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Subject: Polity

  • A Checklist for a New-Age Courtroom

    Why in the News:

    The Supreme Court released Draft Regulations on the Use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in the Judiciary in June 2026 for public consultation. While the draft establishes several AI governance committees, it leaves key questions regarding institutional design, accountability, and AI standards unresolved before AI systems are deployed in courts.

    Why do successive waves of court technology each create new oversight committees, and why is that a concern?

    1. Committee proliferation: Every phase of judicial technology reform has created new committees. AI governance now proposes an Apex AI Body, five Standing Committees, High Court AI Committees, District AI Secretariats, and a Centre of Research and Excellence on AI (CoRE-AI).
    2. Fragmented accountability: AI applications such as case scheduling simultaneously involve case management, digital infrastructure, court administration, and AI governance. Multiple committees dilute ownership, coordination, and decision making.

    What institutional design would address this challenge, and what are the Indian precedents?

    1. Need for a permanent institution: Instead of creating separate committees for every technological innovation, the judiciary requires one permanent technology institution that integrates the functions of the existing e-Committee, AI governance, and future digital initiatives.
    2. Precedent – Tamil Nadu Medical Services Corporation (TNMSC): TNMSC institutionalised professional procurement of medicines, becoming a model adopted by several states.
    3. Precedent – Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI): UIDAI serves as a permanent institution responsible for developing and maintaining the Aadhaar ecosystem.
    4. Importance of permanence: Long term technology governance requires institutional continuity, technical expertise, and clear accountability, which rotating committees cannot consistently provide.

    Why should AI standard setting be separated from procurement?

    1. UPI model: The National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) developed the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) standards, while private companies such as PhonePe and Google Pay built competing applications based on those standards.
    2. Role of CoRE-AI: The proposed Centre of Research and Excellence on AI (CoRE-AI) should function as a neutral standard setting body, without financial or commercial interests in selecting AI vendors.
    3. Separation of functions: A sound governance framework requires:
      • A permanent technical institution to develop AI standards.
      • A separate procurement authority to acquire AI systems.
      • A judicial oversight committee to approve AI applications for court use.

    What happens if AI standards remain undefined?

    1. Key unanswered questions: The draft regulations do not specify:
      • Explainability requirements for AI decisions.
      • Acceptable error rates for different judicial functions such as bail decisions versus case scheduling.
      • Standards governing training data, transparency, and validation.
    2. Risk of inconsistent implementation: Without common national standards, each of India’s 25 High Courts may independently determine what constitutes an acceptable AI system, resulting in uneven adoption and inconsistent judicial practices.
    3. Regulatory comparison: Just as pharmaceutical products must comply with uniform quality standards before approval, judicial AI requires national technical standards to ensure reliability, fairness, and public trust.

    Conclusion:

    The Supreme Court’s Draft AI Regulations represent an important step towards integrating Artificial Intelligence into India’s judicial system. However, effective implementation requires a permanent institutional framework, a clear separation between standard setting and procurement, and uniform national AI standards. Without these safeguards, differences in technical capacity across High Courts could result in unequal AI governance and inconsistent standards of justice, undermining the objective of technology enabled judicial reform.

  • Is Yashwant Varma still a judge?

    Why in the News?

    Parliament is set to take up, in the Monsoon Session, the report of the Judges (Inquiry) Act committee that investigated misbehaviour charges against former judge Yashwant Varma, who resigned in April 2026 after burnt currency notes were found at his residence. Three months later, he is still listed as a sitting judge by the Allahabad High Court and the Union Department of Justice, exposing a gap between judicial independence and judicial accountability.

    Why does the Constitution let judges resign without anyone’s acceptance?

    1. Resign at will power: Thirteen constitutional functionaries, including Supreme Court and High Court judges, may resign merely by writing to the specified authority, with no acceptance required.
    2. Contrast with legislators: Article 101(3)(b) and Article 190(3)(b) make resignation of MPs and MLAs subject to acceptance by the Speaker or Chairman, unlike judges.
    3. Judicial precedent: A five judge Constitution Bench in Union of India vs Gopal Chandra Misra (1978) unanimously held that a judge’s resignation takes effect ex proprio vigore, automatically, without needing acceptance.
    4. Purpose: The power shields judges from being coerced to continue in office, protecting judicial independence.
    5. Track record: At least 12 High Court judges have resigned since 2017, and one Supreme Court judge, Justice Dalveer Bhandari, resigned in 2012; these resignations were reportedly handled in compliance with the law.

    Is Varma still officially a judge on paper?

    1. Legal status: Varma ceased to be a judge on April 9, 2026, making any later listing of him as a sitting judge incorrect.
    2. Administrative lapse: The Allahabad High Court and the Department of Justice have continued to list him as a sitting judge for over three months.
    3. Bar record: His status at the Bar was reportedly changed to “active” and some dues and benefits as a sitting judge have reportedly stopped, showing the system elsewhere treats him as having exited office.
    4. Correction needed: It would be illegal for him to draw any salary or benefit as a sitting judge, and his name should be deleted from official lists.

    Does judicial accountability survive when the judge quits before removal?

    1. Statutory duty: The report concerns Varma’s conduct before resignation, so it must still be laid before both Houses and made public under the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968.
    2. Public interest: Citizens have a legitimate right to know whether the committee found proven misbehaviour against a judge of a constitutional court.
    3. If exonerated: If the report finds no misbehaviour, the matter ends there.
    4. If found guilty: The removal motion can no longer be moved because Varma no longer holds the office he would be removed from.
    5. Procedural gap: Under Section 6, the report is to be discussed together with the removal motion; since the motion lapses, the report itself cannot be discussed by Parliament under the Act.

    Can the resignation loophole be closed without amending the Constitution?

    1. Nature of the gap: Judges may resign at will before Parliament even takes up the removal motion, halting the entire accountability process.
    2. Preferred fix: The loophole should be closed through constitutional amendment, not executive or judicial reinterpretation.
    3. Design of fix: The amendment could make a judge’s resignation subject to acceptance during the pendency of removal proceedings.
    4. Who accepts: To protect judicial independence, that acceptance power should vest in the Chief Justice of India, not the President.
    5. Separate remedy for debate: If Parliament wants to discuss the report despite resignation, the 1968 Act itself would need to be amended to enable this.
    6. Rule of law caution: Interpreting constitutional or statutory silences to suit Parliament’s or the executive’s convenience would be against the rule of law.

