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Subject: Governance

Important aspects of Society

  • [pib] Lokpal-Online: Platform for management of complaints

    The (first) Chairperson, Lokpal of India, Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghose has inaugurated’ a digital Platform for Management of Complaints called ‘Lokpal-Online’.

    Lokpal-Online

    • Lokpal-Online is an end-to-end digital solution for the management of complaints against public servants filed under the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013.
    • It is a web-based facility, which will quicken the disposal of complaints in an accountable, transparent and efficient manner with benefits to all stakeholders.
    • It facilitates handling of complaints during the complete lifecycle of the Complaint, right from its filing to the final disposal.
    • It aims to bring more transparency and efficiency to the complaint handling mechanism.

    Notable features of Online-Lokpal

    • Convenience to complainants for filing complaints online from anywhere anytime
    • Information to the complainant about action on the complaint at every stage through e-mails and SMS
    • Facility to the complainant to ascertain the status of complaint at anytime
    • Identity of the complaint is kept confidential
    • The CVC, CBI and other inquiry agencies can upload their reports directly on the ‘Lokpal-Online’ platform.
    • Reminders to inquiry agencies through e-mails and SMS
    • Generation of analytical reports as per requirement

    Back2Basics: Lokpal

    • The Lokpal, the apex body to inquire and investigate graft complaints against public functionaries, came into being with the appointment of its chairperson and members in March 2019.
    • In March 2019, former SC judge Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghose was selected as the first head of the Lokpal.

    Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013

    • The Lokpal Act 2013 is anti-corruption legislation that seeks to provide for the establishment of the institution of Lokpal.
    • It seeks to inquire into allegations of corruption against certain important public functionaries including the PM, cabinet ministers, MPs, Group A officials of the Central Government, etc.
    • The Bill was introduced in the parliament following massive public protests led by anti-corruption crusader Anna Hazare and his associates.
    • The Bill is one of the most widely discussed and debated Bills in India in recent times.

    Its history

    • The term Lokpal was coined in 1963 by Laxmi Mall Singhvi, a member of parliament during a parliamentary debate about grievance mechanisms.
    • The Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) headed by Morarji Desai submitted an interim report on “Problems of Redressal of Citizen’s Grievances” in 1966.
    • In this report, ARC recommended the creation of two special authorities designated as ‘Lokpal’ and ‘Lokayukta’ for a redress of citizens’ grievances.
    • Maharashtra was the first state to introduce Lokayukta through The Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act in 1971.

     

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  • AFSPA and the challenges ahead

    Context

    The death of civilians in Nagaland in a security operation has revived the debate about AFSPA.

    Demand for repeal of AFSPA

    • Some years ago, all the northeastern states had come together to demand the annulment of this Act.
    • That remained in the realm of yet another “demand”.
    • In 1997, after Nagaland’s most enduring insurgent outfit, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN), led by Isak Swu and T H Muivah, first decided to talk peace with the Indian government, the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) had approached the Supreme Court for revocation of the Act.
    • Enabling legislation: The apex court had then upheld its constitutionality and said it was an enabling legislation that confers minimum powers on the army to operate in situations of widespread internal disorder.

    Way forward

    • Talk to the other groups: Many are wondering if the peace talks between the NSCN (IM) and the government of India now lie in tatters.
    • The media has focussed exclusively on the NSCN (IM) and ignored the other Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs), who have been brought on board because they are Nagaland-based and speak exclusively for Nagaland.
    • The NNPGs and the Gaon Bura Association of Nagaland doubt NSCN(IM)’s ability to bring lasting peace in Nagaland.
    • Since 2015, the Nagaland Gaon Bura Association, the apex body of Nagas which includes all the 16 recognised tribes and the NNPGs barring the NSCN (IM), have sent several memorandums to the government.
    • These representatives of the Naga people do not demand a separate flag or constitution because they understand these are tenuous demands.
    • These groups have also never raised the sovereignty issue.
    • The working committee of the seven NNPGs, roped in to join the peace talks, are also opposed to the idea of changing interlocutors as and when the NSCN (IM) decides.
    • Reconsider use of AFSPA: There is a need to reconsider the use of the army and AFSPA when killings have reduced considerably.
    • The apex body has specifically mentioned that they want to be delivered from the gun culture.
    • Check the misuse of FMR: Countering insurgency in the Northeast is fraught also because of the Free Movement Regime (FMR) between India and Myanmar.

