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Subject: International Relations

  • For deeper, richer India-Mexico ties

    Context

    In 2021, Mexico and India commemorated 71 years of the establishment of diplomatic relations. This article is written by the Foreign Minister of Mexico, who has been on his official visit to India.

    Areas of cooperation between two countries

    • Mexico and India are members of the G-20, which brings together 20 of the largest economies in the world and whose presidency in 2023 will be assumed by India.
    • Non-permanent members of the security council: Both countries are non-permanent members of the United Nations Security Council this year.
    • At both forums, India and Mexico will contribute decisively to world peace and security, and will put poverty reduction at the centre of the multilateral debate.
    • The health sector is another cornerstone of our exchanges.
    • Mexico will strengthen its cooperation with India as one of the leading global producers of medicines and will also seek joint pharmaceutical manufacturing.
    • Another key focus area of cooperation will be aerospace.
    • Although it was started less than a decade ago, this has enormous potential for the Mexican Space Agency and for regional initiatives such as the recently established Latin American and Caribbean Space Agency (ALCE) of which Mexico is the founder.
    • In the economic sphere, Mexico’s links with India, the sixth-largest economy in the world and our tenth-largest trading partner, undoubtedly offers a wide range of prospects for Mexico’s productive sectors.

    Conclusion

    Links between India and Mexico have evolved positively in recent years, demonstrating the complementarities between two ancient countries, rich in history and diversity. In this spirit, we will take a firm step towards a tangible alliance to showcase this evolution, which could result in mutual benefits.

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  • Bridging the bay in quest of a stronger BIMSTEC

    Context

    Sri Lanka is gearing up to host the Fifth Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) Summit, now in its silver jubilee year. The summit is being held in virtual/hybrid mode and Sri Lanka is the current BIMSTEC chair.

    Why BIMSTEC matters for India and the region

    • The unique ecology of BIMSTEC is witnessing enriched political support and commitment from India.
    • India has made the Bay of Bengal integral to India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ and ‘Act East’ policies which can accelerate the process of regional integration.
    • Significance in economic and strategic space: Finalising the BIMSTEC Charter; BIMSTEC Master Plan for Transport Connectivity; BIMSTEC Convention on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters; BIMSTEC Technology Transfer Facility (TTF); cooperation between diplomatic academies/training institutions; and a template of Memorandum of Association for the future establishment of BIMSTEC centres/entities present signs of optimism.
    • BIMSTEC as a centre of Indo-Pacific: With a re-emergence of the idea of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ region, the growing economic, geopolitical and security connections between the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean regions are creating a shared strategic space.
    • The Bay of Bengal is evolving as the centre of the Indo-Pacific region again.
    • The renewed focus has given a new lease of life to the developmental efforts in the region, in particular BIMSTEC.

    Way forward for BIMSTEC

    1] Political support and strong commitment from all member countries

    • With a changed narrative and approach, the Bay of Bengal has the potential to become the epicentre of the Indo-Pacific idea — a place where the strategic interests of the major powers of East and South Asia intersect.
    • Potential of BIMSTEC: There is a greater appreciation of BIMSTEC’s potential due to geographical contiguity, abundant natural and human resources, and rich historical linkages and a cultural heritage for promoting deeper cooperation in the region.
    • Political support and strong commitment from all member countries are crucial in making BIMSTEC a dynamic and effective regional organisation.

    2] Boost connectivity

    • Connectivity is essential to develop a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable Bay of Bengal region.
    • The BIMSTEC Master Plan for Transport Connectivity will provide the necessary boost to connectivity.
    •  Therefore, BIMSTEC needs to address two dimensions of connectivity – one, upgrading and dovetailing national connectivity into a regional road map; and two, development of both hard and soft infrastructures.

    3] Enhance cooperation in different areas

    • There is growing involvement of educational institutions, industries and business chambers through various forums and conclaves which are helping to enhance cooperation in the areas of education, trade and investments, information technology and communication among others.
    • India has implemented its promise to set up a Centre for Bay of Bengal Studies (CBS) at Nalanda University, Bihar for research on art, culture and other subjects related to the Bay of Bengal.

