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Subject: Federal System

  • EC to issue Online Airtime Vouchers for Campaigning

    air

    Central Idea

    • The Election Commission of India has implemented a fully online process for allotting airtime to political parties for campaigning on Akashvani and Doordarshan.
    • The new system replaces the traditional method of collecting physical vouchers and instead issues digital time vouchers through an online platform.

    Airtime Vouchers for Campaigning

    • Objective: To provide equitable access to government-owned electronic media during elections for campaigning purposes.
    • Legal basis: The allotment of time on public broadcasters during campaigning is governed by a scheme notified in January 1998, based on Section 39A of the Representation of People Act, 1951.
    • Allotment Criteria: Each National party and recognized State party receive an equitable base time on Doordarshan (DD) and Akashvani.
    • Scope for additional time: Factors such as past electoral performance, representation in the legislature, and the number of candidates fielded by the party are considered to ensure equitable distribution of airtime.
    • Predefined Schedule: The date and time for telecasts and broadcasts by authorized party representatives are predetermined by Prasar Bharati, in consultation with EC and in the presence of party representatives.

    Regulation of these Vouchers

    • Scrutiny of Party Transcripts: Party transcripts undergo scrutiny to ensure compliance with relevant codes. These codes prohibit content that criticizes other countries, attacks religions or communities, incites violence, or engages in personal attacks.
    • Role of Apex Committee: Disagreements over vetted content are referred to an Apex Committee comprising members from Akashvani and DD. The committee’s decision is final.

    Significance of Digital Vouchers

    • Process Improvement: The decision reflects its commitment to leveraging technology for an improved electoral process and enhanced convenience for all stakeholders.
    • Eliminating Physical Collection: Political parties will no longer need to send representatives to the commission’s offices to collect time vouchers during elections.

    Operational Challenges

    • Limited Access: The scheme is exclusively available to national and recognized State parties, leading to concerns about its true equity.
    • Conflict of Interest in the Apex Committee: The Apex Committee consists of officials from Akashvani and DD, raising concerns about potential conflicts of interest.
    • Row over transcript content: These officials are expected to review their own decisions when conflicts arise with political parties over the transcript content.

    Also read:

    How is a ‘National Party’ in India defined?

  • Electoral Bonds chief source of donations for parties: Report

    bond

    Central Idea

    • Electoral bonds have emerged as the primary source of donations for political parties in India, with the BJP securing the majority share.
    • A report by the Association of Democratic Reforms reveals that between 2016-17 and 2021-22, national and regional parties received a total donation of ₹9,188.35 crore through electoral bonds.
    • The BJP received ₹5,271.97 crore, while other national parties collectively received ₹1,783.93 crore.

    Political Donations under Electoral bonds scheme

    • Breakdown of donations: Over the six-year period, the 31 analyzed political parties received a total of ₹16,437.63 crore in donations. Of this, 55.9% came from electoral bonds, 28.07% from the corporate sector, and 16.03% from other sources.
    • BJP leads the pack: The BJP declared donations worth ₹5,271.97 crore through electoral bonds, surpassing the total donations of all other national parties combined.
    • Congress and regional parties: The Congress received the second-highest amount through electoral bonds, with ₹952.29 crore (61.54% of total donations). The Trinamool Congress received ₹767.88 crore (93.27% of total donations).
    • Regional parties’ reliance on bonds: Regional parties such as the BJD, DMK, and TRS received a significant portion of their total donations from electoral bonds.
    • Surge in bond donations: National parties witnessed a 743% increase in donations through electoral bonds between 2017-18 and 2021-22, while corporate donations only rose by 48%.

    Key features of Electoral Bonds Scheme

    • Introduction of Electoral Bond Scheme: The Electoral Bond Scheme 2018 was introduced for electoral funding during the crucial time period analyzed in the report.
    • Removal of donation limit: The Finance Act, 2017 eliminated the previous cap of 7.5% of a company’s average three-year net profit for political donations.
    • Purchase and Donation: Any Indian citizen or company incorporated in India can purchase Electoral Bonds from select branches of the State Bank of India. The bonds can be bought in denominations of ₹1,000, ₹10,000, ₹10 lakh, and ₹1 crore. The purchaser can then donate the bonds to an eligible political party of their choice.
    • Eligibility and KYC: To purchase Electoral Bonds, the buyer must fulfill the Know Your Customer (KYC) norms and make the payment from a bank account. Only individuals and companies with Indian citizenship or incorporation can participate in the scheme.
    • Bond Validity: Electoral Bonds have a life of 15 days, ensuring that they do not function as a parallel currency.
    • Anonymity and Disclosure: Donors who contribute less than ₹20,000 to political parties through Electoral Bonds are not required to provide their identity details, such as the Permanent Account Number (PAN). However, the identity of the donor is known to the bank.
    • Redemption and Eligible Parties: Only political parties registered under Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, and securing at least one percent of the votes in the last general election are eligible to receive Electoral Bonds. The bonds can be encashed only through a bank account with the authorized bank.