    Conclusion

    The government need to reconsider the use of AFSPA and also focus on other measures to ensure peace and stability in these regions.

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  • Tobacco Consumption in India

    Tobacco use is known to be a major risk factor for several non-communicable diseases in India.

    Tobacco abuse in India

    • In India, 28.6% of adults above 15 years and 8.5% of students aged 13-15 years use tobacco in some form or the other.
    • This makes the country the second-largest consumer of tobacco in the world.

    Concern: No action against Tobacco

    • India bears an annual economic burden of over ₹1, 77,340 crores on account of tobacco use.
    • There has been no major increase in taxation of tobacco products to discourage the consumption of tobacco in the past four years since the introduction of GST.
    • Only in 2020-21, the Union Budget had the effect of increasing the average price of cigarettes by about 5%.
    • Yet, the excise duty on tobacco in India continues to remain extremely low.

    A worrying trend

    • No increase in tax: The absence of an increase in tax means more profits for the tobacco industry and more tax revenue foregone for the government.
    • Revenue losses: This revenue could have easily been utilized during the COVID-19 pandemic.
    • Losses due to GST: There has been a 3% real decline in GST revenues from tobacco products in each of the past two financial years.

    Present governance of Tobacco

    • GST slab: Tobacco at present is a highly taxed commodity. It is kept in the 28% GST slab (other than for tobacco leaves which is taxed at 5%).
    • Heavy cess: Tobacco and its various forms are also subject to a heavy burden of cess, given that the commodity is seen as a sin good.
    • Statutory warning: The government also uses pictures of cancer patients on the packages of cigarettes to discourage its use.

    Federal issues

    • Excise taxes on many tobacco products used to be regularly raised in the annual Union Budgets before the GST.
    • Similarly, several State governments used to regularly raise value-added tax (VAT) on tobacco products.
    • During the five years before the introduction of the GST, most State governments had moved from having a low VAT regime on tobacco products to having a high VAT regime.

    Implication of such policies

    • Increased consumption: The lack of tax increases in post-GST years might mean that some current smokers smoke more now and some non-smokers have started smoking.
    • Reverse trend in decline: This could potentially lead to a reversal of the declining trend in prevalence.
    • Affordability: Tobacco products are more affordable post-GST as shown in recent literature from India.
    • Missing up national target: This might jeopardise India’s commitment to achieving 30% tobacco use prevalence reduction by 2025 as envisaged in the National Health Policy of 2017.

    Way forward

    • Several countries in the world have high excise taxes along with GST or sales tax and they are continuously being revised.
    • We must adhere to the WHO recommendation for a uniform tax burden of at least 75% for each tobacco product.
    • The Union government should take a considerate view of public health and significantly increase excise taxes — either basic excise duty or NCCD — on all tobacco products.
    • Taxation should achieve a significant reduction in the affordability of tobacco products to reduce tobacco use prevalence and facilitate India’s march towards sustainable development goals.

     

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  • Global Health Security Index, 2021

    Countries across all income levels remain dangerously unprepared to meet future epidemic and pandemic threats, according to the new 2021 Global Health Security (GHS) Index.

    About GHS Index

    • The GHS Index is the first comprehensive assessment and benchmarking of health security and related capabilities across the 195 countries that make up the States Parties to the International Health Regulations.
    • It is a project of the Johns Hopkins Centre for Health Security, the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) and the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) and was first launched in October 2019.
    • It assesses countries across 6 categories, 37 indicators, and 171 questions using publicly available information.
    • It benchmarks health security in the context of other factors critical to fighting outbreaks, such as political and security risks, the broader strength of the health system, and country adherence to global norms.