    Conclusion:

    The resign at will power, designed to protect judicial independence, can be exploited to halt removal proceedings once they are underway, leaving accountability incomplete even when misconduct is established. Varma’s continued listing as a sitting judge is a correctable administrative error, but the deeper gap is structural: the Inquiry Committee report must still be tabled even though the removal motion has lapsed. Closing this requires a constitutional amendment vesting the CJI, not the President, with the power to accept a judge’s resignation while removal proceedings are pending

  • Can Courts Restrain a Film Cleared by the CBFC?

    Why in the News?

    The Supreme Court declined to permit the release of the CBFC-certified animated film Mahaprabhu Jagannath on its scheduled date, directing the producer to postpone release until after the Rath Yatra in Puri concludes, following an Orissa High Court stay over the film’s depiction of Lord Jagannath. The episode brings into focus the tension between the settled judicial position that certification by an expert statutory body carries a strong presumption of validity immune from apprehensions of public disorder, and the recurring judicial practice of restraining certified films precisely on such grounds.

    What triggered the dispute, and what exactly did the Supreme Court decide?

    1. Origin of the restraint: The Orissa High Court, on July 15, stayed the film’s release over concerns about its depiction of Lord Jagannath and the possible impact of screening it during the Rath Yatra.
    2. Nature of the Supreme Court’s order: The Court did not permit release on the original date. It also did not uphold an indefinite restraint. It directed postponement until after July 27, when the Rath Yatra concludes.
    3. Scope of challenge: The producer contested the High Court’s power to restrain a certified film, and the extent to which such restraint can rest on apprehensions of public disorder rather than an actual legal violation.
    4. High Court’s stated reasoning: The film’s depiction of Lord Jagannath’s childhood and adventures was held “not in tune with the religious texts,” and its release during the Rath Yatra was called “counterproductive.”
    5. Certification status of the film: The film held three separate ‘U’ (universal) certificates from the CBFC for its Hindi, Telugu, and Odia versions, dated May, June, and July respectively.
    6. Territorial overreach in the stay: The restraint stalled the certified Hindi and Telugu versions even in states “where no cause of action existed and no relief was ever sought.

    Why does CBFC certification carry a strong presumption of validity against restraint by apprehension of disorder?

    1. Petitioner’s core argument: Once an expert statutory body certifies a film for unrestricted public exhibition, there is a strong legal presumption of validity. Courts should not substitute their own view for the CBFC’s expert judgment based on unverified apprehensions.
    2. Union of India v K M Shankarappa (2000): The Supreme Court struck down a provision letting the government revise a tribunal’s decision on a certified film. It held that once an expert statutory body certifies a film, that decision cannot be revisited by the executive on the grounds of objections or apprehensions about public reaction.
    3. Allocation of responsibility for law and order: The Court in Shankarappa held that once an expert body clears a film, apprehension of a law-and-order situation is no excuse to restrain it. Maintaining law and order is the concerned state government’s responsibility, not a ground to withhold the certified film.
    4. S Rangarajan v P Jagjivan Ram (1989): The Supreme Court held that if a film is otherwise unobjectionable under Article 19(2), freedom of expression cannot be suppressed on account of threatened demonstrations, processions, or violence.
    5. The anti-heckler’s-veto principle: Yielding to such threats amounts to a “negation of the rule of law.” The state cannot plead inability to handle a hostile audience; it has an obligatory duty to prevent disruption and protect the freedom of expression. Heckler’s veto, suppression of lawful expression to avoid a violent or disruptive reaction from its opponents, rather than because the expression itself is unlawful.

    Does the outcome in this case match the doctrine it invokes, or does it concede ground to the apprehension the doctrine forbids?

    1. Re-adjudication of content already cleared: The High Court’s finding that the depiction was “not in tune with the religious texts” evaluates content on the same grounds the CBFC had already cleared, which the Shankarappa doctrine holds courts should not revisit.
    2. A calibrated restraint, not a vacated one: The Supreme Court did not fully restore the certified release. It replaced an indefinite block with a postponement timed to the Rath Yatra, a decision still shaped by public-sensitivity considerations rather than a finding of unlawful certification.
    3. Restraint exceeding the specific dispute: The stay affected certified versions in states where no cause of action existed and no relief was sought, extending the restraint beyond what the underlying grievance covered.
    4. Net effect on the doctrine: The anti-heckler’s-veto principle is reaffirmed in language but diluted in practice. This is because the timing of a certified film’s release is still being shaped by apprehension of disruption during a religious event.

    Is certification actually beyond interference, or does the law retain other levers over a cleared film?

    1. Certification is not immune from judicial scrutiny: Courts retain the power to examine whether certification was granted in accordance with law, including whether the CBFC relied on statutory grounds, issued reasons, or followed fair procedure.
    2. Deference is conditional: Where the CBFC acts within the framework of the Cinematograph Act, courts usually defer to it. This deference is tied to lawful process, not to certification as such.
    3. Executive power to suspend or revoke: Under the Cinematograph Act, the government may suspend or revoke a certification even after approval.
    4. Power to restrict without prior hearing: The government may, in some cases, temporarily restrict a certified film’s screening without a prior hearing.
    5. Enforcement mechanisms beyond certification: The Act allows criminal liability for violations, and authorities are empowered to enter theatres and seize materials.

    Conclusion

    The doctrine from Shankarappa and Rangarajan holds that CBFC certification is final, and that neither the executive nor the courts may let apprehension of public disorder override a cleared film’s freedom of expression. In practice, both the Orissa High Court’s stay and the Supreme Court’s own decision to postpone release until after the Rath Yatra show that religious and public-order sensitivities continue to shape when and how a certified film is actually screened. Certification functions as a strong but not absolute shield: courts retain review over the legality of the certification process. Also, the executive retains statutory power to suspend, revoke, or temporarily restrict a cleared film. The unresolved question is where deference to apprehension, which the doctrine forbids, ends and legitimate statutory or procedural oversight, which the doctrine permits, begins.