    Issues with the Scheme

    • Lack of Transparency: The scheme has faced criticism for enabling opaque political funding. While the identity of the donor is captured, it is not revealed to the party or the public, limiting transparency.
    • Limited Tax Benefits: Donations made through Electoral Bonds may not qualify for income tax breaks, potentially discouraging donors from participating in the scheme.
    • Privacy Concerns: The privacy of donors may be compromised as the bank will have knowledge of their identity.
    • Differential Benefits: The scheme can potentially favor parties in power, as the government can access information about the donors and the funds received.
    • Unlimited Donations: Amendments in the Finance Act of 2017 allow for unlimited donations from individuals and foreign companies to political parties without disclosing the sources of funding, raising concerns about the influence of money in politics.

  • PRISM: 24-hr hotline for MPs Research

    Central Idea

    • Lok Sabha Speaker has established ‘PRISM’ a 24-hour research reference telephone hotline for Members of Parliament (MPs) to provide assistance with policy issues.

    What is PRISM?

    • The Parliamentary Research and Information Support for Members of Parliament (PRISM) offers round-the-clock services, including weekends during Parliament Sessions.
    • It aims to support first-term MPs and those without extensive secretarial teams who may find it daunting to speak in Parliament on policy matters.
    • A team of 30-32 officers serves on the hotline on a rotational basis to provide research and reference support.

    Usage and Enquiries

    • Between 2019 and 2023, 87% of MPs have utilized either online or offline reference services, which are also shared through WhatsApp and email.
    • Enquiries mainly focused on bills such as the Juvenile Justice Bill, Wildlife Protection Bill, and short-duration discussions on topics like climate change, drug abuse, and price rise.

    Need for PRISM

    • First-term MPs often face challenges when asked to speak on bills without extensive research support.
    • The hotline and reference services have proven invaluable in assisting MPs, allowing them to contribute effectively to debates and discussions.
    • The initiative has particularly aided MPs who may not be proficient in English or Hindi, enabling them to raise pertinent issues in Parliament.

    Significance

    • Parliament can be a fragmented environment, with various cliques and clubs forming over the years.
    • Backbenchers, in particular, often spend much time in obscurity.
    • The research and reference services provided by PRISM can make these years on the backbench more productive by facilitating informed participation in policy debates.

     

  • Criminalization of Politics: Why ADR has approached the ECI?

    Central Idea

    • The Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), an electoral watchdog, has written to the Election Commission seeking action against political parties that fail to disclose details of candidates’ criminal cases as mandated by the Supreme Court.
    • The ADR highlights the non-compliance of parties in publishing such information and urges strict action to be taken against defaulting parties.

    About ADR

    Concerns raised by ADR

    • Alarming Statistics: It revealed 43% of newly-elected MPs in 2019 had pending criminal cases.
    • Non-Compliance: ADR reveals political parties flouting Supreme Court’s orders and ECI’s directions.
    • Shortcomings in Forms: ADR identifies shortcomings in the prescribed forms (C2 and C7) used by parties.
    • Inaccessible Information: Many parties lack functional websites or fail to provide accessible links.
    • Improper Justifications: Parties cite “winnability” and popularity as reasons for selecting candidates with criminal records, contrary to the Supreme Court’s ruling.

    Supreme Court’s Mandate (2018)

    • Disclosure Directive: Supreme Court has mandated parties to disclose candidates’ criminal cases on their websites.
    • Prescribed Format: Election Commission of India (ECI) specifies the format for publishing this information.
    • Bold Publication: Supreme Court ordered parties to publish criminal case details prominently.
    • Candidate Obligation: Candidates with pending cases must inform the party about their criminal antecedents.
    • Multiple Publications: Parties and candidates must publish the information multiple times after filing nominations.

    ADR’s Action and Demands

    • Adherence Supreme Court’s Directive: ADR directed to pursue remedies with the ECI.
    • Demanding Strict Action: ADR urges the ECI to take strict action against defaulting parties, including possible de-registration.
    • Transparency and Accountability: ADR calls for the publication of a list of defaulting parties and the imposition of fines.

