2. The decentralised one, also called DCP

    (1) Non-DCP

    • Under this system, the Food Corporation of India (FCI) directly or through state government agencies procure wheat from the purchase centres established across the states based on various parameters like moisture, lustre, broken/shrivelled etc.
    • In Punjab and Haryana, farmers sell their crop to the central agency or state agencies through Arhtiyas (commission agents).
    • The wheat procured by the state agencies is handed over to the FCI for storage or for transportation to the consuming states.
    • The FCI, which is the central nodal agency for wheat procurement, pays the cost of procured wheat to the state agencies.

    (2) DCP

    • The decentralised system was brought in the late 1990s to promote local procurement and save the transportation cost and time.
    • The state government or its agencies procure, store and distribute wheat against the Centre’s allocation for targeted PDS and other weaker sections etc. with the state.
    • The excess stocks procured by the state and its agencies are handed over to the FCI for the central pool.
    • The expenditure incurred by the state government on the procurement, storage and distribution of stocks under the decentralised system are reimbursed by the Centre.

    Role of Arhtiyas

    • Apart from paying the MSP, the Centre also reimburses the arhtiyas’ commission, administrative charges, mandi labour charges, transportation charges, custody and maintenance charges, interest charges, the gunny bag cost and statutory taxes.
    • The cost of excess stocks handed over to the FCI is reimbursed to the state government or agencies as per the Centre’s policies.
    • Procurement agencies ensure that the stocks brought to mandis are purchased as per the specifications fixed by the government and farmers are not compelled to sell their crop below the MSP.
    • But if a farmer gets a better price from private players, he can sell to them.

    From how many states is wheat procured for the central pool?

    • There are 15 states on the procurement list for the central pool, but the contributions from seven of the states are negligible.
    • Only Punjab, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan are the main contributors to the central pool.
    • Bihar also contributed to some extent in the last season.

    How much wheat is procured for the central pool by the FCI every year?

    • According to the records of the FCI, from 2011 to 2021, procurement for the central pool was between 25-40 per cent of the total wheat production.
    • The procurement has doubled in the past one decade as 22.5 million tonnes of wheat was procured in 2011 and 43.3 million in 2021.
    • The current season of procurement is going on.

    What is the procurement scale against the total production of wheat in India?

    • In 2011 the total production of wheat was 88 million tonnes while it was around 109 million tonnes in 2021.
    • And the government’s procurement was 26 per cent and around 40 per cent in 2011 and 2021 respectively.
    • The procured grain is used for export purposes, the public distribution system and maintaining a particular stock for an emergency period.
    • The remaining 60 per cent of the production goes to the bakery industry and other wheat-related businesses.
    • Farmers also keep some of this wheat for their self-consumption.

    What is the share of wheat contribution of various states to the central pool?

    • Barring 2020, Punjab has been the number one wheat contributor to the central pool.
    • The state has increased its contribution from 102.09 lakh tonnes in 2011 to 132. 22 lakh tonnes in 2021.
    • Haryana has also increased its contribution from 63.47 lakh tonnes to around 84.93 lakh tonnes in the same period.
    • Madhya Pradesh’s contribution was 35.38 lakh tonnes in 2011, which jumped to the highest among all states—129.42 lakh tonnes—in 2020 and was 128.16 lakh tonnes last year.
    • Uttar Pradesh’s contribution increased from 16.45 lakh tonnes to 56.41 lakh tonnes, and Rajasthan’s contribution rose from 4.76 lakh tonnes to 23.40 lakh tonnes in the same period.

    Note: Punjab (despite its small size compared to MP, UP) is also the leading wheat producer state in India.

    Back2Basics: Minimum Support Price (MSP)

    • MSP is a form of market intervention by the GoI to insure agricultural producers against any sharp fall in farm prices.
    • The MSP are announced at the beginning of the sowing season for certain crops on the basis of the recommendations of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP).
    • MSP is price fixed to protect the producer – farmers – against excessive fall in price during bumper production years.
    • In case the market price for the commodity falls below the announced minimum price due to bumper production and glut in the market, govt. agencies purchase the entire quantity offered by the farmers at the announced minimum price.
    • The minimum support prices are a guarantee price for their produce from the Government.
    • The major objectives are to support the farmers from distress sales and to procure food grains for public distribution.

