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Subject: International Relations

  • In news: Bhashan Char Island

    Bangladesh has announced that it will not move the Rohingyas settled on the Bhashan char island amid Corona pandemic.

    Try this question from CSP 2018:

    Q.Which one of the following pairs of islands is separated from each other by the ‘Ten Degree Channel’?

    (a) Andaman and Nicobar

    (b) Nicobar and Sumatra

    (c) Maldives and Lakshadweep

    (d) Sumatra and Java

    Bhashan Char Island

    • Bhasan Char also known as Char Piya, is an island in Hatiya, Bangladesh.
    • The island was formed with Himalayan silt in 2006 spanning 40 square kilometres.
    • It is underwater from June to September annually because of the monsoon, and it has no flood fences.
    • In June 2015, the Bangladeshi government suggested resettling Rohingya refugees on the island under its Ashrayan Project.
    • The proposal was characterized by the UN Refugee Agency as “logistically challenging”.

  • Broader strategic challenge of dealing with China

    • Identifying the nature of the threat posed by China is important to formulate a response. This article discusses the plan of action on the diplomatic, strategic and economic front to deal with Chinese aggression.

    Economic angle of China’s expansionism

    • The Chinese growth model needed to find subservient emerging markets.
    • In these markets, China can park huge debts and make investments to keep feeding China’s high growth rates.
    • Friendly foreign debt-investment markets were needed to compensate for over-investment at home.
    • The Belt and Road Initiative was rolled out as a meeting point for China’s geo-strategic and geo-economic interests.
    • China has expanded its global footprint by signing on about 100 countries to the BRI.
    • China has made aggressive moves on most of its non-submissive neighbours in the South China Sea.
    • China has also made moves against its traditional rivals like Japan and Taiwan to independent-minded nations like South Korea and Australia.
    • China sees itself as a global power whose time has come.

    India needs to play clearer role

    • Rise of China is shaking up global alignments and shaping new world order.
    • The Trump administration is increasingly being criticised for not providing global leadership.
    • India could afford to be largely non-aligned during the 20th century Cold War.
    • Our size and economic momentum necessitate that we play a clearer role in the Cold War’s 21st-century sequel.
    • India’s foreign policy has lacked a clear vision about China.
    • India has been deepening our strategic relationship with the US but without wanting to alarm China.

    India’s relation with neighbours

    • India’s relations with other neighbouring nations have also become a cause of concern.
    • Pakistan has practically become a minion state for the Chinese – the $62-billion CPEC is a case in the point.
    • Nepal is no longer on our list of all-weather friends.
    • Chinese influence is growing in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh — both signatories to the BRI.
    • And just last week, Beijing, sent another appallingly stern message to our loyal friend, Bhutan, by making ridiculous territorial claims.

    What should be India’s plan of action

    • Dealing with China will require conviction and exercising a range of military, diplomatic and economic options.
    • One forum we need to build on and provide leadership to is the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue.
    •  India should now propose the expansion of the Quad’s scope with a possible exploration of a collective defence architecture like NATO.
    • The membership of the Quad should be expanded to include Vietnam, South Korea, New Zealand, and Malaysia.
    • On the economic front, India must welcome the US proposal to expand G7 to include India, Russia, Australia and South Korea without China as a member.
    • Next area of focus should be strengthening ties with our neighbourhood.
    • Effort must be made to regain the relationship with Russia.

    Conclusion

    China must be made to choose: Is it willing to push the equally proud, equally numerous, equally historical and glorious civilisation to the south in this long-term direction for a few square kilometres of territory and a round of chest-thumping?

  • International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)

    United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteurs have made public their third communication forwarded to India expressing concern over alleged excessive use of force, ill-treatment during arrests and detentions.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.There is an urgent need for reforming the criminal justice system in India in light of rising cases of custodial torture and killings. Comment.

    What is the issue?

    The UN urged the Indian government to conduct a prompt and impartial investigation into the allegations of arbitrary killings, torture and ill-treatment and to prosecute suspected perpetrators under articles 6 and of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and articles 7 and 12 of the Committee Against Torture (CAT).

    What are the conventions cited by the UN?

    1) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)

    • The ICCPR is a multilateral treaty adopted by UN General Assembly Resolution on 16 December 1966, and in force from 23 March 1976.
    • The covenant commits its parties to respect the civil and political rights of individuals, including the right to life, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, electoral rights and rights to due process and a fair trial.
    • As of September 2019, the Covenant has 173 parties and six more signatories without ratification.
    • It is part of the International Bill of Human Rights, along with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).
    • It is monitored by the UN Human Rights Committee (a separate body to the UN Human Rights Council).