  • Ladakh’s 7 councils & the decentralisation debate

    Why in the News?

    The Ladakh administration announced on Monday that Autonomous Hill Development Councils (AHDCs) will be constituted in all seven districts of the Union Territory, up from the existing two in Leh and Kargil. Ladakh’s two apex civil society bodies, the Apex Body Leh (ABL) and the Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA). They have opposed the move, arguing it fragments political authority when a unified representative government under Article 371 is being negotiated with the Centre.

    What has the administration announced, and on what grounds does it justify the move as decentralisation?

    1. Seven councils replace two: An Autonomous Hill Development Council will now be constituted in each of Ladakh’s seven districts, following the creation of five new districts, Drass, Sham, Nubra, Changthang and Zanskar, in April.
    2. Official framing: Chief Secretary called the move “a major step towards democratic decentralisation.”
    3. Complementarity claim: The administration holds the councils are compatible with a proposed Union Territory-level representative body under Article 371, on which discussions with the Centre have broadly converged; this body would exercise legislative, executive, financial and administrative powers.
    4. Statutory basis: Section 3 of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council Act mandates a council in every district, so officials argue seven districts necessitate seven councils.
    5. Geography-based rationale: Ladakh spans nearly 60,000 sq km with barely 3 lakh people, among India’s least densely populated regions, with villages separated by mountain passes and hours of travel .

    Why do Ladakh’s civil society groups see this as a threat to representative government under Article 371?

    1. Shared premise, different objection: Neither the ABL nor the KDA disputes the need for decentralisation; their objection is to the fragmentation of political authority while negotiations over a representative framework are still underway.
    2. Dilution argument: ABL co-chairman argued that empowering seven district councils would leave little meaningful authority for the proposed Article 371 government, since that body is meant to shape Ladakh’s political future.
    3. “Maximum government, minimum governance”: KDA co-chairman Sajjad Kargili termed the move by this phrase, arguing more councils will not improve governance given that existing councils have steadily lost power.

    What powers do Ladakh’s hill councils hold on paper?

    1. Statutory design: The 1997 Act makes the councils responsible for district planning and development, and for preparing budgets and district plans.
    2. Implementation role: The councils are tasked with implementing development schemes and functioning as the district planning and development board.
    3. Land and revenue powers: They are also vested with management of certain local land and collection of certain local taxes.
    4. Relative statutory strength: Excluding territorial bodies under the Sixth Schedule, Ladakh’s councils rank among India’s more powerful statutory district bodies on paper.

    How functional have the councils actually been?

    1. Erosion since UT status: Political leaders across party lines say the councils have steadily lost relevance since Ladakh became a Union Territory in 2019.
    2. Shift in decision-making: Congress leader and LAHDC-Leh Leader of Opposition said decision-making has shifted to the Lieutenant Governor’s secretariat and departmental secretaries, with councils frequently excluded.
    3. Ignored recommendations, shrinking capacity: Critics argued council recommendations on land were frequently ignored, council staff were increasingly redeployed to the UT administration, and council budgets were reduced.
    4. “Virtually defunct”: Even where the law gives them authority over land, recommendations remain pending with the district administration and elected representatives are bypassed.

    How do Ladakh’s hill councils compare with similar bodies elsewhere in India?

    1. Sixth Schedule Autonomous District Councils (Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Tripura): These bodies can legislate on land, forests, village administration and customary practices, subject to the Governor’s assent, a constitutionally entrenched arrangement.
    2. Ladakh’s AHDCs: Unlike Sixth Schedule bodies, they do not enjoy constitutional status, independent legislative powers, or judicial authority over customary matters.
    3. Manipur’s statutory autonomous councils: Ladakh’s councils are broadly comparable to these, both are statutory, not constitutional, bodies, and Manipur’s experience illustrates the limitations that statutory (as opposed to constitutional) autonomy carries in practice.

    What has deepened the trust deficit between Ladakh and the Centre?

    1. Procedural breach over consultation: Ladakh leaders say the seven-council proposal featured in the minutes of a May 22 meeting; they refused to sign that version, after which a revised record without the proposal was prepared and signed. Leaders argue the Centre proceeded with the announcement without consulting them.
    2. September 2025 unrest: Relations deteriorated after violence during protests in Leh, the detention of climate activist Sonam Wangchuk under the National Security Act, 1980 and remarks by political leaders that were interpreted locally as questioning Ladakh’s patriotism.
    3. Voice of Buddhist Ladakh controversy: ABL leaders alleged that this newly emerged organisation, which claims to represent Buddhist interests, was encouraged to weaken the joint Leh-Kargil movement.
    4. Five-district redistricting dispute: The KDA alleged that the April redrawing of district boundaries disproportionately favoured Buddhist-majority districts.
    5. Absence of a legislature and slow negotiations: Unlike Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh has no legislature under Union Territory status; negotiations over Sixth Schedule-like safeguards and a subsequent Article 371 framework have moved slowly, which civil society leaders attribute to deliberate delay by the Centre.

    Conclusion

    The expansion of hill councils reflects a mismatch between the form and substance of decentralisation in Ladakh. Adding five more councils multiplies administrative units without restoring the powers over land, budgets and planning that existing councils have already lost to the Lieutenant Governor’s secretariat. Ladakh’s civil society groups see this as fragmenting their bargaining position ahead of a possible Article 371 framework rather than genuine devolution. Until the Centre commits to a constitutionally secure, functionally empowered representative structure, expanding the number of councils will not resolve Ladakh’s core demand for real self-governance.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2020]  The strength and sustenance of local institutions in India has shifted from their formative phase of ‘Functions, Functionaries and Funds’ to the contemporary stage of ‘Functionality’. Highlight the critical challenges faced by local institutions in terms of their functionality in recent times.

    Linkage: The PYQ directly parallels the article’s finding that Ladakh’s hill councils, despite having statutory functions on paper, have lost functional relevance in practice.

  • What is meant by trial in Absentia? 

    Why in the News?