    Parameters assessed

    The report is based on a questionnaire of 140 questions, organized across 6 categories, 34 indicators, and 85 sub-indicators. The six categories are:

    1. Prevention: Prevention of the emergence or release of pathogens
    2. Detection and Reporting: Early detection and reporting for epidemics of potential international concern
    3. Rapid Response: Rapid response to and mitigation of the spread of an epidemic
    4. Health System: Sufficient and robust health system to treat the sick and protect health workers
    5. Compliance with International Norms: Commitments to improving national capacity, financing plans to address gaps, and adhering to global norms
    6. Risk Environment: Overall risk environment and country vulnerability to biological threats

    Global performance

    • In 2021, no country scored in the top tier of rankings and no country scored above 75.9, the report showed.
    • The world’s overall performance on the GHS Index score slipped to 38.9 (out of 100) in 2021, from a score of 40.2 in the GHS Index, 2019.
    • This, even as infectious diseases are expected to have the greatest impact on the global economy in the next decade.
    • Some 101 countries high-, middle- and low-income countries, including India, have slipped in performance since 2019.

    Indian scenario

    • India, with a score of 42.8 (out of 100) too, has slipped by 0.8 points since 2019.
    • Three neighboring countries — Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Maldives — have improved their score by 1-1.2 points.

    Conclusion

    • Health emergencies demand a robust public health infrastructure with effective governance.
    • The trust in government, which has been a key factor associated with success in countries’ responses to COVID-19, is low and decreasing, the index noted.

     

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  • Repealing AFSPA will strengthen Constitution

    Context

    The killing of 14 civilians in Nagaland in a security operation has sparked debate over the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA).

    Case for repeal of AFSPA

    • The repeal of AFSPA is necessary not just for restoring constitutional sanity, but also as a way of acknowledging dark history of our conduct in Nagaland.
    • If the moral case for repealing AFSPA is strong, the political case points in the same direction as well.
    • Need for ensuring individual dignity: The political incorporation of Nagaland (and all other areas where this law applies) will be set back if the guarantees of individual dignity of the Indian Constitution are not extended.
    • Not state of exception: We often describe AFSPA in terms of a “state of exception”.
    • But this theoretical term is misleading. How can a law that has been in virtually continuous existence since 1958 be described as an “exception”.

    Why AFSPA is counterproductive to Army

    • Distortion of choice: First, giving wide immunity to the forces can distort the choice of strategy in counter insurgency operations.
    • Reduce professionalism: Second, wider immunity can often reduce rather than increase the professionalism of the forces.
    • Against federalism: Third, we are constantly in the vicious circle that leads to central dominance in a way that undermines both Indian federalism and operational efficiency.

    Powers and limits under AFSPA

    • The Act grants extraordinarily sweeping powers to the armed forces of search, seizure, arrest, the right to shoot to kill.
    • No blanket immunity: It is true that AFSPA does not grant blanket immunity.
    • The SC guidelines: The Supreme Court laid down guidelines for the use of AFSPA in 1997; and in principle, unprofessional conduct, crimes and atrocities can still be prosecuted.
    • But this will run into two difficulties.
    • Lack of accountability mechanism: As the Jeevan Reddy Committee that advocated the repeal of AFSPA pointed out, the accountability mechanisms internal to AFSPA have not worked.
    • In 2017, the Supreme Court ordered a probe into 1,528 extra-judicial killings in Manipur.
    • At the least, this order seemed to suggest the problems with AFSPA were systemic.
    • But there have apparently been no hearings in this case for three years.
    • Lack of human empathy: At the heart of AFSPA is a profound mutilation of human empathy.
    • Our discourse is a rather abstract one, balancing concepts of human rights and national security.

    Conclusion

    It is high time that all parties come together to repeal AFSPA. It will also be in the fitness of things if all parties got together to acknowledge the trauma in Nagaland and elsewhere. This will strengthen, not weaken, the comatose Indian constitutional project.

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  • Need for closer scrutiny of reduced out-of-pocket expenditure on health

    Context

    The National Health Accounts (NHA) report for 2017-18 is being celebrated widely as it shows that total public spending on health as a percentage of GDP has increased to a historic high of 1.35% of GDP.

    India’s total public spending on health

    • One of the lowest in the world: India’s total public spending on health as a percentage of GDP or in per capita terms has been one of the lowest in the world.
    • Majority spent by the States: The Union government traditionally spends around a third of the total government spending whereas the majority is borne by the States.
    • There has been a policy consensus for more than a decade now that public spending has to increase to at least 2.5% of GDP.
    • However, there has not been any significant increase so far.
    • Despite several pronouncements, it has continued to hover around 1%-1.2% of GDP.