    Methods of calculation

    • In formulating the level of MSP and other non-price measures, the CACP takes into account a comprehensive view of the entire structure of the economy of a particular commodity or group of commodities.
    • The CACP makes use of both micro-level data and aggregates at the level of district, state and the country.
    • Other factors include cost of production, changes in input prices, input-output price parity, trends in market prices, demand and supply, inter-crop price parity, effect on industrial cost structure, effect on cost of living, effect on general price level, international price situation, parity between prices paid and prices received by the farmers and effect on issue prices and implications for subsidy.

    Procurement agencies

    • Food Corporation of India (FCI) is the designated central nodal agency for price support operations for cereals, pulses and oilseeds.
    • Cotton Corporation of India (CCI) is the central nodal agency for undertaking price support operations for Cotton.

     

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  • India’s Crude Oil Imports from OPEC

    OPEC’s share of India’s oil imports for the FY22 financial year remained almost steady year-on-year, arresting sharp declines over the past six years, as refiners prefer crude from West Asia to counter rising global prices.

    India’s crude oil imports from OPEC

    • OPEC oil accounted for about 88% of India’s crude imports in FY08.
    • Its share of India’s overall imports could decline because refiners in Asia’s third-largest economy are buying cheaper Russian oil.
    • However, Russian oil continued to account for less than 1% of India’s crude imports in FY22.

    What is OPEC?

    • OPEC stands for Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries.
    • It is a permanent, intergovernmental organization, created at the Baghdad Conference in 1960, by Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela.
    • It aims to manage the supply of oil in an effort to set the price of oil in the world market, in order to avoid fluctuations that might affect the economies of both producing and purchasing countries.
    • It is headquartered in Vienna, Austria.
    • OPEC membership is open to any country that is a substantial exporter of oil and which shares the ideals of the organization.
    • Today OPEC is a cartel that includes 14 nations, predominantly from the middle east whose sole responsibility is to control prices and moderate supply.

    What is OPEC+?

    • The non-OPEC countries which export crude oil along with the 14 OPECs are termed as OPEC plus countries.
    • OPEC plus countries include Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Brunei, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Mexico, Oman, Russia, South Sudan and Sudan.
    • Saudi and Russia, both have been at the heart of a three-year alliance of oil producers known as OPEC Plus — which now includes 11 OPEC members and 10 non-OPEC nations — that aims to shore up oil prices with production cuts.

    Why OPEC plus came into existence?

    • When Russia concluded the Vienna Agreement in 2016, the Russian leadership believed that it would help prepare the country for the Russian presidential elections in March 2018.
    • Higher oil prices ensured the Kremlin’s financial capacity to lead a successful electoral campaign.
    • This changed the regime’s priorities – from satisfying the needs of the general population to ensuring the sustainability of the Kremlin’s alliance with powerful tycoons, including that controlling oil production.
    • For Saudi Arabia, turning what had been an ad hoc coalition into a formal group provides a hedge (protection) against future oil-market turbulence.
    • For Russia, the formalization of the group helps expand Putin’s influence in the Middle East
    • However, both reportedly aimed at causing a drop in oil prices in order to hit US shale producers, who have continued to benefit from OPEC production cuts by expanding their market share.

    Try this PYQ:

    Q.The term ‘West Texas Intermediate’, sometimes found in news, refers to a grade of

    (a) Crude oil

    (b) Bullion

    (c) Rare earth elements

    (d) Uranium

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”fozewnon7k” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

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  • Cryptos and a CBDC are not the same thing

    Context

    Cryptocurrency will be discouraged via taxation and capital gains provisions. This was the message from the Finance Minister during the Budget discussion in Parliament.

    Growing worry about the cryptocurrencies

    • The Governor of the Reserve Bank of India, in February, highlighted two things.
    • First, “private cryptocurrencies are a big threat to our financial and macroeconomic stability”.
    • Second, “these cryptocurrencies have no underlying (asset).
    • Clearly, statements from the RBI indicate a growing worry since the proliferation of cryptos threatens the RBI’s place in the economy’s financial system.
    • This threat emerges from the decentralised character of cryptos based on blockchain technology which central banks cannot regulate and which enables enterprising private entities to float cryptos which can function as assets and money.
    • The total valuation of cryptos recently was upward of $2 trillion — more than the value of gold held globally.
    • Challenges in banning it: Cryptos which operate via the net can be banned only if all nations come together.
    • Even then, tax havens may allow cryptos to function, defying the global agreement.