    A Special NIA Court in Jammu issued a non-bailable warrant against Lashkar-e-Taiba chief Hafiz Saeed in the Pahalgam terror attack case, days after the NIA filed a supplementary chargesheet charging him under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023 and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. Since Saeed is unlikely to appear before an Indian court, the NIA is expected to seek a trial in absentia under Section 356 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS).

    What is trial in absentia, and why did the CrPC regime fail to deliver it?

    1. Definition: A trial in absentia is a criminal trial conducted without the physical presence of the accused, with the court proceeding to inquiry, trial, and judgment as if the accused were present.
    2. Section 356 mechanism: BNSS Section 356 permits a court to treat the absence of a proclaimed offender as a waiver of the right to be present, after recording reasons in writing, once there is no immediate prospect of arrest.
    3. CrPC’s partial provisions: Section 82(4) CrPC allowed proclamation and attachment of an absconding accused’s property. Section 317 CrPC allowed trial in absence only in specific cases. Section 299 CrPC allowed recording of evidence in absence where early arrest was not expected.
    4. Discretion without completion: CrPC provisions permitted in-absentia proceedings only when the accused’s personal attendance was unnecessary for justice, or when the accused persistently disrupted court proceedings. None allowed a full trial to conclude in the accused’s absence.
    5. Resulting backlog: Without a mechanism for full trial completion, cases against absconding accused remained pending for years until arrest. Prosecutorial closure and deterrence were both weakened.

    Whom does Section 356 apply to?

    1. Restricted scope: The provision does not apply to every absconding accused. It applies only to a person declared a “proclaimed offender” under Section 84 of the BNSS.
    2. Offence severity threshold: Under Section 84(4), a person can be declared a proclaimed offender only for offences punishable with imprisonment of 10 years or more, life imprisonment, or death.
    3. Declaration process: The court declares a person a proclaimed offender after such inquiry as it considers necessary, once the accused fails to appear at the specified place and time despite proclamation.
    4. Application to Saeed: Charges relating to waging war against India and cross-border conspiracy meet this severity threshold, making Saeed eligible for trial in absentia once declared a proclaimed offender.

    What procedural safeguards protect the accused’s right to a fair trial?

    1. Dual warrants: Two consecutive arrest warrants must be issued at an interval of at least 30 days before proceedings can commence.
    2. Public notice: A notice must be published in a local or national newspaper, giving the accused 30 days to appear before the court.
    3. Notice at residence: The notice must also be displayed at the accused’s last known residence, and a relative or friend must be informed of the trial.
    4. Cooling-off period: The trial cannot commence until 90 days have elapsed from the framing of charges, giving the accused time to appear.
    5. State-funded defence: If the absconding accused has no legal representation, the court must appoint a defence lawyer at the State’s expense.

    What happens if the absconding accused later appears or is apprehended?

    1. Provisional use of evidence: Statements of prosecution witnesses recorded before the trial’s commencement can be used as evidence against the absconding accused.
    2. Right to cross-examine: If the accused later appears or is apprehended, the court may permit cross-examination of witnesses in the interest of justice.
    3. Audiovisual preservation: Depositions and examination of witnesses are, as far as practicable, recorded through audiovisual electronic means.
    4. Purpose of preservation: Recordings are preserved to ensure transparency, accuracy, and integrity of the trial, and to enable review if the accused is later apprehended.

    Does trial in absentia resolve the problem of absconding offenders, or does it merely shift it elsewhere?

    1. Verdict without custody: A conviction in absentia establishes legal guilt but does not itself secure physical custody of an accused based abroad, as in Saeed’s case in Pakistan.
    2. Enforcement gap persists: Extradition or handover of a convicted proclaimed offender still depends on bilateral treaties and the host state’s cooperation, which a trial in absentia cannot compel.
    3. Symbolic versus substantive closure: The mechanism ends prosecutorial limbo and enables sentencing, but substantive closure for victims requires enforcement of the sentence, an outcome outside the court’s control.
    4. Fair trial versus finality: Section 356’s safeguards balance the accused’s Article 21 rights against the State’s interest in finality. The accused’s inability to personally instruct defence counsel or contest evidence in real time remains an inherent limitation of any in-absentia trial.

    Conclusion

    Section 356 of the BNSS fills a long-standing gap in India’s criminal law by allowing a full trial in absentia for proclaimed offenders in serious offences. Unlike the CrPC, which allowed only limited in-absentia proceedings, it prevents cases from remaining pending indefinitely. The provision balances this expanded power with layered safeguards, dual warrants, public notice, a waiting period, state-funded defence, and post-apprehension cross-examination rights, to protect the accused’s fair trial rights. However, a conviction in absentia only delivers a judicial verdict; it does not solve the challenge of bringing back an accused protected by a non-cooperating foreign state.

  • [13th July 2026] The Hindu OpED: Five crore Indians wait when the courts take a break

    Mentor’s Comment

    The Supreme Court’s six-week summer break (June 1 to July 12) coincides with a record 5.39 crore pending cases across Indian courts, the Supreme Court’s heaviest load in over 30 years. This has sharpened the debate on whether collective, en masse judicial recess is defensible when nearly three in four prisoners in India are undertrials awaiting the completion of their own trials.

    What does the coexistence of a record case backlog and a mass judicial vacation reveal about court functioning in India?

    1. Scale of pendency: More than 5.39 crore cases were pending in Indian courts as of the last day of 2025.
    2. Distribution of the backlog: District courts held over 4.76 crore cases, High Courts held 63.6 lakh cases, and the Supreme Court held more than 92,000 cases, its heaviest load in over 30 years.
    3. Undertrial burden: Roughly three in four prisoners in India are undertrials. They are unconvicted and presumed innocent, yet some serve longer in custody than the sentence they would have received had they pleaded guilty.
    4. Institutional asymmetry: Hospitals, police stations, markets, and government offices continue functioning through individual staff leave. The Supreme Court and High Courts instead shut down collectively for six weeks.
    5. Clearance timeline: A government study calculated that clearing the existing backlog at the present pace would take three centuries.

    Why does an individual judge’s right to rest not justify the institution’s collective closure?