    Conclusion

    • Urgent Action Needed: ADR’s letter emphasizes the need for action against parties failing to disclose candidates’ criminal cases as mandated by the Supreme Court.
    • Upholding Transparency: Strict enforcement of these orders is essential to maintain transparency and prevent the criminalization of politics.

     

  • Census unlikely before 2024 Lok Sabha polls

    census

    Central Idea

    • Deadline extension: The deadline to freeze administrative boundaries for the Census in India has been extended till December 31, ruling out the possibility of conducting the Census before the 2024 General Elections.

    What is Census of India?

    • The Census of India is a large-scale population survey conducted by the Government of India.
    • It aims to gather detailed information about the population, demographics, and socio-economic characteristics of the country.

    Historical Background

    • Inaugural Census: The first complete Census of India was conducted in 1881 during British rule.
    • Institutional Framework: Since 1949, the Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India, under the Ministry of Home Affairs, have been responsible for conducting the Census.
    • Legal Framework: The Census of India Act, 1948 provides the legal basis for conducting the census.

    Extension of Deadline and Administrative Changes

    • Order by Registrar General: The office of the Registrar General of India issued an order extending the date of freezing boundaries for the Census to January 1, 2024.
    • Instructing State governments: The Directorate of Census Operations has been instructed to inform State governments to make any necessary administrative changes by December 31 and notify the Census office of the jurisdictional changes.

    Reasons for Delay

    • Training time: After the boundaries are frozen, at least three months are required to train enumerators for the Census.
    • Timing constraint: The exercise cannot begin before April 2024 due to simultaneous General Elections, as the same workforce will be deployed for election duties.
    • Transition to digital: The coming Census will be the first digital Census, allowing citizens to self-enumerate.

    Phases of Census and Population Projections

    • Two-phase process: The Census is carried out in two phases: the Houselisting and Housing Census and the Population Enumeration phase, which typically takes around 11 months.
    • National Population Register (NPR): The NPR is updated with the first phase of the Census.
    • Population projections: Based on Census 2011 data, population projections indicate an expected increase from 121.1 crore to 151.8 crore during 2011-2036, with a density increase from 368 to 462 persons per square kilometer.

    Purpose and Importance of the Census

    • Data for planning and policymaking: The Census provides information for central and state governments to plan and formulate policies.
    • National identity and future planning: It helps identify the nation’s demographic composition and guides future development and resource allocation.
    • Funding distribution: Census data assists in determining how funds and assistance are distributed to states and localities.
    • Wide-ranging applications: The data is used by various national and international agencies, scholars, businesses, and policymakers.

    Significance and Impact of the Census

    • Governance and statistics: The Census is a vital source of statistics for governance and serves as a foundation for official statistics.
    • Detailed demographic insights: It provides data on demography, economic activity, literacy, housing, migration, and other socio-cultural factors.
    • Delimitation of constituencies: The Census data is used for delimitation and reservation of parliamentary, assembly, and local body constituencies.
    • Policy formulation and administration: The Census helps review progress, monitor government schemes, and plan for the future.
    • Welfare schemes and beneficiaries: It identifies actual beneficiaries, supports identity creation, and ensures inter-temporal comparability.

    Impact of Delay in Census 2021

    • Discrepancies in PDS identification: Delayed census data affects the identification of beneficiaries under the public distribution system, depriving people of subsidised food entitlements.
    • Poor targeting of welfare schemes: The delay hampers policy planning, budgeting, and administration of schemes that rely on accurate demographic data.
    • Inadequate migration data: Outdated census data fails to capture accurate migration patterns and impacts policy and planning in various sectors.

    Reasons for Delay

    • Administrative boundaries: Census can only be conducted after freezing the boundaries of administrative units, which takes time.
    • COVID-19 pandemic: The pandemic is officially cited as the reason for the delay, although restrictions have been lifted.
    • CAA and NRC issues: The plan to use the census for the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) has further delayed the process.
    • Lack of political will: The government’s lack of urgency and clarification on the census timeline contribute to the delay.

    Way Forward

    • Complete pre-census work: Expedite house-listing and other necessary activities.
    • Digital census and self-enumeration: Utilize mobile apps and self-enumeration to streamline data collection and processing.
    • Ensure data quality: Address concerns regarding data quality and completeness of coverage during self-enumeration.

    Conclusion

    • The delay in conducting the Census poses challenges for accurate population data and planning in India.
    • The next Census, to be conducted after the 2024 General Elections, will mark a significant milestone as the first digital Census, providing citizens the opportunity to self-enumerate.