    4] Strengthen the institutional capacity of the BIMSTEC Secretariat

    • The BIMSTEC Secretariat coordinates, monitors and facilitates the implementation of BIMSTEC activities and programmes. The leaders must agree to strengthen the institutional capacity of the BIMSTEC Secretariat.
    • Charter for BIMSTEC: Approval of a charter for BIMSTEC during the summit will further augment its visibility and stature in international fora.

    Conclusion

    The quest for economic growth and the development of the BIMSTEC region can be achieved with single-minded focus and cooperation among the member counties. In this endeavour, India has a key role in accelerating regional cooperation under the BIMSTEC framework and in making it vibrant, stronger and result-oriented.

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  • India seeks closer BIMSTEC partnership

    Addressing the ministerial of the BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi–Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation), EAM S. Jaishankar urged closer cooperation and connectivity among the members.

    What is BIMSTEC?

    • The BIMSTEC formed in 1997 is an international organisation of seven South Asian and Southeast Asian nations, housing 1.73 billion people and having a combined gross domestic product of $3.8 trillion (2021).
    • The BIMSTEC member states – Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand – are among the countries dependent on the Bay of Bengal.
    • Leadership is rotated in alphabetical order of country names. The permanent secretariat is in Dhaka, Bangladesh.
    • A BIMSTEC free trade agreement is under negotiation (c. 2018), also referred to as the mini SAARC.

    Objectives of BIMSTEC

    There are 14 main sectors of BIMSTEC along technological and economic cooperation among South Asian and Southeast Asian countries along the coast of the Bay of Bengal.

    1. Trade & Investment
    2. Transport & Communication
    3. Energy
    4. Tourism
    5. Technology
    6. Fisheries
    7. Agriculture
    8. Public Health
    9. Poverty Alleviation
    10. Counter-Terrorism & Transnational Crime
    11. Environment & Disaster Management
    12. People-to-People Contact
    13. Cultural Cooperation
    14. Climate Change

    About the proposed BIMSTEC FTA Framework

    • The BIMSTEC FTA has been signed by all member nations to stimulate trade and investment in the parties, and attract outsiders to trade with and invest in the BIMSTEC countries at a higher level.
    • Subsequently, the “Trade Negotiating Committee” (TNC) was set up, with Thailand as the permanent chair, to negotiate in areas of trade in goods and services, investment, economic co-operation, trade facilitations and technical assistance for LDCs.
    • Once negotiation on trade in goods is completed, the TNC would then proceed with negotiation on trade in services and investment.

    Others

    (1) BIMSTEC Coastal Shipping Agreement draft

    • It was discussed on 1 December 2017 in New Delhi, to facilitate coastal shipping within 20 nautical miles of the coastline in the region to boost trade between the member countries.
    • Compared to the deep sea shipping, coastal ship require smaller vessels with lesser draft and involve lower costs.
    • Once the agreement becomes operational after it is ratified, a lot of cargo movement between the member countries can be done through the cost effective, environment friendly and faster coastal shipping routes.

    (2) BIMSTEC Master Plan for Transport Connectivity

    • The BIMSTEC Master Plan for Transport Connectivity, finalized under India’s chairmanship of the expert group last year, envisages a seamless multimodal transport system across the region.
    • This will stimulate intra-regional trade and investment in the region.
    • It identifies 264 projects requiring an investment of $ 126 billion over a ten year horizon from 2018–2028.

     

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  • BIMSTEC must get back on course

    Context

    As world attention remains focused on the war in Ukraine, leaders of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) will attend a summit meeting of the regional organisation.

    Fourteen pillars for special focus

    • Founded in 1997, the seven-member BIMSTEC includes the littoral states of India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Myanmar (Thailand is a member too) and the land-locked states of Nepal and Bhutan.
    • BIMSTEC has identified 14 pillars for special focus.
    • These are trade and investment, transport and communication, energy, tourism, technology, fisheries, agriculture, public health, poverty alleviation, counter terrorism and transnational crime, environment and disaster management, people-to-people contact, cultural cooperation and climate change.
    • While each sector is important, the segmented approach has resulted in aspirations rather than action.
    • The upcoming summit is an opportunity to take concrete steps to address critical challenges confronting the region.