    1. Workload reality: Indian judges are among the most overworked in the world. The recess period is when reserved judgments finally get written.
    2. Continuity is achievable: Last year the Chief Justice of India and the four senior-most judges worked through the first week of the break.
    3. The actual design flaw: The problem is not that judges rest. It is that almost all of them rest together, so the institution goes quiet for six-plus weeks every year.
    4. Colonial origin: The current calendar traces to a practice built for English judges. They withdrew to cooler climates during the Indian summer and took long Christmas holidays in winter.

    Why did the 2024 renaming of the summer vacation fail to reduce the backlog?

    1. Rebranding without substance: In 2024, the Supreme Court renamed the “summer vacation” as “partial court working days.”
    2. No change in working days: The actual number of sitting days remained at approximately 190 days a year.
    3. Litigant impact unaddressed: A litigant whose case is stalled is unaffected by the label given to the recess. What matters is whether the matter is heard and disposed of.

    What administrative reform has been repeatedly recommended to keep courts continuously functional, and why has it not been adopted?

    1. Staggering as the core proposal: The judiciary’s own watchdogs have long recommended not abolishing judicial rest but staggering it, rotating leave so Benches remain full.
    2. Parliamentary recommendation: A 2023 parliamentary standing committee objected to “the entire court going on vacation en masse” and proposed rotating leave to keep courts running continuously.
    3. Earlier precedent: The Law Commission of India and the Justice Malimath Committee made the same recommendation earlier. They were not opposing the courts; they were trying to protect them from themselves.
    4. Institutional analogy: A hospital does not empty its wards because doctors are owed time off. It builds a roster instead.
    5. Status: Despite three separate recommending bodies, this reform remains unimplemented.

    Is the crisis in India’s courts one of vacations or of vacancies? 

    1. The standard objection: Critics argue that vacations are a sideshow and the real disease is judicial vacancies, not recess.
    2. Vacancy scale: Up to a third of High Court seats lie vacant.
    3. The rebuttal: A Bench already running at half strength is thinned further for six weeks every summer. This makes the recess a stronger case against itself, not a defence of it.
    4. Distinct accountability: Filling vacancies depends on the government and the collegium, and will take years to resolve.
    5. Distinct reform lever: The vacation calendar is the judiciary’s own to fix. It needs only institutional will, not external permission.

    Beyond staggering leave, how can India reduce the flow of disputes into its courts?

    1. Symptom versus deeper fix: Staggering leave treats only the symptom. Courts were never meant to be the first stop for every dispute, only the last.
    2. Lok Adalat performance: Lok Adalats settled more than 2.59 crore cases in a single national sitting last December, and over 23.5 crore cases in three years.
    3. Mediation Act, 2023: This Act nudges parties to attempt settlement before approaching a court.
    4. Arbitration: Arbitration can remove commercial disputes entirely from judges’ hands. This route remains badly underused.
    5. Retired judges as an untapped resource: India has a reservoir of retired judges who step down at 62 or 65, still in full command of their expertise. Many already head quasi-judicial bodies and tribunals.
    6. Proposed use: A dedicated corps of former judges, freed from daily dockets, could identify where cases pile up, set public disposal targets, and report progress openly.

    Conclusion

    Collective judicial recess, an inherited colonial practice, is defensible for individual judges but indefensible as an institutional design when 5.39 crore cases and undertrial prisoners are held hostage to it. Cosmetic fixes such as renaming the vacation do not alter the actual working calendar. Staggering leave to keep Benches continuously functional is a reform within the judiciary’s own control, unlike the filling of vacancies, which depends on the executive and the collegium. The unresolved question is whether the judiciary will exercise this available reform, or continue mistaking cosmetic change for structural correction.

  • HC Halts Byelections in 5 Tamil Nadu Constituencies

    Why in the News?

    The Madras High Court restrained the Election Commission from notifying byelections to five Tamil Nadu Assembly constituencies whose sitting members resigned after the 2026 Assembly election, since election petitions challenging their victories remain pending. The interim order raises the question of whether a resignation-created vacancy is legally “clear” enough to trigger fresh polls when the same seat’s original result is still under judicial challenge.

    What is the factual and procedural backdrop of the Madras High Court’s interim order?

    1. Interim restraint: The Madras High Court restrained the Election Commission from notifying byelections to Tiruchi East, Perundurai, Ambasamudram, Viralimalai, and Karur Assembly constituencies until July 31.
    2. Trigger for vacancy: All five sitting MLAs resigned after winning the 2026 Assembly election.
    3. Core contention: The petitioner argued that byelections before disposal of pending election petitions could create an anomalous situation of dual representation for a single constituency.
    4. Deadline set: The court granted the respondents time till July 31 to file counter-affidavits.

    On what legal doctrine did the petitioner challenge the Election Commission’s power to notify byelections?

    1. Statutory basis challenged: The petitioner argued the Election Commission cannot treat these vacancies as a “clear vacancy” under Section 151A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. Section 151A: provision requiring the Election Commission to fill a vacancy in a House through byelection within six months of its occurrence.
    2. Precedent cited: Sanjeevayya vs Election Commission of India (1967) held that byelections cannot proceed while an election petition relating to that constituency remains pending.
    3. Precedent cited: Election Commission of India vs Telangana Rashtra Samithi (2011) reinforced the same bar on byelections during pending adjudication.
    4. Precedent cited: Pramod Laxman Gudadhe vs Election Commission of India (2018) extended the same principle.
    5. Consequential prayer argument: All five election petitions sought not only to invalidate the winning candidates’ victory but also to declare the petitioners themselves as winners.
    6. Risk of dual mandate: A byelection conducted before these petitions are decided could produce a second declared winner for a seat where a court may later declare a different winner from the original contest.

    Does the timing of an MLA’s resignation relative to the election petition alter the vacancy’s legal status?

    1. Distinguishing principle raised: The Advocate-General argued that a distinction must be drawn between MLAs who resigned before an election petition was filed and those who resigned after.
    2. Chief Minister’s case: The Chief Minister resigned from Tiruchi East on May 10, before his rival candidate filed the election petition.
    3. Other MLAs’ case: Several other MLAs resigned before the election petitions challenging their victory were filed.
    4. Implication for vacancy classification: A resignation preceding the petition may create a genuinely clear vacancy. A resignation following the petition may not.
    5. Unresolved legal question: The Bench agreed that this timing distinction required deeper examination before final orders could be passed.