  • Exploring Assam’s Delimitation Draft

    assam delimitation

    Central Idea

    • The recent draft proposal on the Delimitation of Assembly and Lok Sabha constituencies in Assam by the Election Commission (EC) has stirred significant controversy.
    • The proposal suggests reshaping constituencies, increasing the number of reserved seats, and potentially affecting the political fortunes of various organizations and parties.

    What is Delimitation?

    • Objective: Delimitation aims to redraw constituency boundaries to maintain equal population representation in Assembly and Lok Sabha seats.
    • Changing Constituencies: Delimitation may result in the alteration of constituency limits and, in some cases, the number of seats in a state.

    Delimitation Process and Commission

    • Independent Delimitation Commission: Delimitation is carried out by an independent Delimitation Commission (DC) constituted by the Union government.
    • Terms of Reference: The DC determines the number and boundaries of constituencies, ensuring population equality and identifying reserved seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
    • Implementation: The draft proposals are published for public feedback, followed by public sittings to consider objections and suggestions. The final order is published in official gazettes.

    Historical Context of Delimitation

    • Early Delimitation Exercises: The first delimitation exercise in 1950-51 was conducted by the President. Subsequently, the responsibility was shifted to independent Delimitation Commissions.
    • Frequency of Delimitation: Delimitation has been carried out four times, in 1952, 1963, 1973, and 2002, based on the Acts enacted in respective years.

    Postponement of Delimitation until 2026

    • Frozen Seats: Delimitation was postponed after the 1981 and 1991 Censuses, freezing the number of seats in Lok Sabha and Assemblies.
    • Justification for Postponement: An amendment further delayed delimitation until 2026, with the rationale that uniform population growth would be achieved throughout the country by that time.
    • The Last Delimitation: The most recent delimitation exercise, based on the 2001 Census, focused on adjusting boundaries of existing seats and reworking the number of reserved seats.

    Delimitation Exercise in Assam

    • Delimitation exercises were carried out periodically, but in 1976, it was suspended due to the family planning program.
    • The process was deferred for Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Jammu and Kashmir, Manipur, and Nagaland in 2008 due to “security risks.”
    • The Delimitation Commission for Assam and other states was reconstituted by the Central Government in 2020.

    Overview of the Proposed Changes

    • Reshaping of Constituencies: The draft proposal suggests reshaping and renaming 24 Assembly seats.
    • Increased Reserved Seats: The number of reserved seats for Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Scheduled Castes (SC) would be increased from 16 to 19 and eight to nine, respectively.
    • Seat Juggling: The proposal involves converting six reserved seats each for SCs and STs into unreserved seats. Additionally, nine ST and seven SC general seats would become reserved.
    • Impact on Political Figures: Notable political figures, including MLAs and MPs from various parties, may lose their seats due to the proposed changes.

    Opposition and Concerns

    • Protests and Discontent: The draft proposal has faced opposition and protests across Assam, with different groups expressing dissatisfaction with the changes.
    • Questioning the Legality: Some have raised concerns regarding the interpretation of Section 8A of the Representation of the People Act, 1950, which allows reorientation of seats without altering their total number.
    • Use of Census Data: The use of 2001 Census data instead of the more recent 2011 Census data has raised suspicion and allegations of a hidden agenda.
    • Timing and Allegations: Opposition parties have criticized the timing of the delimitation exercise, alleging that it was rushed to affect representation ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha polls.

    Future Outlook and Potential Changes

    • EC’s Call for Suggestions: The EC has invited suggestions and omissions regarding the draft proposal and plans to revisit the State to engage with stakeholders.
    • Legal Challenges: The All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) has threatened to approach the court if the draft is accepted.
    • Chief Minister’s Perspective: Assam CM has emphasized the need to protect the rights of indigenous people and hinted at potential adjustments to ensure their interests are safeguarded.

     

  • In news: Telangana Statehood Day

    telangana

    Central Idea

    • With assembly elections just months away, political parties across the board are celebrating the 9th anniversary of Telangana’s statehood today (June 2).

    Formation of Telangana

    • The article discusses the historical background and the struggle for statehood that led to the formation of Telangana, the newest state in India.
    • It provides a chronological account of the significant events and factors that shaped Telangana’s journey towards becoming an independent state.

    Why was Telangana separated from Andhra Pradesh?