    2) United Nations Convention Against Torture (UNCAT)

    • The UNCAT is an international human rights treaty, under the review of the UN and was adopted in 1984.
    • It aims to prevent torture and other acts of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment around the world.
    • The convention requires states to take effective measures to prevent torture in any territory under their jurisdiction and forbids states to transport people to any country where there is reason to believe they will be tortured.
    • Since the convention’s entry into force, the absolute prohibition against torture and other acts of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment has become accepted as a principle of customary international law.

    3) The Committee against Torture (CAT)

    • It is a body of human rights experts that monitors implementation of the Convention by State parties.
    • The Committee is one of eight UN-linked human rights treaty bodies.
    • All state parties are obliged under the Convention to submit regular reports to the CAT on how rights are being implemented.
    • Upon ratifying the Convention, states must submit a report within one year, after which they are obliged to report every four years.
    • The Committee examines each report and addresses its concerns and recommendations to the State party in the form of “concluding observations.”
    • Under certain circumstances, the CAT may consider complaints or communications from individuals claiming that their rights under the Convention have been violated.

  • UAE in support of Open Skies Agreement with India

    The UAE is keen to have an open sky agreement with India.

    Open Skies Agreement! Look how confusing does it sound compared to the Open Skies Treaty between the US and Russia.

    What is the Open Skies Agreement?

    • The National Civil Aviation Policy, 2016, allows the government to enter into an ‘open sky’ air services agreement on a reciprocal basis with SAARC nations as well as countries beyond a 5,000-kilometre radius from New Delhi.
    • This implies that nations within this distance need to enter into a bilateral agreement and mutually determine the number of flights that their airlines can operate between the two countries.
    • India has open sky agreements with Japan, Greece, Jamaica, Guyana, Czech Republic, Finland, Spain and Sri Lanka.
    • India also has an open sky agreement with the US, among other countries.

    Why UAE wants such an agreement with India?

    • There are about 1,068 flights a week between India and the UAE operated by the airlines of the two countries under the bilateral Air Service Agreement.
    • India has open skies policy with SAARC countries and those beyond the 5,000-km radius.
    • UAE wants India to revisit this policy.

    Must read:

    U.S. set to exit the ‘Open Skies Treaty’ Copy

  • Patrolling Points along LAC

    The standoffs between Indian and Chinese troops in Ladakh on the Line of Actual Control (LAC), where initial steps towards disengagement have taken place, are around a number of patrolling points or PPs in Galwan, Hot Springs and Gogra areas.

    Do you know?

    The Galwan River flows from the Aksai Chin region occupied by China in the UT of Ladakh.  It originates in the area of Samzungling on the eastern side of the Karakoram Range and flows west to join the Shyok River.  It is one of the upstream tributaries of the Indus River.

    What exactly are Patrolling Points?

    • PPs are patrolling points identified and marked on the LAC, which are patrolled with a stipulated frequency by the security forces.
    • They serve as a guide to the location of the LAC for the soldiers, acting as indicators of the extent of ‘actual control’ exercised on the territory by India.
    • By regularly patrolling up to these PPs, the Indian side is able to establish and assert its physical claim about the LAC.

    Are all the Patrolling Points numbered?

    • Some of the PPs are prominent and identifiable geographical features, such as a pass, or a nala junction where no numerals are given.
    • Only those PPs, where there are no prominent features, are numbered as in the case of PP14 in Galwan Valley.

    Do all Patrolling Points fall on the LAC?

    • Mostly, yes. Except for the Depsang plains in northern Ladakh, where PP10, PP11, PP11A, PP12 and PP13 – from Raki Nala to Jivan Nala – do not fall on the LAC.
    • These are short of the LAC, on the Indian side.

    Are these Patrolling Points not manned?

    • The PPs are not posts and thus not manned. Unlike on the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan, the border with China is not physically held by the Army all along.
    • They are just physical markers on the ground, chosen for their location and have no defensive potential or tactical importance for the Army.

    How is the claim asserted on LAC?

    • The claim is asserted by the Army or joint Army-ITBP patrols as they show more visible presence in these areas.
    • This is done by physically visiting PPs with a higher frequency, as the deployment has moved closer to the LAC and due to improved infrastructure.
    • As the Chinese may not see when the Indian patrols visit these PPs, they will leave come cigarette packets or food tins with Indian markings behind.
    • That lets the Chinese know that Indian soldiers had visited the place, which indicates that India was in control of these areas.

    Who has given these Patrolling Points?

    • These PPs have been identified by the high-powered China Study Group, starting from 1975 when patrolling limits for Indian forces were specified.
    • It is based on the LAC after the government accepted the concept in 1993, which is also marked on the maps with the Army in the border areas.
    • But the frequency of patrolling to PPs is not specified by the CSG – it is finalised by the Army Headquarters in New Delhi, based on the recommendations made by the Army and ITBP.