    What procedural objections did the respondents raise against the maintainability of the PIL?

    1. Locus standi challenge: Senior counsel representing the Chief Minister, questioned the PIL petitioner’s standing to direct the Election Commission’s conduct. Locus standi: the legal right of a party to bring a case before a court.
    2. Prematurity argument: The petition was argued to be premature since the Election Commission had not yet taken any decision on conducting byelections in the five constituencies.
    3. No notification issued: No notification on byelections had been issued at the time the PIL was heard.
    4. Distinct roles of respondents: The Advocate-General represented the Legislative Assembly Secretary. Separate counsel represented the Election Commission and the Chief Minister.

    How did the Bench reconcile the competing claims in its interim order?

    1. Rejection of narrow standing objection: The Bench held that a narrow and pedantic interpretation of locus standi cannot be applied in matters touching the purity of the democratic process.
    2. Acceptance of AG’s nuance: The Bench agreed that the Advocate-General’s argument on the timing of resignations relative to petition filing required deeper examination.
    3. Deferred decision: The court decided to pass final orders only after notice was issued to all respondents and counter-affidavits were filed.
    4. Interim balance struck: The Bench restrained byelection notification without ruling on the merits of either side’s substantive claim.

    Conclusion

    The order establishes that a resignation-created vacancy is not automatically a “clear vacancy” under Section 151A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, when the underlying election result is under judicial challenge. The unresolved question is whether the timing of resignation relative to the filing of an election petition changes this classification. Until the High Court examines the Advocate-General’s distinction between pre-petition and post-petition resignations, five Tamil Nadu constituencies remain without elected representation. The case will determine whether electoral finality doctrine can override the Election Commission’s statutory duty to fill vacancies promptly.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2022] Discuss the procedures to decide the disputes arising out of the election of a Member of the Parliament or State Legislature under The Representation of the People Act, 1951. What are the grounds on which the election of any returned candidate may be declared void? What remedy is available to the aggrieved party against the decision? Refer to the case laws.

    Linkage: The PYQ asks directly about election petition procedure and remedies under the RP Act. The article’s central dispute is precisely about how pending election petitions interact with byelection notification under this Act.

  • AI Use by the Judiciary: SC’s Draft AI Regulations, 2026

    Why in the News?

    The Supreme Court released the Draft Regulations for Use of Artificial Intelligence in Courts, 2026 last month, inviting public comments till July 15. The draft permits AI for administrative and research functions in courts but places an absolute, non-derogable bar on any AI role in decisions affecting bail, recidivism (a critical metric used to measure the effectiveness of the justice and rehabilitation systems.), witness credibility, or personal liberty.

    What does the Draft Regulations permit AI to do in courts?

    1. Administrative and assistive functions: AI use is permitted for case management, transcription, translation, legal research, document summarisation, accessibility, and court administration.
    2. Approval requirement: Every permitted use requires prior written approval from the Apex Body for the Supreme Court, or the AI Committee of the concerned High Court or tribunal.
    3. Human supervision: Officers nominated by the court must supervise and verify AI-assisted outputs before use.
    4. Scope boundary: Permission covers efficiency-enhancing functions only. It does not extend to any function that produces or contributes to a judicial outcome.

    Why has the SC opted for a staggered, court-wise implementation instead of a uniform rollout?

    1. SC-specific notification: Provisions apply to the Supreme Court only from a date notified by the Chief Justice of India.
    2. High Court autonomy: Provisions for High Courts and the courts and tribunals under their jurisdiction come into force separately, on dates notified by the respective High Court Chief Justice.
    3. Provision-wise phasing: Different provisions can be brought into force on different dates within the same court.
    4. Rationale: Phasing allows each court to adopt AI at a pace suited to its own infrastructure, caseload, and readiness.

    Why is human judicial authority made non-negotiable in adjudicative outcomes?

    1. Categorical bar on algorithmic outcomes: No judicial outcome can be reached through algorithmic decision-making alone, or solely on the basis of AI-generated information.
    2. Determinative human authority: Human judicial authority is determinative in all adjudicative decisions, regardless of AI input.
    3. Advisory-only role: Where AI is used anywhere in a decision-making process, its role is only advisory.
    4. Independent evaluation mandate: Any AI-assisted input is subject to independent human judicial evaluation before use.

    What functions has the SC placed beyond regulatory reach altogether, and why?

    1. Risk scoring barred: AI cannot be used for ‘risk scoring’ to assess flight risk.
    2. Recidivism prediction barred: AI cannot be used to predict recidivism.
    3. Bail eligibility barred: AI cannot be used to evaluate bail eligibility.
    4. Witness credibility barred: AI cannot be used to determine the credibility of witnesses.
    5. Profiling barred: AI cannot be used to predict, profile, or infer the future conduct or behaviour of parties, accused persons, witnesses, or legal representatives.
    6. Undisclosed AI evidence barred: AI-generated output cannot be submitted as independent evidence without full disclosure of its AI-generated character.
    7. Blackbox AI barred in liberty matters: Unexplainable AI systems cannot be used in matters affecting personal liberty.
    8. Non-derogable status: These prohibitions are absolute. No authority can permit them later under the Regulations.

    Does the disclosure mechanism for litigants adequately safeguard their right to know?

    1. Material assistance trigger: Litigants must be informed only when an AI tool “materially assists” case management, document analysis, or judicial administration.
    2. Timely and accessible disclosure: Disclosure to litigants and their counsel must be made in a timely and accessible manner.
    3. Threshold-based, not blanket disclosure: Litigants are not informed of every instance of AI use in their case, only instances that meet the material assistance standard.
    4. Undefined threshold: The Regulations do not define what constitutes “material assistance,” leaving the disclosure trigger to case-by-case determination by courts.

    What institutional architecture will govern AI use in courts?