    Why NHA report is being celebrated?

    • The National Health Accounts (NHA) report capture spending on health by various sources, and track the schemes through which these funds are channelised to various providers in a given time period for a given geography.
    • The National Health Accounts (NHA) report for 2017-18 is being celebrated widely as it shows that total public spending on health as a percentage of GDP has increased to a historic high of 1.35% of GDP.
    • The increase shown in NHA 2017-18 is largely due to increase in Union government expenditure.
    • Increase in Centre’s share: For 2017-18, the Centre’s share in total public spending on health has jumped to 40.8%.
    • However, if we study the spending pattern of the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and the Ministry of AYUSH, we see that expenditure increased to 0.32% of GDP from 0.27% in 2016-17 — insufficient to explain the overall jump.

    Issues with NHA report

    • Expenditure of DMS included: Much of this increase has actually happened on account of a tripling of expenditure of the Defence Medical Services (DMS).
    • Compared to an expenditure of ₹10,485 in 2016-17, it increased to ₹32,118 crore.
    • Though the increasing spending for the health of defence personnel is a good thing, such spending does not benefit the general population. 
    •  Within government expenditure, the share of current health expenditure has come down to 71.9% compared to 77.9% a year ago.
    • Capital expenditure included: This essentially means, capital expenditure has increased, and specifically in defence.
    • There is a problem in accounting capital expenditure within the NHA framework.
    • Why capital expenditure needs to be left out: Equipment brought or a hospital that is built serves people for many years, so the expenditure incurred is used for the lifetime of the capital created and use does not get limited to that particular year in which expenditure is incurred.
    • The World Health Organization proposes to leave out capital expenditure from health accounts estimates, instead focus on current health expenditure.
    • Incomparable to other countries: In NHA estimates in India, in order to show higher public investment, capital expenditure is included; thus, Indian estimates become incomparable to other countries.
    • The NHA estimate also shows that out-of-pocket expenditure as a share of GDP has reduced to less than half of the total health expenditure.
    • NSSO 2017-18 data suggest that during this time period, utilisation of hospitalisation care has declined compared to 2014 NSSO estimates for almost all States and for various sections of society.
    • Sign of distress: The decline in out-of-pocket expenditure is essentially due to a decline in utilisation of care rather than greater financial protection.
    • Actually, the NSSO survey happened just after six months of demonetisation and almost at the same time when the Goods and Services Tax was introduced.
    • The disastrous consequences of the dual blow of demonetisation and GST on the purchasing power of people are quite well documented.
    • Another plausible explanation is linked to limitations in NSSO estimates. The NSSO fails to capture the spending pattern of the richest 5% of the population (who incur a large part of the health expenditure).
    • Thus, out-of-pocket expenditure measured from the NSSO could be an under-estimate as it fails to take into account the expenditure of the richest sections.

    Conclusion

    The reduction of out-of-pocket expenditure is a sign of distress and a result of methodological limitations of the NSSO, rather than a sign of increased financial protection.

     

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  • Why India will be scrutinised at Summit for Democracy

    Context

    On December 9 and 10, US President Joe Biden will host a virtual “summit for democracy”, which will bring together leaders of 100 countries, civil society and private sector representatives.

    Challenges to India’s democratic image

    • India categorised as partly free: The US-based Freedom House’s “Freedoms of the World” index categorises India as only “partly free”; the Swedish V-Dem calls India an “electoral autocracy”.
    • Others lump India with Hungary, Turkey and the Philippines, where authoritarian leaders rule the roost.
    • Factors affecting India’s image: Rights violations in Kashmir, suspension of internet services in Kashmir, the conflation of political dissent with the colonial-era crime of sedition, the use of anti-terrorism laws to silence critics, the failure of the state to ensure freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, the anti-Muslim amendments to citizenship laws have all but shredded India’s democratic image.

    Agenda of the summit

    • The agenda of the summit holds contemporary resonance in India.
    • Three broad themes: According to the State Department, the summit will convene around three broad themes — defending democracy against authoritarianism, addressing and fighting corruption, and promoting respect for human rights.
    • Leaders will be “encouraged” to announce “specific actions and commitments” to meaningful domestic reforms and international initiatives that advance the summit’s goals.