    Crypto as currency

    • A currency is a token used in market transactions. 
    • Historically, commodities (such as copper coins) have been used as tokens since they themselves are valuable.
    • But paper currency is useless till the government declares it to be a fiat currency.
    • Paper currency derives its value from state backing.
    • Cryptos are a string of numbers in a computer programme. And, there is no state backing. 
    • Their acceptability to the well-off enables them to act as money.
    • So, cryptos acquire value and can be transacted via the net.
    • This enables them to function as money.
    • Solving the problem of double spending:  Fiat currency has the property that once spent, it cannot be spent again except through forgery, because it is no more with the spender.
    • But, software on a computer can be used repeatedly.
    • Blockchain and encryption have solved the problem by devising protocols such as ‘proof of work’ and ‘proof of stake’. 

    Why CBDC is not a solution

    • A Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC) will not solve the RBI’s problem since it can only be a fiat currency and not a crypto.
    • Blockchain enables decentralisation.But, central banks would not want that.
    • Further, central bank would want a fiat currency to be exclusively issued and controlled by them.
    • But, theoretically everyone can ‘mine’ and create crypto.
    • So, for the CBDC to be in central control, solving the ‘double spending’ problem and being a crypto (not just a digital version of currency) seems impossible.
    • Validating transaction: A centralised CBDC will require the RBI to validate each transaction — something it does not do presently.
    • Once a currency note is issued, the RBI does not keep track of its use in transactions.
    • Keeping track will be horrendously complex which could make a crypto such as the CBDC unusable unless new secure protocols are designed.

    Conclusion

    CBDCs at present cannot be a substitute for cryptos that will soon begin to be used as money. This will impact the functioning of central banks and commercial banks.

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  • RERA

    The Supreme Court has asked the Chief Secretaries of the States to respond to queries raised by the Centre on the implementation of rules framed under the Real Estate (Regulation and Development) (RERA) Act, 2016 in their respective jurisdictions.

    What is RERA, 2016?

    • The Real Estate (Regulation and Development) Act, 2016 seeks to protect home-buyers as well as help boost investments in the real estate industry.
    • It establishes a Real Estate Regulatory Authority- RERA in each state for regulation of the real estate sector and also acts as an adjudicating body for speedy dispute resolution.
    • It was enacted under Entry 6 and 7 (dealing with contracts and the transfer of property) of the Concurrent List.
    • It is followed by the principle “buyer is the king and builders will have to ensure compliances to avoid punishment”.
    • Its main objective is to reduce delay in the work or timely delivery of the project without compromising the quality.

    Objectives of this Act

    It has the following objectives:

    • To protect the interest of the allottees and ensure their responsibility
    • To maintain transparency and reduce the chances of fraud
    • To implement Pan-India standardization and bring about professionalism
    • To enhance the flow of correct information between the home buyers and the sellers
    • To impose greater responsibilities on both the builders and the investors
    • To enhance the reliability of the sector and thereby increase confidence amongst the investors

    Key Provisions of RERA Act

    • Compulsory registration: According to the central act, every real estate project (where the total area to be developed exceeds 500 sq mtrs or more than 8 apartments is proposed to be developed in any phase), must be registered with its respective state’s RERA.
    • Establishment of state level regulatory authorities: It provides for State governments to establish more than one regulatory authority such as RERA to:
    1. Register and maintain a database of real estate projects; publish it on its website for public viewing
    2. Protection of interest of promoters, buyers and real estate agents
    3. Development of sustainable and affordable housing
    4. Render advice to the government and ensuring compliance with its Regulations and the Act
    • Establishment of Real Estate Appellate Tribunal: Decisions of RERAs can be appealed in these tribunals.
    • Mandatory Registration: All projects with plot size of a minimum 500 sq.mt or eight apartments need to be registered with Regulatory Authorities.
    • Deposits: Developers needs to keep 70% of the money collected from a buyer in a temporary pass through account held by a third party (escrow account) to meet the construction cost of the project.
    • Liability of the developer: A developer’s liability to repair structural defects would be for 5 years.
    • Cap on Advance Payments: A promoter cannot accept more than 10% of the cost of the plot, apartment or building as an advance payment or an application fee from a person without first entering into an agreement for sale
    • Carpet Area over super built-up: Clearly defines Carpet Area as net usable floor area of flat. Buyers will be charged for the carpet area and not super built-up area.
    • Punishment for non-compliance: Imprisonment of up to three years for developers and up to one year in case of agents and buyers for violation of orders of Appellate Tribunals and Regulatory Authorities.