    PP under dispute

    • PPs 10 to 13 in Depsang sector, PP14 in Galwan, PP15 in Hot Spring, and PP17 and PP17A in Gogra are currently being disputed by both sides, where the standoffs have taken place in the past nine weeks.

  • What India should do as a stakeholder in South China Sea

    There is growing pushback from the South China Sea littoral countries against Chinese aggressive behaviour. And as a stakeholder, India should consider the options to assert its rights there.

    Legality of China’s ‘nine-dash line’

    • The Philippines invoked the dispute settlement mechanism of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 2013.
    • Philippines contest the legality of China’s ‘nine-dash line’ regarding the disputed Spratlys.
    • In response, the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) at The Hague decreed that the line had “no legal basis.”
    • China dismissed the judgment as “null and void.”
    • China dismissed the award as “a political farce under the pretext of law.”

    Let’s analyse the PCA verdict

    • Verdict held that none of the features of the Spratlys qualified them as islands.
    • There was no legal basis for China to claim historic rights.
    • The UNCLOS provides that islands must sustain habitation and the capacity for non-extractive economic activity.
    • Verdict implied that China violated the Philippines Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).

    How ASEAN countries are dealing with China

    • Given the power equations, the Philippines did not press for enforcement of the award and acquiesced in the status quo.
    • Not one country challenged China, which agreed to settle disputes bilaterally, and to continue work on a Code of Conduct with countries of the ASEAN.
    • In reality, there is a growing discontent against China.
    • While avoiding military confrontation with China, they are seeking political insurance, strengthening their navies, and deepening their military relationships with the U.S.
    • The Philippines and the ASEAN’s protest is new for China.
    • This does China little credit, and points to its growing isolation.

    Instances of  pushback from ASEAN countries

    • Indonesia protested to China about Chinese vessels trespassing into its waters close to the Nantua islands.
    • The Philippines protested to China earlier this year about violations of Filipino sovereignty in the West Philippine Sea.
    • It also extended the Visiting Forces Agreement with the U.S. which is a strategic setback for China.
    • The Philippines also wrote to the UN Secretary-General (UNSG) in March disputing China’s claim of “historic rights in the South China Sea.”
    • Indonesia too wrote to the UNSG on this issue.
    • It expressed support for compliance with international law, particularly the UNCLOS, as also for the PCA’s 2016 ruling.

    India as a stakeholder

    • India’s foreign and security policy in its larger neighbourhood covers the entire expanse of the Asia-Pacific and extends to the Persian Gulf and West Asia.
    • India straddles, and is the fulcrum of, the region between the Suez and Shanghai.
    • The South China Sea carries merchandise to and from India.
    • It follows that India has a stake in the SCS, just as China has in the Indian Ocean.

    What should be India’s response

    • India must continue to actively pursue its defence diplomacy outreach in the Indo-Pacific region.
    • As a part of this outreach, India should increase military training and conduct exercises and exchanges at a higher level of complexity.
    • India should extend Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief activities.
    • India should share patrolling of the Malacca Strait with the littoral countries.
    • The Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships could be extended to Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Singapore.
    • India must also strengthen the military capacity of the tri-service Andaman and Nicobar Command. 

    Consider the question “The South China Sea is important not just to its littoral countries but to the others as well. But China’s growing inclination to change the status quo there harms the interests of other stakeholders. In light of this suggest the relevant options that India could exercise.”

    Conclusion

    As a stakeholder in the South China Sea India must explore all the options at its disposal and try to foster respect for international law and rules-based global order.

    Back2Basics: Nine-dash line

     

  • Issues over Kuwait Expat Bill

    A total of eight lakh Indians could be forced to leave Kuwait as it’s National Assembly committee has approved a draft expat quota bill seeking to reduce the number of foreign workers in the Gulf country.

    Do you know?

    India is the world’s top recipient of remittances with its diaspora sending a whopping $79 billion back home in 2018 a/c to the World Bank. It is followed by China (USD 67 billion), Mexico (USD 36 billion), the Philippines (USD 34 billion), and Egypt (USD 29 billion).

    What is the Expat Bill about?

    • Amid a slump in oil prices and the coronavirus pandemic, there has been a spike in anti-expat rhetoric as lawmakers and government officials call for reducing the number of foreigners in Kuwait.
    • According to the bill, Indians should not exceed 15% of the population.
    • The draft once turned to the law will impose a cap on the number of expats and gradually reduce them by almost 5% on a yearly basis.

    A demographic issue

    • Kuwait has a real problem in its population structure, in which 70% are expats.
    • The 1.3 million of the 3.35 million expats are either illiterate or can merely read and write.
    • Kuwait has also been working to reduce its dependence on foreign workers.

    A huge diaspora at stake

    • There are about 28,000 Indians working for the Kuwaiti Government in various jobs like nurses, engineers in national oil companies and a few as scientists.
    • The majority of Indians (5.23 lakh) are employed in private sectors. In addition, there are about 1.16 lakh dependents.
    • Out of these, there are about 60,000 Indian students studying in 23 Indian schools in the country.