    1. Apex Body: An Apex Body at the Supreme Court will set minimum mandatory standards for AI systems and issue implementation guidelines.
    2. Composition: The Apex Body comprises sitting Supreme Court and High Court judges, an official of the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, and experts in finance and cybersecurity.
    3. Specialised committees: The Apex Body will function through five specialised committees.
    4. Court-level AI Committees: The Supreme Court and each High Court will constitute their own AI Committees, backed by an AI Secretariat.
    5. Dedicated research body: The Centre of Research and Excellence on Artificial Intelligence (CoRE-AI) will evaluate AI tools and track technological developments to support the Apex Body.

    How are private AI vendors regulated to prevent capture of judicial data and infrastructure?

    1. Prior written approval: Private companies can supply AI tools only with written approval from the relevant court authority.
    2. Mandatory contract terms: Vendor agreements must include a mandatory list of contract terms set out by the Regulations.
    3. Data ownership and access: Contracts must specify ownership of, and access rights to, court data and AI outputs.
    4. Bar on sensitive data use: Vendors are barred from using sensitive judicial data.
    5. No unauthorised model training: Vendors cannot retain or fine-tune models using court data without the AI Committee’s written approval.
    6. IP restriction: Vendors cannot claim exclusive intellectual property rights over tools built substantially using public resources.

    Conclusion

    The Draft Regulations construct a two-tier framework for judicial AI: broad permission for administrative efficiency, and an absolute prohibition on AI’s role in outcome-determinative and liberty-affecting functions. This boundary, not the list of permitted uses, is the framework’s operative safeguard against algorithmic opacity compromising due process. The undefined “material assistance” threshold for litigant disclosure remains its weakest link, leaving courts significant discretion over what litigants get to know. Effective implementation will depend on how the Apex Body and CoRE-AI operationalise this boundary as AI adoption scales across courts.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2024] Explain the reasons for the growth of public interest litigation in India. As a result of it, has the Indian Supreme Court emerged as the world’s most powerful judiciary?”

    Linkage: The PYQ discusses expansion of judicial power through institutional self-assertion. The Draft AI Regulations are another instance of the SC using its institutional authority to self-regulate its own processes.

  • What is the right to be forgotten? 

    Why in the News?

    The Delhi High Court, ruling on 29 May 2026 in Laksh Vir Singh Yadav v. Union of India, laid down India’s first structured proportionality test for the right to be forgotten. The ruling forces a direct reckoning between an individual’s right to informational privacy and the constitutional commitment to open justice and free speech.

    How did the right to be forgotten emerge, and why did Indian courts arrive at it inconsistently?

    1. Origin in EU jurisprudence: The right originated in 2014 when Mario Costeja González complained to the European Court of Justice that Google continued to display an old notice about the auction of his repossessed house even after the debt was settled.
    2. Codification in General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR): The European Court ruled in his favour. This laid the groundwork for the right to erasure, later incorporated into Article 17 of the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation.
    3. Constitutional anchor in India: The Supreme Court’s judgment in K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2017) held that privacy is a Fundamental Right under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. This includes the right to informational privacy.
    4. Divergent High Court practice: High Courts adopted inconsistent approaches after Puttaswamy. Some permitted anonymisation in limited cases, such as the Delhi High Court’s masking of names in certain matrimonial and criminal matters.
    5. The unresolved gap: Other courts rejected similar requests on grounds of open justice. No coherent framework existed to balance these competing interests before the May 2026 judgment.

    What test did the Delhi High Court lay down, and what does it require?

    1. The core issue: The Delhi High Court ruled on a batch of over 30 consolidated petitions. The central question was whether informational privacy could justify de-indexing or masking judicial records in a system committed to open justice.
    2. Constitutional source of the right: The court held that the right to be forgotten flows from Article 21’s guarantee of dignity and informational privacy.
    3. The proportionality test: Any restriction must have a legitimate purpose. The harm to privacy must be balanced against the public interest.
    4. Preference for the least intrusive means: Masking names should be preferred over deleting the entire judgment.
    5. Procedural direction: The court prescribed a two-week deadline for legal databases to comply. It clarified that only the parties’ names should be redacted, not the facts of the case.

    Why does the right to be forgotten sit in tension with open justice and free speech?

    1. Not a stand-alone right: The right to be forgotten frequently conflicts with freedom of speech and press under Article 19(1)(a), the principle of open justice, and the public’s right to know.
    2. A high threshold for privacy: A right to privacy must be sacrificed when the public interest is of a high order, particularly in serious cases of crime.
    3. The limiting principle: The digital presence of a case should not destroy a person’s life long after the trial ends.
    4. Selective, not absolute, restriction: Judgments remain publicly accessible by case number or keyword search. Only name-based searches are restricted.
    5. The unresolved concern: For an acquitted person, a name-based search can still surface the original accusation, described as the “shadow of crime,” as the first result a user sees.

    Why does enforcement remain the weakest link in this framework?

    1. Search engine design defeats masking: Search results are still generated at the search-engine level. Removing a court’s own copy does not remove all traces.
    2. Persistence beyond the primary source: Mirrors, archived copies, and social media sharing keep the original content accessible even after a court orders removal.
    3. No coordination mechanism: Effective technical compliance requires coordination among multiple platforms. No such mechanism currently exists.
    4. Consequence for the right’s value: Without platform-level compliance, the right to be forgotten remains largely symbolic rather than enforceable.

    What is the statutory basis for erasure under the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 (DPDP Act), and why is it inadequate for judicial records?

    1. Limited existing statutory right: The Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 offers a limited right to erasure under Section 12.
    2. Consent-based design: This statutory right is primarily based on consent. It does not explicitly address judicial records.
    3. Scope gap: The Act does not cover public archives, where the need for a right to be forgotten is most acute.
    4. Non-operational status: The Act is deficient because its rules have not been notified.
    5. Missing institution: The data protection board contemplated under the Act has not been established.

    Who should decide erasure requests, and how should that authority be structured?

    1. The efficiency-accountability trade-off: Requiring every request to be decided by a court would create significant bottlenecks. Leaving decisions entirely to technology companies raises concerns about due process and transparency.
    2. A tiered proposal: A more sensible approach would use a tiered system.
    3. First tier: platforms: Straightforward cases could be heard directly by platforms.
    4. Second tier: data protection board: Contested cases would go to the data protection board.
    5. Third tier: courts: Judicial cases, including those with constitutional questions, would be reserved for courts.