    Which projects can get RERA approval?

    • Commercial and residential projects including plotted development.
    • Projects measuring more than 500 sq mts or 8 units.
    • Projects without Completion Certificate, before the commencement of the Act.
    • The project is only for the purpose of renovation/repair / re-development which does not involve re-allotment and marketing, advertising, selling or new allotment of any apartments, plot or building in the real estate project, will not come under RERA.
    • Each phase is to be treated as standalone real estate project requiring fresh registration.

    Benefits offered by the RERA Act

    Industry

    Developer

    Buyer

    Agents
    • Governance and transparency
    • Project efficiency and robust project delivery
    • Standardization and quality
    • Enhance the confidence of investors
    • Attract higher investments and PE funding
    • Regulated Environment
    • Common and best practices
    • Increase efficiency
    • Consolidation of sector
    • Corporate branding
    • Higher investment
    • Increase in organized funding
    • Significant buyers protection
    • Quality products and timely delivery
    • Balanced agreements and treatment
    • Transparency – sale based on carpet area
    • Safety of money and transparency on utilization
    • Consolidation of the sector (due to mandatory state registration)
    • Increased transparency
    • Increased efficiency
    • Minimum litigation by adopting best practices

     

     

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  • The Process of Cartelisation

    This newscard is an excerpt from the original article published in TH.

    What is a Cartel?

    • According to CCI, a “Cartel includes an association of producers, sellers, distributors, traders or service providers who, by agreement amongst themselves, limit, control or attempt to control the production, distribution, sale or price of, or, trade in goods or provision of services”.
    • The three common components of a cartel are:
    1. an agreement
    2. between competitors
    3. to restrict competition

    What is Cartelization?

    • Cartelization is when enterprises collude to fix prices, indulge in bid-rigging, or share customers, etc. But when prices are controlled by the government under law, that is not cartelization.
    • The Competition Act contains strong provisions against cartels.
    • It also has the leniency provision to incentivize a party to a cartel to break away and report to the Commission, and thereby expect total or partial leniency.
    • This has proved a highly effective tool against cartels worldwide.

    Philosophy behind

    • Cartels, which involve a group of businesses colluding to keep prices high, have been viewed by economists as a significant threat to the market economy.
    • When businesses cooperate with each other rather than compete against each other, there could be many adverse consequences to consumers.
    • For one, consumers will have to pay higher prices for goods and services.
    • It should be noted that the way cartels keep prices high is by limiting the supply of their output. Further, in the absence of any threat from competition, cartels also have very little reason to innovate or cater to consumers in better ways.
    • In other words, they essentially act like a monopoly.
    • The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) is the most well-known international cartel that influences the price of oil globally through coordinated efforts to limit supply.

    How do they work?

    • Four categories of conduct are commonly identified across jurisdictions (countries). These are: price-fixing, output restrictions, market allocation and, bid-rigging
    • In sum, participants in hard-core cartels agree to insulate themselves from the rigors of a competitive marketplace, substituting cooperation for competition.

    How do cartels hurt?

    • They not only directly hurt the consumers but also, indirectly, undermine overall economic efficiency and innovations.
    • A successful cartel raises the price above the competitive level and reduces output.
    • Consumers choose either not to pay the higher price for some or all of the cartelized product that they desire, thus forgoing the product, or they pay the cartel price and thereby unknowingly transfer wealth to the cartel operators.

    Are there provisions in the Competition Act against monopolistic prices?