    Telangana was separated from Andhra Pradesh primarily due to historical, cultural, and developmental reasons, as well as demands from the people of the region. Here are the key reasons behind the separation:

    • Historical and Cultural Differences: Telangana and Andhra Pradesh have distinct historical and cultural identities. Telangana had its own language, Telugu, but with a distinct dialect and cultural practices. The people of Telangana felt that their unique identity was not adequately recognized or represented within the larger Andhra Pradesh state.
    • Socio-economic Disparities: Telangana region, despite its rich natural resources, had been relatively underdeveloped compared to the coastal Andhra region. People in Telangana felt that their region’s development needs were neglected, resulting in socio-economic disparities and unequal distribution of resources and opportunities.
    • Demand for Local Control: The demand for separate statehood gained momentum due to the belief that local control and governance would be more effective in addressing the specific needs and aspirations of Telangana. The people of Telangana sought greater autonomy and decision-making power over their own affairs.
    • Political Representation: Some leaders and groups within Telangana felt marginalized in the political landscape of united Andhra Pradesh. They believed that a separate state would provide better opportunities for political representation and participation.
    • Water and Resource Sharing: Disputes over the sharing of water resources, particularly the Krishna and Godavari rivers, further strained the relationship between Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. The perceived inequitable distribution of water resources added to the demand for a separate state.

    These factors, along with sustained movements and protests led by various political and social groups, culminated in the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh and the formation of the separate state of Telangana on June 2, 2014.

    Here is a complete timeline of the formation of the modern Telangana State

    PART I: Pre-Independence and Formation of Andhra Pradesh

    • Post-independence Hyderabad State (1948-1951): Hyderabad’s significance as a part of the Princely State and its dominance by the Urdu-speaking Muslim elite.
    • Brutalities under Nizam’s rule and the Razakars (1945-1948): The communist-supported rebellion and the violent response of the Nizam’s local militia, the Razakars, leading to atrocities on Telangana’s population.
    • Standstill Agreement and its violation (1947-1948): The signing of the Standstill Agreement with Hyderabad, the subsequent violation of its terms by the Nizam, and the intervention of India through “Operation Polo.”
    • Hyderabad’s status as a Part-B state (1951-1956): The inclusion of Hyderabad as a Part-B state with an elected chief minister after India’s independence and the end of Nizam’s rule.

    PART II: Linguistic Reorganisation and Creation of AP

    • Potti Sriramalu’s demand for a separate Telugu state (1952): The fasting protest by Potti Sriramalu, leading to unrest and eventually the formation of Andhra State.
    • Formation of Andhra State out of Madras state (1953): The division of the Madras state and the creation of Andhra State, comprising the north and north-eastern regions, in response to the demand for a separate Telugu state.
    • Formation of the States Reorganisation Committee (1953-1955): The establishment of the committee to address the issue of linguistic reorganisation and its subsequent recommendations.
    • Status of Telangana region in linguistic reorganisation (1955-1956): The debate over the merging of Telangana with Andhra or having it as a separate state, conflicting with the SRC’s recommendations.
    • Merging of Andhra State and Telangana (1956): The decision to merge Andhra State and Telangana against the SRC’s recommendation, resulting in the formation of Andhra Pradesh with Hyderabad as its capital.

    PART III: Struggle for Telangana and Creation of Telangana State

    • Pre-Independence protests for Mulki Rules (1952-1947): The protests demanding the enforcement of Mulki Rules, which ensured job reservations for Telangana domiciles, even before India’s independence.
    • Protests and birth of Telangana Praja Samiti in 1969: The widespread protests in 1969, leading to the establishment of the TPS and the call for a separate Telangana state.
    • Repeal of Mulki Rules Act in 1973: The introduction of the 32nd Amendment to the Constitution by Indira Gandhi, repealing the Mulki Rules Act and impacting the Telangana movement.
    • Revival of the Telangana movement by KCR in 2001: KCR’s resignation from the Telugu Desam Party and the formation of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi, rejuvenating the demand for a separate Telangana state.
    • KCR’s fast-unto-death and the promise of Telangana statehood (2009): KCR’s fast-unto-death in 2009 following the death of Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister, Y S Rajsekhara Reddy, leading to the Congress party’s promise of creating Telangana.
    • Formation of Telangana state in 2014: The culmination of the struggle with the formation of Telangana as a separate state in 2014, with Hyderabad serving as the capital for a period of ten years.

    Back2Basics: States Reorganization in India

     

    Explanation
    Background and Introduction The States Reorganisation Act, 1956 reformed India’s state boundaries based on linguistic lines.

    It is the most extensive change in state boundaries after India’s independence.

    The act came into effect along with the Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act, 1956.
    Pre-Independence Political Integration British India was divided into Provinces of British India and Indian States.