    Impacts on Indians

    • The current population of Kuwait is 4.3 million, with Kuwaitis making up 1.3 million of the population, and expats accounting for 3 million.
    • This bill would result in 8,00,000 Indians leaving Kuwait, as the Indian community constitutes the largest expat community in the country, totalling 1.45 million.
    • As the MEA says, Indians are present in all segments of society in Kuwait and are largely considered disciplined, hardworking and law-abiding.
    • India has often in the past played up the role of the Indian community in Kuwait as an important factor in bilateral ties.

    Must read:

    India’s rising Forex Reserves

  • U.S. stance on CAATSA unchanged

    Recently India had planned for the purchase of Mig-19 fighter aircraft with Russia at an estimated Rs. 18,148 crore. The U.S has reacted to countries, including India, on sanctions for the purchase of Russian arms has not changed.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.What is CAATSA law? Discuss how it will impact India’s ties with Russia.

    About CAATSA

    • CAATSA stands for Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA).
    • It is a US federal law that imposed sanctions on Iran, North Korea, and Russia.
    • The bill provides sanctions for activities concerning:

    (1) cybersecurity, (2) crude oil projects, (3) financial institutions, (4) corruption, (5) human rights abuses, (6) evasion of sanctions, (7) transactions with Russian defence or intelligence sectors, (8) export pipelines, (9) privatization of state-owned assets by government officials, and (10) arms transfers to Syria.

    A cause of worry

    • While the US has become its second-largest defence supplier, mainly of aircraft and artillery, India still relies heavily on Russian equipment, such as submarines and missiles that the US has been unwilling to provide.
    • Seventy per cent of Indian military hardware is Russian in origin.
    • India is set to receive the S-400 Triumf air defence system.

    Is India the only country facing CAATSA sanctions?

    • Notably, Russia is India’s major defence supplier for over 6 decades now, and Iran is India’s second-largest oil supplier.
    • By coincidence, CAATSA has now been invoked by the US twice already, and both times for countries buying the Triumf system from Russia.
    • In September 2018, the US announced sanctions for the procurement of the S-400 Triumf air defence system and Sukhoi S-35 fighter aircraft.
    • Washington expelled Turkey from the F-35 fighter jet programme in July this year after the first delivery of S-400s was received.
    • India is neither like China, which has an inimical relationship with the U.S., and hence not bound by its diktats, nor like Turkey which is a NATO ally of the US.

  • De-escalation begins on LAC

    Three weeks after the worst military clashes in decades, India and China have begun the process of disengagement at contentious locations along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

    Must read:

    [Burning Issue] India-China Skirmish in Ladakh

    China is moving back

    • In the Galwan Valley, Chinese troops have shifted 2 kilometres from the site violent clashes while some tents had been removed by the PLA in the Finger 4 area of Pangong Tso.
    • India’s claim is till Finger 8 as per the alignment of the LAC.
    • Some rearward movement of vehicles was seen at the general area of Galwan, Hotsprings and Gogra.
    • Without giving the specific distances moved, the source said the pullback at each location would be confirmed after verification.

    Lessons learnt

    • The lesson for us in Doklam is that disengagement is not enough in order to declare an end to tensions at the LAC.
    • It is necessary that we define endpoints up to where the troops must withdraw to and no understanding should be reached without the restoration of status quo ante.
    • Endpoint variances reflect the potential for future troubles along the LAC.

  • Sakteng Wildlife Sanctuary

    In a bid to further its territorial ambitions, China has recently claimed the Sakteng wildlife sanctuary in Eastern Bhutan as its own territory.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.What are the various fronts of Chinese imperial expansionism across the South Asian Region?

    About the Sakteng WLS

    • Sakteng is a wildlife sanctuary located mostly in Trashigang District and just crossing the border into Samdrup Jongkhar District, Bhutan.
    • It is one of the country’s protected areas.
    • It is listed as a tentative site in Bhutan’s Tentative List for UNESCO inclusion.

    Certain unresolved issues

    • The boundary between China and Bhutan has never been delimited.
    • There have been disputes over the eastern, central and western sectors for a long time.
    • China last month attempted to stop funding for the Sakteng sanctuary from the U.N. Development Programme’s Global Environment Facility (GEF) on the grounds that it was “disputed” territory.

    Reasons for the dispute

    • According to written records, there has been no mention of Eastern Bhutan, or Trashigang Dzongkhag (district), where Sakteng is based as per boundary negotiations held between the two countries between 1984 and 2016.
    • The negotiations have not been held since the Doklam standoff between Indian and Chinese troops in 2017.
    • Bhutan has always maintained a discreet silence on its boundary negotiations with China, and it does not have any formal diplomatic relations with Beijing.