    • There are provisions in the Competition Act against abuse of dominance.
    • One of the abuses is when a dominant enterprise “directly or indirectly imposes unfair or discriminatory prices” in the purchase or sale of goods or services.
    • Thus, excessive pricing by a dominant enterprise could, in certain conditions, be regarded as abuse and, therefore, subject to investigation by the Competition Commission if it were fully functional.
    • However, where pricing is a result of normal supply and demand, the Competition Commission may have no role.

    What is the penalty for cartelization?

    • The Competition Act calls for a penalty on each member of the cartel, which is up to three times its profit for each year of anti-competitive behavior, or 10% of turnover for each year of its continuance, whichever is higher.
    • However, in case of a leniency petition, CCI can waive the penalty depending on the timing and usefulness of the disclosure  and  full cooperation  in  the  probe.

    How might cartels be worse than monopolies?

    • Monopolies are bad for both individual consumer interests as well as society at large.
    • Monopolist completely dominates the concerned market and, more often than not, abuse this dominance either in the form of charging higher than warranted prices or by providing lower than the warranted quality of the good or service in question.

    How to stop the spread of cartelization?

    • Strong deterrence to those cartels that are found guilty of being one.
    • Typically this takes the form of a monetary penalty that exceeds the gains amassed by the cartel and it is not always easy to ascertain the exact gains from cartelization.
    • The threat of stringent penalties can be used in conjunction with providing leniency — as was done in the beer case.

    Back2Basics: Competition Commission of India (CCI)

    • The CCI is the chief national competition regulator in India.
    • It is a statutory body within the Ministry of Corporate Affairs.
    • It is responsible for enforcing The Competition Act, 2002 in order to promote competition and prevent activities that have an appreciable adverse effect on competition in India.

     

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  • What are Oil Bonds?

    Over the last one year, as retail prices of petrol, diesel and other petroleum products have surged, the government has attracted criticism.

    Finance Minister has sought to counter such criticism by claiming that the current government cannot bring down taxes (and, as a consequence, prices) because it has to pay for the oil bonds issued by the previous regime.

    What are oil bonds?

    • An oil bond is an IOU (I owe you), or a promissory note issued by the government to the OMCs, in lieu of cash that the government would have given them so that these companies don’t charge the public the full price of fuel.
    • An oil bond says the government will pay the oil marketing company the sum of, say, Rs 1,000 crore in 10 years.
    • And to compensate the OMC for not having this money straightaway, the government will pay it, say, 8% (or Rs 80 crore) each year until the bond matures.
    • Thus, by issuing such oil bonds, the government of the day is able to protect/ subsidise the consumers without either ruining the profitability of the OMC or running a huge budget deficit itself.

    Why were they issued?

    • When fuel prices were too high for domestic consumers, governments in the past often asked oil marketing companies (OMCs) to avoid charging consumers the full price.
    • But if oil companies don’t get paid, they would become unprofitable.
    • To address this, the government said it would pay the difference.
    • But again, if the government paid that amount in cash, it would have been pointless, because then the government would have had to tax the same people to collect the money to pay the OMCs.
    • This is where oil bonds come in.

    How much of fuel prices is tax?

    • There are two components to the domestic retail price — the price of crude oil itself, and the taxes levied on this basic price.
    • Together they make up the retail price.
    • The taxes vary from one product to another. For instance, as of now, taxes account for 50% of the total retail price for a litre of petrol, and 44% for a litre of diesel.

    How much of the UPA-era oil bonds has the NDA government paid back?

    • There are two components of oil bonds that need to be paid off: the annual interest payment, and the final payment at the end of the bond’s tenure.
    • By issuing such bonds, a government can defer the full payment by 5 or 10 or 20 years, and in the interim just pay the interest costs.
    • Table 1 shows that between 2015 and 2021, the NDA government has fully paid off four sets of oil bonds — a total of Rs 13,500 crore.
    • Each year, the BJP government had also had to pay the interest rate on all bonds that have not matured. Chart 1 shows the amount paid towards interest payment each year.
    • Between 2014 and 2022, the government has had to spend a total of Rs 93,686 crore towards interest as well as the principal.

    Still, isn’t it a bad idea to issue such bonds?