    Princely states were encouraged to accede to either India or Pakistan after independence.

    Bhutan remained independent, Hyderabad was annexed by India, and Kashmir became a subject of conflict between India and Pakistan.
    Integration of Princely States Between 1947 and 1950, the princely states were politically integrated into the Indian Union.

    Some states were merged into existing provinces, while others formed unions or remained separate states.

    Government of India Act 1935 served as the constitutional law until the adoption of a new Constitution.
    Classification of States and Territories The Constitution of India, effective from 1950, classified states and territories into Part A, Part B, Part C, and Part D categories.

    Part A states were former governors’ provinces, Part B states were former princely states, and Part C states included chief commissioners’ provinces and some princely states.

    Part D consisted of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
    Linguistic Movements and Demands The demand for linguistic states began before independence, with the first movement in Odisha in 1895.

    Political movements for linguistic states gained momentum after independence.

    Creation of Andhra Pradesh in 1953 marked a significant development in organizing states based on language.
    States Reorganisation Commission Linguistic Provinces Commission was set up in 1948 but rejected language as a basis for dividing states.

    States Reorganisation Commission was established in 1953 to reorganize Indian states.

    Headed by Fazal Ali and had recommendations overseen by Govind Ballabh Pant.
    Enactment and Changes States Reorganisation Act was enacted on 31 August 1956.

    Constitution underwent an amendment, and the terminology of Part A and Part B states was changed to simply “states.”

    Also introduced the classification of Union Territories.
    Effects and Reorganization States Reorganisation Act of 1956 resulted in the reorganization of states and territories.

    Took effect on 1 November 1956.

    Had a significant impact on dividing India into states and Union Territories.

  • Row over Mekedatu Project

    mekedatu

    Central Idea

    • Announcement of dam and reservoir: The Deputy CM of Karnataka announced plans for the construction of a dam and reservoir called Mekedatu near the state’s border with Tamil Nadu.
    • Objections raised by Tamil Nadu: Tamil Nadu expressed strong objections to the project, arguing that it goes against the rulings of both the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal and the Supreme Court.
    • Warning of protests: Political parties in Tamil Nadu have warned of potential protests and opposition if the construction of the Mekedatu dam proceeds.

    What is Mekedatu Project?

    • Location and purpose: The Mekedatu dam project is planned to be constructed in Ramanagaram district, approximately 100 km south of Bengaluru. Its primary purpose is to address the drinking water needs of Bengaluru and replenish the regional groundwater table.
    • Proposed capacity and estimated cost of the dam: The dam is proposed to have a capacity of 48 TMC (thousand million cubic) feet and is estimated to cost Rs 6,000 crore.
    • Background and previous developments of the project: The idea of the Mekedatu dam has been under consideration for several years. In 2014, the Karnataka government invited expressions of interest for the project and allocated funds for a detailed project report in the following year.

    Opposition to the Project

    • Widespread protests and state-wide bandh in TN: When the project was initially proposed, Tamil Nadu witnessed widespread protests against it. These protests culminated in a statewide bandh, supported by various stakeholders.
    • Resolutions passed by TN Assembly against the project: The Tamil Nadu Assembly, representing the voice of the people, passed unanimous resolutions expressing strong opposition to the Mekedatu project in December 2018 and January 2022.
    • Political actions and legal involvement in the dispute: Various political leaders and parties in Tamil Nadu have taken actions, including raising the issue with the central government and approaching the Supreme Court to challenge the project’s legality.

    Arguments against the Project

    • Concerns over modification of river flow: Critics of the Mekedatu project argue that constructing reservoirs on the Cauvery River would modify its natural flow, potentially leading to adverse effects downstream.
    • Violation of the final award of the water disputes tribunal: Tamil Nadu contends that the proposed dam violates the final award of the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, which determined the water-sharing arrangements between the two states.
    • Impact on water flow in catchment areas: Tamil Nadu raises concerns that the project’s implementation would impound the flow in catchment areas, affecting the availability of water downstream and potentially leading to water scarcity in the state.

    Justifications and proposals

    • Ensuring adequate flow to TN: Karnataka argues that the construction of the Mekedatu dam will not hinder the stipulated quantum of water release to Tamil Nadu nor be utilized for irrigation purposes.
    • Allocation of funds and willingness to negotiate: The Karnataka government has earmarked Rs 1,000 crore for the project, indicating its commitment. It also expresses willingness to engage in discussions and negotiations with Tamil Nadu to address concerns and find a resolution.
    • Clearance of feasibility study: The Central Water Commission cleared a feasibility study for the Mekedatu project in 2018, providing additional support for Karnataka’s justifications and indicating the project’s viability.