    Why India’s contribution to the agenda will be scrutinized closely

    • Cultural relativisms: One theme that emerges from these observations is that of cultural relativism — the “Indianness of India’s democracy”— “as India becomes ever more democratic, democracy will become ever more Indian in its sensibilities and texture”.
    • Role of civil society: A second theme is the role of civil society.
    • It has been accused of “defaming” or bringing harm to India, as espoused most recently in statements by the National Security Adviser, who also called them “the new frontier of a fourth-generation war”.
    • Ensuring democratic rights: Another noticeable theme is around the responsibility for ensuring democratic rights.

    Challenges for India

    • India has to reconcile the paradox inherent in submitting to international gaze at a global assembly where it is apparently required to make commitments adhering to “western” standards of democracy while claiming there is an Indian model.
    • In March this year, External Affairs Minister Jaishankar dismissed global standards and international metrics of democracy as rubbish.
    • For perspective, this is what China says too.
    • When President Biden brought up Beijing’s human rights record, President Xi Jinping told him there was no “uniform model” of democracy, and that dismissing other “forms of democracy different from one’s own is itself undemocratic.
    • The summit may intensify these differences, particularly because the host has no shining credentials either.
    •  If democracy-building was never the US goal in Afghanistan, as Biden declared, why make the unfreezing of Afghan assets overseas conditional to the Taliban turning democratic and inclusive overnight?

    Conclusion

    India’s expected participation in the summit will come against a rather bleak backdrop of relativism, misinformation, confusion, obfuscation and polarisation on issues of democracy, civil society and rights.

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  • What the NFHS data reveals about inequality in India

    Context

    The release of the NFHS data (and the Niti Aayog’s study on developing a multi-dimensional index of poverty — MPI) has led to a considerable amount of discussion, and justifiably so.

    Understanding the progress and development: MPI

    • The MPI is an Oxford-based initiative that develops an exclusive broadly non-monetary living standard index of poverty.
    • MPI indices are the third in the series of global studies on poverty.
    • Global studies on poverty: Global studies started with the World Bank’s income/consumption-based measure of absolute poverty.
    • The UN expanded the monetary index adding health and education indicators via the Human Development Index (HDI).

    Evolution of poverty over time

    • Like with the other poverty indices (World Bank and HDI), most information and useful policy analysis comes via a study of the inter-temporal evolution of poverty. 
    • Regional inequality: Ajit Ranade acknowledges that regional inequality has existed for some time, but he argues that poverty incidence across Indian states even as per the MPI is astoundingly unequal.
    • T N Ninan talks about the simultaneous existence of Africa’s Sahel region and the Philippines in India.
    • He finds that the two Indias are not getting any closer.
    • Indeed, India’s development trajectory has not been uniform, but the regional imbalance of development cannot be viewed at a fixed point in time.

    Analysing the NHFS data

    • A detailed examination of the summary statistics reported in the NFHS data (large and small states of India for the two years 2015-16 and 2019-21), reveals the opposite result.
    • Convergence: The analysis reveals remarkable convergence in living standards, a convergence possibly unparalleled in Indian history and in the space of just five years.
    • NFHS reports the averages for all states, and for 131 variables, for two years 2015-16 and 2020-21.
    • Seventeen of these 131 welfare indicators are used to construct indices under four classifications.
    • Improvement in lives of girls/women: The first classification concerns itself with the improvement in the lives of girls/women (five indicators, for example, sex ratio, fertility, female education).
    • Housing conditions: The second bucket consists of housing conditions (three indicators, for example, improved sanitation, clean fuel).
    • Children’s welfare: The third list consists of children’s welfare (four indicators such as adequate diet, stunting)
    • Women’s welfare: The fourth classification includes women’s empowerment (five indicators, for example, owning a house, less spousal violence).
    • Given that Niti Aayog’s report primarily relies on the NFHS-4, these findings can be used as the baseline scenario to evaluate the delta — that is, the per cent change in indicators between NFHS-4 and NFHS-5.
    • The table reports the results for several states.