    • Former PM Manmohan Singh was correct in noting that issuing bonds just pushed the liability to a future generation.
    • But to a great extent, most of the government’s borrowing is in the form of bonds.
    • This is why each year the fiscal deficit (which is essentially the level of government’s borrowing from the market) is so keenly tracked.
    • Further, in a relatively country like India, all governments are forced to resort to the use of bonds of some kind.
    • Take the current NDA government itself, which has issued bonds worth Rs 2.79 lakh crore (twice the amount of oil bonds) to recapitalise public sector banks.
    • These bonds will be paid by governments till 2036.

     

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  • Hits and misses: India’s Solar Power Energy Targets

    India is likely to miss its 2022 target of installing 100 gigawatts (GW) of solar power capacity a/c to a report. This is because of rooftop solar lagging behind, the authors say.

    India’s Solar Policy

    • Since 2011, India’s solar sector has grown at a compounded annual growth rate (CAGR) of around 59% from 0.5GW in 2011 to 55GW in 2021.
    • The Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission (JNNSM), also known as the National Solar Mission (NSM), was commenced in January 2010.
    • It marked the first time the government focussed on promoting and developing solar power in India.
    • Under the scheme, the total installed capacity target was set as 20GW by 2022.
    • In 2015, the target was revised to 100GW and in August 2021, the government set a solar target of 300GW by 2030.

    Solar energy: India among the peers

    • India currently ranks fifth after China, U.S., Japan and Germany in terms of installed solar power capacity.
    • As of December 2021, the cumulative solar installed capacity of India is 55GW, which is roughly half the renewable energy (RE) capacity (excluding large hydro power) and 14% of the overall power generation capacity of India.
    • Within the 55GW, grid-connected utility-scale projects contribute 77% and the rest comes from grid-connected rooftop and off-grid projects.

    What does the new report say?

    • As of April, only about 50% of the 100GW target, consisting of 60GW of utility-scale and 40GW of rooftop solar capacity, has been met.
    • Nearly 19 GW of solar capacity is expected to be added in 2022 — 15.8GW from utility-scale and 3.5GW from rooftop solar.
    • Even accounting for this capacity would mean about 27% of India’s 100GW solar target would remain unmet.
    • A 25GW shortfall in the 40GW rooftop solar target, is expected compared to 1.8GW in the utility-scale solar target by December 2022.
    • Thus, it is in rooftop solar that the challenges of India’s solar-adoption policy stick out.

    What is Solar Rooftop?

    • A solar photovoltaic (PV) system mounted on a rooftop of a building is a mini-power requirement or feed into the grid.
    • The size of the installation varies significantly depending on the availability of space, amount of electricity consumed by the property and the ability or willingness of the owner to invest the capital required.
    • In December 2015, the government launched the first phase of the grid-connected rooftop solar programme to incentivise its use in residential, institutional and social areas.
    • The second phase, approved in February 2019, had a target of 40GW of cumulative rooftop solar capacity by 2022, with incentives in the form of central financial assistance (CFA).
    • As of November 2021, of the phase 2 target of 4GW set for the residential sector, only 1.1GW had been installed.

    Reasons for rooftop solar adoption not meeting targets

    • In its early years, India’s rooftop solar market struggled to grow, held back by lack of consumer awareness, inconsistent policy frameworks of the Centre/ State governments and financing.
    • Factors impeding rooftop-solar installation include:
    1. Pandemic-induced supply chain disruption to policy restrictions
    2. Regulatory roadblocks
    3. Limits to net-metering (or paying users who give back surplus electricity to the grid)
    4. Taxes on imported cells and modules
    5. Unsigned power supply agreements (PSAs) and banking restrictions
    6. Financing issues plus delays in or rejection of open access approval grants and
    7. The unpredictability of future open access charges

    Other issues: India’s storage capacity

    • About 34 GW / 136 GWh of battery storage is expected to be installed by 2030, according to the Central Electricity Authority of India.
    • This capacity would be used for RE integration, demand-side and peak load management services.