    Historical context of the dispute

    • Past opposition and protests against the dam: The Mekedatu dam has been a subject of contention and opposition for several years. Tamil Nadu has witnessed widespread protests, reflecting public sentiment against the project.
    • Political actions and involvement of state delegations: Political leaders from Tamil Nadu and Karnataka have been actively involved in addressing the issue. Delegations from both states have approached the central government seeking support or intervention.
    • Legal challenges and the role of the Supreme Court: Tamil Nadu’s approach to the Supreme Court against the Mekedatu project highlights the legal dimension of the dispute. The involvement of the court plays a crucial role in considering the arguments and reaching a resolution.

    Environmental and Economic considerations

    • Potential benefits of the dam for water supply: Proponents of the Mekedatu project argue that it will address the pressing drinking water needs of Bengaluru, ensuring a stable water supply for the growing city.
    • Concerns about environmental impact and ecosystem disruption: Critics raise concerns about the potential environmental impact of constructing the dam and reservoir. They highlight potential disruptions to local ecosystems and the natural flow of the river.
    • Evaluating the economic viability of the project: Given the significant estimated cost of the Mekedatu project, there is a need to evaluate its cost-effectiveness and long-term economic viability, considering factors such as funding sources, returns on investment, and sustainable utilization of resources.

    Way forward

    • Importance of negotiation and finding common ground: The conflict surrounding the Mekedatu project emphasizes the importance of dialogue, negotiations, and finding mutually acceptable solutions that address the concerns of both Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.
    • Role of the Supreme Court and other mediators in resolving conflicts: The involvement of the Supreme Court and other mediators can play a crucial role in facilitating discussions, mediating conflicts, and reaching a resolution that adheres to legal frameworks and considers the interests of both states.
    • Promoting inter-state cooperation for sustainable water management: The dispute underscores the need for robust inter-state cooperation and collaboration on water management issues. It is crucial to ensure sustainable and equitable utilization of shared water resources, respect legal frameworks, and address the concerns of all stakeholders involved.

     

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  • In news: Krishna Water Dispute

    krishna

    Central Idea

    • The dispute over the water share of the Krishna River between Andhra Pradesh (AP) and Telangana has remained unresolved for nine years since the bifurcation of the combined state.

    About Krishna River

    Explanation
    Origin Mahabaleshwar, Maharashtra
    Length Approximately 1,400 km
    States swept Maharashtra, Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh
    Tributaries Tungabhadra, Bhima, Ghataprabha, Malaprabha, Musi
    Significance Irrigation, hydropower, drinking water
    Basin Approximately 2,59,000 sq km
    Dams Srisailam, Nagarjuna Sagar, Almatti, Koyna
    Delta Forms fertile delta in Bay of Bengal

     

    What is Krishna Water Dispute?

    • The dispute dates back to the formation of AP in November 1956.
    • Before the formation of AP, a Gentlemen’s Agreement was signed in February 1956 by four senior leaders from different regions of Andhra.
    • The agreement aimed to protect Telangana’s interests and ensure equitable distribution of water resources based on global treaties.
    • However, the focus on irrigation facilities favored Andhra, which had existing systems developed by the British at the expense of drought-prone areas in Telangana.

    Resolution achieved till now

    (1) Bachawat tribunal

    • In 1969, the Bachawat Tribunal (KWDT-I) was established to settle the water share dispute among Maharashtra, Karnataka, and AP (before bifurcation).
    • The Tribunal allocated 811 tmcft (thousand million cubic feet) of dependable water to AP.
    • The water was later divided in a 512:299 tmcft ratio between Andhra and Telangana, respectively, based on the command area developed by each region.
    • The Tribunal recommended diverting water from the Tungabhadra Dam to the drought-prone Mahabubnagar area of Telangana, but this recommendation was not implemented, leading to discontent.

    (2) Water-sharing arrangement after bifurcation

    • The AP Reorganisation Act, 2014, did not mention water shares, as the KWDT-I Award was still in force and had not specified region-wise allocations.
    • In 2015, the two states agreed to an ad hoc arrangement of sharing water in a 34:66 ratio (Telangana: Andhra) during a meeting convened by the Ministry of Water Resources.
    • The arrangement was supposed to be reviewed annually.
    • The Act focused on the establishment of the Krishna River Management Board (KRMB) and the Godavari River Management Board (GRMB) for water resource management.