    Challenges facing Bay of Benga

    1] Threat facing marine ecosystem

    • The Bay is an important source of natural resources for a coastal population of approximately 185 million people.
    • The Bay of Bengal is home to a large network of beautiful yet fragile estuaries, mangrove forests of around 15,792 square kilometres, coral reefs of around 8,471 sq.km, sea grass meadows and mass nesting sites of sea turtles.
    • Loss of mangrove and coral reefs: The annual loss of mangrove areas is estimated at 0.4% to 1.7% and coral reefs at 0.7%. I
    • Increasing sea levels: It is predicted that the sea level will increase 0.5 metres in the next 50 years.
    • Cyclonic storms: Moreover, there have been 13 cyclonic storms in the last five years.
    • According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the Bay of Bengal is one of IUU fishing hotspots in the Asia-Pacific.
    • The pressing challenges that confront the Bay of Bengal include the emergence of a dead zone with zero oxygen where no fish survive;
    • Leaching of plastic from rivers as well as the Indian Ocean;
    • Destruction of natural protection against floods such as mangroves; sea erosion;
    • Growing population pressure and industrial growth in the coastal areas and consequently, huge quantities of untreated waste flow.

    2] Security threats

    • Security threats such as terrorism, piracy and tensions between countries caused by the arrests of fishermen who cross maritime boundaries are additional problems.
    • The problem of fishermen crossing into the territorial waters of neighbouring countries affect India and Sri Lanka and Bangladesh and Myanmar (also Pakistan on the west coast).

    Way forward

    1] Tap the blue economy potential of Bay of Bengal by creating a regional mechanism

    • There are many opportunities to develop maritime trade, shipping, aquaculture and tourism.
    • The BIMSTEC Summit must create a new regional mechanism for coordinated activities on maritime issues of a transboundary nature.
    • There is also a need for greater scientific research on the impact of climate change in general and on fisheries in particular.
    • Cooperation on marine research: At present, there is limited cooperation between countries of the region in marine research.
    • The use of modern technology and improved fishing practices can go a long way in restoring the health of the Bay.

    2] Focus on the marine environmental protection

    • Marine environmental protection must become a priority area for cooperation in the Bay of Bengal.
    • Develop regional protocols: Regional protocols need to be developed and guidelines and standards on pollution control established.
    • Need for home-grown solutions: There is a need for home-grown solutions based on the capabilities of local institutions and for mutual learning through regional success stories.
    • Regional framework for data collection: There is a need to create regional frameworks for data collection.
    • Participatory approaches must be evolved for near-real-time stock assessment and the creation of a regional open fisheries data alliance.
    • The Bay of Bengal Programme (BOBP), an inter-governmental organisation based in Chennai, is doing good work to promote sustainable fishing.
    • A Bay Of Bengal Large Marine Ecosystem (BOBLME) project is also being launched by the FAO with funding from the Global Environmental Facility (GEF) and others.
    • The BIMSTEC summit must express full support for both BOBP and BOBLME.
    • The summit must mandate officials to come up with measures to curtail unsustainable as well as IUU fishing.
    • Harmonisation of laws in littoral states: Laws and policies in littoral states must be harmonised and the humanitarian treatment of fishermen ensured during any encounter with maritime law enforcement agencies.

    Conclusion

    The challenges that confront the Bay of Bengal region brook no more delay. BIMSTEC must arise, awake and act before it is too late.

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  • A good foreign policy must also make a difference at home

    Context

    This is the edited excerpts from the lecture delivered by India’s External Affairs Minister at St. Stephen’s College, Delhi on March 24.

    Relevance of foreign policy at personal level

    • Through a good foreign policy, our everyday needs from the world must be better met.
    • And since we are a collective as a country, our national security must be assured.
    • Foreign policy being the link to the outside, it should enable us to draw what we seek.
    • This could be in terms of technology or capital, best practices, or even work opportunities.
    • And obviously, we would all like to be strong; we would like to look good and we would like to feel appreciated.