    Present state of progress

    • Recently, there has been a sharp rise in rooftop solar installations due to falling technology costs, increasing grid tariffs, rising consumer awareness and the growing need for cutting energy costs.
    • These factors are expected to persist giving a much-needed boost to this segment.
    • Going ahead, rooftop solar adoption is expected to proportionally increase as land and grid-connectivity for utility solar projects are expected to be hard to come by.

    Significance of solar power to India’s commitment

    • Solar power is a major prong of India’s commitment to address global warming according to the terms of the Paris Agreement, as well as achieving net zero, or no net carbon emissions, by 2070.
    • PM at the COP Glasgow, in November 2021, said India would be reaching a non-fossil fuel energy capacity of 500 GW by 2030 and meet half its energy requirements via renewable energy by 2030.
    • To boost the renewable energy installation drive in the long term, the Centre in 2020 set a target of 450GW of RE capacity to be achieved by 2030, within which the target for solar was 300GW.
    • Given the challenge of integrating variable renewable energy into the grid, most of the RE capacity installed in the latter half of this decade is likely to be based on wind solar hybrid (WSH).

    Way forward

    • Supportive policies and innovative technological approaches are needed for the sector to achieve its potential.
    • Indian policymakers need to plan for rooftop solar plus storage, rather than rooftop solar alone with the grid as storage (net / gross metering).
    • The declining cost of storage solutions, along with that of rooftop solar solutions, is likely to change the future of the Indian power sector.
    • Several countries such as Australia, the United States, Germany, among others have already endorsed solar power with battery storage.
    • Energy storage, therefore, represents a huge economic opportunity for India.
    • The creation of a conducive battery manufacturing ecosystem on a fast track could cement India’s opportunity for radical economic and industrial transformation in a critical and fast-growing global market.

    Also read:

    [Sansad TV] Global Solar Grid

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  • Looming Power Crisis in India

    Temperatures have shot up across many parts of the country with the early onset of summer, leading to a rise in the demand for power. Instances of power outages have been reported in several states.

    Why is there a concern around power supply?

    • The demand for power has soared.
    • Several states, including Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana, Telangana, and Maharashtra, are facing power outages.
    • The coal stock with power generation companies (gencos) is not adequate to meet the rising demand.

    How bad is the coal shortage?

    • Normally, a power plant must maintain 26 days of coal stock.
    • However, at present, several power plants are reporting critical levels of coal stock.
    • Data from the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) shows that 97 power plants out of the 173 that the CEA tracks have critical levels of coal inventory.
    • Of the 173, there are 155 non-pithead plants or power plants that are not near coal mines.
    • These have an average of 28% of the stock compared to the normal scenario.
    • The 18 plants that are near coal mines have an average stock of 81% of the normal requirement.

    Note: Non-pithead plants are power plants where the coal mine is more than 1,500 kilometres away.

    Is coal shortage the only reason for a power crisis?

    • The lack of railway rakes to transport coal is also a major problem.
    • The state power distribution companies (discoms) have also not been able to clear their dues to power generation companies.
    • The covid-19 pandemic has now weakened the finances of many states, raising doubts about the ability of state-owned discoms to clear their dues.

    What has led to the coal shortage?

    • Several factors have led to the shortage, including the stagnation of production by Coal India Ltd (CIL) after the bumper production in FY15 and FY16.
    • There seems to be a tussle between the Centre and coal-rich states, which delay environment and land acquisition clearances.
    • High dues of discoms towards gencos and the eventual delay in gencos paying CIL has complicated the scenario.

    How has the Centre responded?

    • CIL has made efforts to raise supply to the power sector by reducing its dispatch to other industries.
    • The power ministry said that to avoid long-distance transport, a ‘tolling’ facility would be allowed.
    • In this system, state gencos can allow other thermal power plants near a coal mine to utilize their coal linkages to generate and transmit power back.
    • This is an easier alternative compared to transportation.
    • Further, the states need to ensure that imported coal-based plants operate at reasonable tariffs.

    Try answering this PYQ:

    Consider the following statements:

    1. Coal sector was nationalized by the Government of India under Indira Gandhi.
    2. Now, coal blocks are allocated on lottery basis.
    3. Till recently, India imported coal to meet the shortages of domestic supply, but now India is self- sufficient in coal production.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 3 only

    (d) 1, 2 and 3

     

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