    Claims by each state

    • Telangana argues that it is entitled to a minimum of 70% share in the allocation of the 811 tmcft based on global practices and basin parameters.
    • Telangana highlights how AP diverts around 300 tmcft of water from within the basin, affecting drought-prone areas in Telangana.
    • AP also claims a higher share of water to protect the interests of already developed command areas.

    Centre’s position

    • The Centre convened two meetings of the Apex Council in 2016 and 2020, involving the Union Minister and Chief Ministers of Telangana and AP, but no substantial progress was made.
    • In 2020, following a suggestion by the Ministry of Jal Shakti (MoJS), Telangana withdrew its petition from the Supreme Court with the assurance that the matter would be referred to a Tribunal.
    • However, the Centre has not taken any action on the issue for over two years, while the two states continue to engage in ongoing disputes.

    Way Forward

    Considering the prolonged dispute and the failure to reach a resolution, it is crucial for all stakeholders to take proactive steps. The following measures could be considered:

    • Mediation: Appoint an independent body or mediator to facilitate negotiations between the two states and assist in finding a fair and mutually agreeable solution.
    • Scientific assessment: Conduct a comprehensive scientific assessment of the basin parameters, water requirements, and the impact of existing water utilization practices to inform the allocation of water shares.
    • Public awareness: Raise public awareness about the importance of water conservation, efficient utilization, and sustainable practices to reduce the overall demand for water resources.
    • Implementation of recommendations: Act upon the recommendations of previous tribunals and committees to ensure equitable distribution of water resources and address the grievances of both states.
    • More deliberations: Foster a spirit of cooperation and collaboration between AP and Telangana to jointly manage and sustainably utilize the Krishna River water resources for the benefit of both regions.

    It is crucial for the central government to play an active role in facilitating dialogue, providing necessary support, and expediting the resolution process to ensure a fair and just outcome for all parties involved.

     

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  • In news: Sikkim Statehood Day

    sikkim

    Sikkim Statehood Day

    • Sikkim day is annually celebrated on May 16, commemorating the integration of Sikkim with India in 1975.
    • The process of Sikkim joining India occurred about two decades after Sardar Vallabbhai Patel led the integration of princely states into India.

    Sikkim’s History with the Chogyal Royals

    • The kingdom of Sikkim was established in 1642 when Phuntsong Namgyal was consecrated as the first ruler or Chogyal.
    • Sikkim’s monarchy, under the Namgyal dynasty, lasted for 333 years until its integration with India in 1975.
    • Sikkim had a Tibetan origin and was located between India and China. It often faced conflicts over land with Bhutan and Nepal.
    • The British saw Sikkim as a buffer state and established a formal relationship with it.
    • Various treaties like the Treaty of Tumlong (1861), Treaty of Titaliya (1817), Calcutta Convention (1890), and Lhasa Convention (1904) shaped the relationship between Sikkim and the British.

    Independent India and Sikkim

    • After India’s independence, princely states had the option to accede to India or Pakistan.
    • Sikkim’s unique relationship with British rule led to complexities in its integration with India.
    • Sardar Vallabbhai Patel and BN Rau wanted Sikkim to sign the Instrument of Accession to integrate it with India.
    • Jawaharlal Nehru acknowledged the situation in Sikkim and emphasized its autonomous growth.
    • Sikkim State Congress (SSC), Praja Mandal (PM), and Praja Sudharak Samaj (PSS) demanded a popular government, abolition of landlordism, and accession to India.
    • A Standstill Agreement was signed to maintain the existing arrangement while discussions continued.

    War with China

    • Sikkim had a state council with elected and nominated members.
    • Political developments in the 1960s and 1970s played a significant role in Sikkim’s status.
    • The formation of the Sikkim National Congress (SNC) in 1960 and changes in political leadership on both sides influenced the course of events.
    • India-China war of 1962 and containment of border skirmishes made it important to clarify the relationship between India and Sikkim.

    How Sikkim finally joined India?

    • The Indian leadership started supporting pro-democracy forces in Sikkim, such as Kazi Dorji of the SNC.
    • Protests in Sikkim in 1973 led to a tripartite agreement between the Chogyal, the Indian government, and three major political parties.
    • Elections were held in 1974, and a new constitution limited the role of the monarch.
    • A referendum held in 1975 resulted in a majority vote in favor of joining India.
    • The Constitution (Thirty-Sixth Amendment) Bill was passed, recognizing Sikkim as a state in the Union of India.
    • Sikkim’s new parliament proposed a bill for Sikkim to become an Indian state, which was accepted by the Indian government.

     

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