    Recent instances in which India’s foreign policy directly influence the common man

    • Through Operation Ganga, Indian students stuck in Ukraine were brought home.
    • It was the result of intervention by India’s foreign policy apparatus at the highest levels in Russia and Ukraine to ensure the ceasing of fire for safe passage.
    •  When the first wave of Covid hit India in 2020, we scrambled across the world to secure PPEs, masks and ventilators.
    • And we did so in a seller’s market as the demand far exceeded supply.
    •  The second wave in 2021 saw a similar spike in demand for oxygen and specialised medicines from abroad.
    • Locating, negotiating and contracting supplies became the priority for Indian diplomacy. And it bent its back to deliver.

    Influence of foreign policy at the collective level

    • When it comes to security, external or internal, diplomacy could be a preventive, a mitigator or a problem-solver.
    • It can help raise awareness of a shared threat, just as it can find partners against common dangers.
    •  And then there is the economy, with its search for investment, technology and best practices.
    • In each of these sectors, foreign relationships can accelerate India’s progress.
    • And cumulatively, they expand employment and improve your quality of life.
    • It also matters to all of us what other nations think of India, our culture and our way of life.

    Role of foreign policy in delivering on development

    • The most effective foreign policy is one that delivers on development.
    • In Asia, all modernising economies have single-mindedly focused their external interactions on obtaining capital, technology and best practices from abroad.
    • It may be information technology or auto manufacturing, food production or food processing, metros or bullet trains, space capabilities or nuclear energy; the fruits of foreign collaboration are there today for all of us to see.
    • Newer challenges like green growth and climate action have started to open up still more possibilities.
    • All this happens because of our ability to identify, engage, negotiate and leverage opportunities of interest abroad across many many domains.

    Building blocks of India’s foreign policy

    • The six broad objectives that were spelt out to the policy-makers and implementers were clear.
    • 1] Shaping global perception: We must bring about a change of thinking in the world about us.
    • 2] Partnership on equal terms: The partnerships we should create should be on more equal terms, and with smaller countries, more generous.
    • 3] Shaping the global agenda: The global agenda and the big issues of our times should be shaped by India as much as possible.
    • 4] Leveraging foreign policy for domestic progress: Foreign relationships should be actively explored and leveraged for domestic development and progress.
    • 5] People-centric foreign policy: The very conceptualisation of foreign policy should be more people-centric.
    • 6] Our culture, traditions and thoughts should percolate our own articulation as well as influence international debates and initiatives.
    • Yoga and Ayurveda were obvious examples in this regard.

    Conclusion

    As we mark 75 years of independence, Azadi ka Amrit Mahotsav, there is good cause to be confident about our prospects. But to be so, it is equally important to be aware of the opportunities and challenges that the world currently presents. And surely, we can be so once we appreciate how much foreign policy really matters.

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  • In endgame of Vienna nuclear talks, Tehran holds the cards

    Context

    Iran’s foreign minister during his recent visit to Syria, noted that Iran and the major powers, who have been negotiating a mutual return to the Iran nuclear deal — or the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) — over the last eleven months, were closer to an agreement “than ever before”.

    Issues in the negotiation over Iran’s return to JCPOA

    • The ongoing eighth round of talks between Iran and P4+1, has been going on since December 27, 202.
    • These issues remaining are understood to be Tehran’s demand for guarantees against another withdrawal in the future, the verifiable lifting of all US sanctions, and the IAEA investigation into Iran’s past nuclear activities.
    • Guarantees against another withdrawal: On the issue of guarantees against another withdrawal, Iran is no longer demanding legal guarantees from Washington.
    • Lifting all sanctions: Tehran has refused to retreat from its uncompromising stance on the lifting of all US sanctions, while the Biden administration has so far been prepared to lift only those “inconsistent” with the deal.
    • Another key sticking point, though not directly related to the nuclear deal, is Iran’s demand that President Biden reverse his predecessor’s designation of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a Foreign Terrorist Organisation.

    Concerns

    •  Western interlocutors are alarmed by Iran’s shrinking breakout time — the time needed for gathering enough weapons-grade uranium to make a single nuclear warhead.
    • Also, they are concerned that the longer Iran stays outside the agreement, the more nuclear expertise and fissile material it will accumulate, thus making the original deal obsolete.
    • Thus, time is of the essence for reaching an agreement that will turn the clock back on Iran’s nuclear activities.