    • Seventeen indicators imply a maximum possible score of 1,700.
    • Kerala performs the best with an aggregate index of 1,300 in NFHS-5 — a very small 1.5 per cent increase from its 2015-16 value.
    • In contrast, Bihar increases its index by 56 per cent.
    • Punjab does better than Tamil Nadu and today has a higher index – 1,240 versus 1,178 in 2020-21.
    • UP (along with Rajasthan and MP) performs the best — a 60 plus per cent increase in the welfare index, more than five times the increase in the rich states.

    Major findings from the NHFS data

    • Convergence: Higher improvement by less developed states is evidence in support of catch-up, which suggests that regional imbalances are reducing, and in some indicators, rapidly so.
    • States such as UP, Bihar and Jharkhand are fast approaching similar standards for select indicators as some of the “developed” states.
    • Result of targeted intervention: This acceleration in catch up is no coincidence, but rather an outcome of an approach that involves targeted interventions to improve developmental outcomes.
    • The approach was not just limited to sanitation, proper fuel or electricity — interventions that are targeted to an individual household — but also to the holistic development of an entire region.

    Consider the question “What does NHFS-5 data reveal about the inequality in India?”

    Conclusion

    India has been, and was, not one but several Indias. What is remarkable about its recent history is the rapid process of uneven change — where progress is considerably higher for the poorer states — the convergent, and inclusive pattern of development. That is the real story behind the NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 numbers.

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  • The NIRF’s ranking of education institutions on a common scale is problematic

    Context

    The ranking of State-run higher education institutions (HEIs) together with centrally funded institutions using the National Institutional Ranking Framework, or the NIRF, is akin to comparing apples and oranges.

    Institute data

    • According to an All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) 2019-20 report, there are 1,043 HEIs.
    • Of these, 48 are central universities.
    • 135 are institutions of national importance,
    • 1 is a central open university,
    • 386 are State public universities,
    • 5 are institutions under the State legislature act,
    • 14 are State open universities,
    • 327 are State private universities,
    • 1 is a State private open university,
    • 36 are government deemed universities,
    • 10 are government aided deemed universities.
    • 80 are private deemed universities.

    Comparison of financial health of State HEI with Central HEIs

    • A close study of the above data shows that 184 are centrally funded institutions (out of 1,043 HEIs in the country) to which the Government of India generously allocates its financial resources in contrast to inadequate financial support provided by State governments to their respective State public universities and colleges.
    • The Central government earmarked the sums, ₹7,686 crore and ₹7,643.26 crore to the IITs and central universities, respectively, in the Union Budget 2021.
    • Ironically, out of the total student enrolment, the number of undergraduate students is the largest (13,97,527) in State public universities followed by State open universities (9,22,944).

    How NIRF ranks the education institutions?

    • Parameters set by the core committee of experts: The NIRF outlines a methodology to rank HEIs across the country, which is based on a set of metrics for the ranking of HEIs as agreed upon by a core committee of experts set up by the then Ministry of Human Resources Development (now the Ministry of Education), Government of India
    • The NIRF ranks HEIs on five parameters: teaching, learning and resources; research and professional practice; graduation outcome; outreach and inclusivity, and perception.

    Where do State HEIs lag on NIRF parameters?

    • Teaching, learning and resources include metrics viz. student strength including doctoral students, the faculty-student ratio with an emphasis on permanent faculty, a combined metric for faculty with the qualification of PhD (or equivalent) and experience, and financial resources and their utilisation.
    • Low faculty strength in State HEIs: In the absence of adequate faculty strength, most State HEIs lag behind in this crucial NIRF parameter for ranking.
    • The depleting strength of teachers has further weakened the faculty-student ratio with an emphasis on permanent faculty in HEIs.
    • Research and professional practise encompasses a combined metric for publications, a combined metric for quality of publications, intellectual property rights/patents and the footprint of projects, professional practice and executive development programmes.
    • Need for modernisation of laboratories: As most laboratories need drastic modernisation in keeping pace with today’s market demand, it is no wonder that State HEIs fare miserably in this parameter as well while pitted against central institutions.