    Conclusion

    The Delhi High Court’s ruling gives the right to be forgotten its most structured judicial articulation in India, subordinating deletion to name-masking to protect dignity without eroding open justice. This framework remains judge-made and non-statutory: the DPDP Act does not cover judicial records, the data protection board does not exist, and search engines retain wide discretion over technical compliance. Until the Supreme Court settles the doctrine nationally and a statutory institution is created to adjudicate erasure requests, the right to be forgotten in India will function more as a judicial aspiration than an enforceable entitlement.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2024] Right to privacy is intrinsic to life and personal liberty and is inherently protected under Article 21 of the constitution. Explain. In this reference, discuss the law relating to D.N.A. testing of a child in the womb to establish its paternity.

    Linkage: The article similarly examines the Right to be Forgotten as an aspect of informational privacy under Article 21 and its balance with freedom of speech, the public’s right to know and the principle of open justice.

  • [7th July 2026] The Hindu OpED: In India, voting cannot remain merely a statutory right 

    [UPSC 2024] Examine the need for electoral reforms as suggested by various committees with particular reference to ‘one nation-one election’ principle.
    Linkage: The PYQ examines reforms required to strengthen India’s electoral democracy and democratic participation.The article argues that constitutional recognition of the right to vote is a foundational electoral reform that would strengthen free and fair elections and deepen democratic legitimacy

    Mentor’s Comment

    A Congress leader has revived the demand to recognise voting as a fundamental right, reopening a settled constitutional debate. The demand exposes a growing inconsistency between the Supreme Court’s insistence that voting remains a mere statutory right and its own decisions constitutionalising nearly every facet surrounding the vote.

    Why has the Supreme Court traditionally treated the right to vote as a statutory right rather than a fundamental right?

    1. Foundational ruling: N.P. Ponnuswami vs Returning Officer (1952) held that the right to vote is not a common law right. Parliament created this right through statute.
    2. Reaffirmation: Jyoti Basu vs Debi Ghosal (1982) held the right to elect is “purely a statutory right.” Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy denied it the status of a fundamental right.
    3. Constitution Bench position: Kuldip Nayar vs Union of India (2006) held that democracy forms part of the basic structure (basic structure doctrine: the principle that certain core features of the Constitution cannot be altered even by a constitutional amendment). It held that the individual right to vote flows from the Representation of the People Acts, not from the Constitution.
    4. Textual basis: Part III of the Constitution does not list the right to vote among the fundamental rights.
    5. Parliamentary latitude: This textual silence gives Parliament wide discretion. Parliament prescribes qualifications, disqualifications, and procedures for elections.

    How has judicial interpretation constitutionalised individual facets of voting, and what anomaly does this create?

    1. Right to know: Union of India vs Association for Democratic Reforms (2002) held that voters have a right to know the criminal antecedents, educational qualifications, and financial assets of candidates. The Court grounded this right in Article 19(1)(a).
    2. Freedom to choose: People’s Union of Civil Liberties vs Union of India (2003) held that the freedom to make an informed choice is a fundamental right under Article 19(1)(a). The Court retained the position that the right to vote itself is statutory.
    3. Right to reject: The 2013 NOTA judgment held that a voter’s decision to reject all candidates is political expression protected by Article 19(1)(a). The Court extended ballot secrecy to voters who choose not to vote for any candidate.
    4. Emerging judicial view: Justice Ajay Rastogi’s separate opinion in Anoop Baranwal vs Union of India (2023) favoured recognising voting as a fundamental right. This view did not command a majority on the Constitution Bench.
    5. Resulting anomaly: The Court has made the right to know, the freedom to choose, and the right to reject all candidates fundamental. The act of voting itself remains a mere statutory entitlement.
    6. Logical inconsistency: The Constitution protects the right to reject every candidate. Denying protection to the right to choose one is incongruous.

    Does recognising a Fundamental Right to vote require removing Parliament’s power to regulate elections?

    1. Limited scope of the claim: Constitutional recognition is not required for every procedural detail of voting. It is required only for the core right to participate in the democratic process.
    2. Regulatory power retained: Parliament continues to prescribe qualifications, disqualifications, and age requirements for elections. Electoral rolls and residency conditions also remain within Parliament’s domain.
    3. Corrupt practices regulation: Disqualification for corrupt practices remains a statutory matter. This regulation is necessary for orderly elections.
    4. Entitlement distinguished from mechanics: The mechanics of voting may remain statutory. The citizen’s underlying entitlement to be a voter need not.

    Why does the basic structure doctrine make the statutory classification of voting untenable?

    1. Democracy as basic structure: Kesavananda Bharati vs State of Kerala (1973) held that democracy forms part of the Constitution’s basic structure.
    2. Free elections as essential feature: Indira Nehru Gandhi vs Raj Narain (1975) held that free and fair elections are an essential feature of democracy.
    3. Source of legitimacy: Elections derive legitimacy from citizen participation through the ballot. The vote is the instrument through which popular sovereignty is exercised.
    4. Constitutional source of entitlement: Article 326 mandates elections on the basis of universal adult suffrage. Every citizen above 18 is constitutionally entitled to be registered as an elector, subject only to narrowly defined disqualifications.
    5. Statute merely operationalises: The Representation of the People Acts operationalise the command in Article 326. They do not create the underlying entitlement.
    6. Exclusion as constitutional harm: Exclusion from the electoral roll strikes at a constitutional guarantee. This holds except where exclusion follows constitutionally permissible limitations.

    Conclusion

    The Supreme Court has extended constitutional protection to the right to know, the freedom to choose, and the right to reject candidates, while continuing to classify the act of voting itself as merely statutory. This position is inconsistent with the Court’s own recognition that democracy and free and fair elections form part of the basic structure. The Court must revisit the Ponnuswami-Jyoti Basu-Kuldip Nayar line of doctrine. The citizen’s entitlement to be a registered elector flows from Article 326 of the Constitution, leaving only the mechanics of voting to statutory regulation.