    Conclusion

    Iran uses its nuclear activities as a bargaining counter to seek an agreement that will best serve its interests. So, the early conclusion of the deal is important to turn the clock back on Iran’s nuclear activities.

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    Back2Basics: What is JCPOA

    • The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is a agreement reached by Iran and the P5+1 (China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States) on July 14, 2015.
    • The nuclear deal was endorsed by UN Security Council Resolution 2231, adopted on July 20, 2015.
    • Iran’s compliance with the nuclear-related provisions of the JCPOA is verified by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) according to certain requirements set forth in the agreement.
    • Despite Iran’s verified compliance with the deal, the United States unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA on May 8, 2018, and subsequently re-imposed all U.S. sanctions on Iran lifted by the accord.
    • Then-U.S. President Donald Trump cited the deal’s sunset provisions and its failure to account for Iran’s ballistic missile program, among other things, as impetus for withdrawal from the accord.

  • Who are the Bucharest Nine (B9) Countries?

    The envoys to India of nine Eastern European countries called Bucharest Nine jointly wrote to acquaint the Indian public with the basic facts on the ground” about the “premeditated, unprovoked and unjustified Russian aggression in Ukraine”.

    What is Bucharest Nine?

    • The “Bucharest Nine” is a group of nine NATO countries in Eastern Europe that became part of the US-led military alliance after the end of the Cold War.
    • The Bucharest Nine or Bucharest Format, often abbreviated as the B9, was founded on November 4, 2015, and takes its name from Bucharest, the capital of Romania.
    • The group was created on the initiative of Klaus Iohannis, who has been President of Romania since 2014, and Andrzej Duda, who became President of Poland in August 2015.

    Composition

    • The B9 are, apart from Romania and Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and the three Baltic republics of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
    • All members of the B9 are part of the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO).
    • All nine countries were once closely associated with the now dissolved Soviet Union, but later chose the path of democracy.
    • Romania, Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria are former signatories of the now-dissolved Warsaw Pact military alliance led by the Soviet Union.
    • The other Warsaw Pact countries were the erstwhile Czechoslovakia and East Germany, and Albania. Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania were part of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).

    Functions of B9

    • The B9 offers a platform for deepening the dialogue and consultation among the participant allied states, in order to articulate their specific contribution to the ongoing processes across the North-Atlantic Alliance.
    • It works in total compliance with the principles of solidarity and indivisibility of the security of the NATO Member States.

    Opposition to Russian expansion

    • The B9 countries have been critical of President Vladimir Putin’s aggression against Ukraine since 2014, when the war in the Donbas started and Russia annexed the Crimean peninsula.
    • After the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, the B9 met in Warsaw.
    • Ukraine’s President has also appealed to the B9 for defense aid, sanctions, pressure on the aggressor Russia and create one anti-war coalition.

     

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  • Places in news: Solomon Islands

    The Solomon Islands has defended plans to sign a security deal with Beijing that could allow China to boost its military presence in the South Pacific island nation. This has left Australia very concerned.

    Solomon Islands

    • Solomon Islands is a sovereign country consisting of six major islands and over 900 smaller islands in Oceania, to the east of Papua New Guinea and northwest of Vanuatu.
    • It has a land area of 28,400 square kilometres and a population of 652,858.[10] Its capital, Honiara, is located on the largest island, Guadalcanal.
    • The country takes its name from the Solomon Islands archipelago, which is a collection of Melanesian islands.
    • It also includes the North Solomon Islands (a part of Papua New Guinea), but excludes outlying islands, such as the Santa Cruz Islands and Rennell and Bellona.
    • The islands have been settled since at least some time between 30,000 and 28,800 BCE, with later waves of migrants, notably the Lapita people, mixing and producing the modern indigenous Solomon Islanders population.

     

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  • Time for India to redefine its relationship with Russia

    Context

    Russia’s war on Ukraine has decisively shaped international opinion. Indian foreign policy is also going to be affected in a profound manner.