    Issues with comparing State HEIs with Central HEIs

    • The difference in financial allocations diregarded: The financial health of State-sponsored HEIs is an open secret with salary and pension liabilities barely being managed.
    • Hence, rating such institutions vis-à-vis centrally funded institutions does not make any sense.
    • No cost-benefit analysis carried out: No agency carries out a cost-benefit analysis of State versus centrally funded HEIs on economic indicators such as return on investment the Government made into them vis-à-vis the contribution of their students in nation building parameters such as the number of students who passed out serving in rural areas, and bringing relief to common man.
    • While students who pass out of elite institutions generally prefer to move abroad in search of higher studies and better career prospects, a majority of State HEIs contribute immensely in building the local economy.
    • Issues in embracing technologies: State HEIs are struggling to embrace emerging technologies involving artificial intelligence, machine learning, block chains, smart boards, handheld computing devices, adaptive computer testing for student development.

    Consider the question “What are the challenges in the ranking of Higher Education Institutions in India? What are the issues faced by State HEI?”

    Conclusion

    Ranking HEIs on a common scale purely based on strengths without taking note of the challenges and the weaknesses they face is not justified. It is time the NIRF plans an appropriate mechanism to rate the output and the performance of institutes in light of their constraints and the resources available to them.

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  • Demand for Greater Tipraland in Tripura

    Several tribal outfits in Tripura have joined hands to push their demand for a separate state called Greater Tipraland for indigenous communities in the region.

    Demand for Greater Tipraland

    • The Protestants are demanding a separate state of ‘Greater Tipraland’ for the indigenous communities of the north-eastern state.
    • They want the Centre to carve out a separate state under Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution.
    • Greater Tipraland envisages a situation in which the entire Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTADC) area will be a separate state.
    • It also proposes dedicated bodies to secure the rights of the Tripuris and other aboriginal communities living outside Tripura.

    What does the Constitution say?

    • Article 2 of the Indian Constitution deals with the admission or establishment of new states.
    • Parliament may by law admit into the Union, or establish, new States on such terms and conditions, as it thinks fit,” it states.
    • Article 3 comes into play in the case of “formation of new States and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of existing States” by the Parliament.

    How did the demand originate?

    • Accessed state: Tripura was a kingdom ruled by the Manikya dynasty from the late 13th century until the signing of the Instrument of Accession with the Indian government on October 15, 1949.
    • Demographic changes: There is an anxiety among the indigenous communities in connection with the change in the demographics of the state due to the displacements from the erstwhile East Pakistan.
    • Existential threats: From 63.77 per cent in 1881, the population of the tribals in Tripura was down to 31.80 per cent by 2011.
    • Ethnic conflicts: In the intervening decades, ethnic conflict and insurgency gripped the state, which shares a nearly 860-km long boundary with Bangladesh.

    What has been done to address the grievances of indigenous communities?

    • The TTADC was formed under the sixth schedule to ensure development and secure the rights and cultural heritage of the tribal communities.
    • The TTADC, which has legislative and executive powers, covers nearly two-third of the state’s geographical area.

    Back2Basics: Autonomous District Council

    • The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India allows for the formation of autonomous administrative divisions which have been given autonomy within their respective states.
    • Most of these autonomous district councils are located in North East India but two are in Ladakh, a region administered by India as a union territory.
    • Presently, 10 Autonomous Councils in Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura are formed by virtue of the Sixth Schedule with the rest being formed as a result of other legislation.

    Powers and competencies

    Under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule, autonomous district councils can make laws, rules and regulations in the following areas:

    • Land management
    • Forest management
    • Water resources
    • Agriculture and cultivation
    • Formation of village councils
    • Public health
    • Sanitation
    • Village and town level policing
    • Appointment of traditional chiefs and headmen
    • Inheritance of property
    • Marriage and divorce
    • Social customs
    • Money lending and trading
    • Mining and minerals

    Judicial powers

    • Autonomous district councils have powers to form courts to hear cases where both parties are members of Scheduled Tribes and the maximum sentence is less than 5 years in prison.

    Taxation and revenue

    • Autonomous district councils have powers to levy taxes, fees and tolls on; building and land, animals, vehicles, boats, entry of goods into the area, roads, ferries, bridges, employment and income and general taxes for the maintenance of schools and roads.

     

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