    India’s foreign policy conundrum

    • Russia’s attack on Ukraine has put New Delhi in a foreign policy conundrum that will not disappear soon because Russia’s action has changed the global order.
    • India has not directly criticised Moscow’s action.
    • Memories of the historic Indo-Soviet partnership still seem to tip the scales when it comes to India’s vote at the UNSC.
    • Western countries have criticised India’s repeated abstentions at the UNSC on the issue of the Russian invasion.
    • The Western world has imposed unprecedented sanctions against Russia and banned energy imports.
    • New Delhi is concerned about the impact of these sanctions on global finance, energy supplies, and transportation, amid growing signs that they will constrain India’s ability to import Russian oil.

    India’s challenges

    • Russia’s increasing dependence on China: What must worry India is the fact that Russia will now become increasingly dependent on Chinese support to defend its policies.
    • The collapsing ruble, the punishing sanctions, and the dire state of the Russian economy will push Russia further into China’s military and economic orbit.
    • China’s challenge in Indo-Pacific: India’s real strategic challenge is surfacing in the Indo-Pacific with the rise of China, as Beijing has consistently sought to expand its zone of military, economic and political influence through the Belt and Road Initiative.
    • Though India would like the U.S. to continue to focus on China, it is not possible for Washington to ignore Russia’s aggression along NATO’s periphery.

    How India’s ties with Russia changed over time

    • Since the end of the Cold War, Indians have been debating the contours of strategic autonomy.
    • For one section the doctrine of ‘multi-alignment’ is the 21st century avatar of strategic autonomy as India has been expanding its engagement with all the major powers.
    • Following the disintegration of the USSR, India joined Russia and China against the unipolarity of the U.S.
    •  For some time, this common concern about unipolarity put the three countries on the same path towards mutual cooperation and understanding.
    • Later, Brazil and South Africa were also brought into this coalition.
    • However, it soon became clear that India and China did not see eye to eye.
    • Moreover, India was determined to maintain its partnership with Russia, an important arms supplier.
    • Its ties with the U.S. have also improved significantly since the end of the Cold War.
    • But continuing dependence on Russian weaponry has become India’s strategic headache.

    Way forward for India

    •  Under Mr. Putin, Russia is in a state of transition, swinging wildly from one crisis to another.
    • Therefore, it is too risky for India to pursue vague aims vis-à-vis Russia in these uncertain times.
    • A NATO-Russia Council was formed specifically to alleviate Russia’s concerns, and that Russia was recognised as one of the world’s leading industrial powers through a formal admission into the elite G-7.
    • Though Moscow has drifted much closer to Beijing, and is sharply critical of India’s engagement with the U.S. and the Quad, India finds it difficult to extend support to Ukraine.
    • It goes without saying that the U.S. is the country most likely to bolster India’s future as a great power.

    Conclusion

    It is not going to be easy for New Delhi to maintain its balancing act in the future as Washington hardens its position further. It is inevitable that during this time of diplomatic and strategic uncertainty, New Delhi needs to be ready to radically redefine its relationship with Moscow.

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  • Govt. steps in to tackle Russian trade hurdles

    The government has convened a multi-Ministerial group to look into how to overcome challenges in trade with Russia, including managing payments for exporters and importers.

    Recent course of updates

    • Many parliamentarians have raised concerns over India’s abstentions at the United Nations and the impact of Indian policy on India’s trade and ties with the US.
    • Developments indicate a possible revival of “rupee-rouble trade” in the wake of economic sanctions against Russian banks and entities by more than 40 US and European allies.
    • India’s position has been “steadfast and consistent”, and India has repeatedly called for the immediate cessation of violence and end to all hostilities.

    Gearing-up for a ‘Shaky’ response

    • FM responded to a question over India’s support on sanctions being “somewhat shaky” amongst Quad partners.
    • Leaders asked whether there would be any “negative impact” on India’s relations with its closest allies.

    India’s clear stance

    • Indian foreign policy decisions are made in Indian national interest and we are guided by our thinking, our views and our interests.
    • So, there is no question of linking the Ukraine situation to issues of trade, the FM clarified.

     

     

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