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Subject: Internal Security

  • What is Presidential Fleet Review?

    The President of India recently took part in the Indian Navy’s 12th Presidential Fleet Review.

    What is the President’s Fleet Review?

    • In simplest terms, it is the country’s President taking stock of the Navy’s capability.
    • It showcases all types of ships and capabilities the Navy has.
    • It takes place once under every President, who is the supreme commander of the armed forces.
    • The President is taken on one of the Naval ships, which is called the President’s Yacht, to look at all the ships docked on one of the Naval ports.
    • The yacht will be distinguished by the Ashoka Emblem on her side and will fly the President’s Standard on the Mast”.

    Importance of Presidential Fleet Review

    • A fleet review is usually conducted once during the tenure of the President.
    • So far, 11 Presidential Fleet Reviews have been conducted since Independence, of which two have been International Fleet Reviews, in 2001 and 2016.
    • In terms of significance, the Navy’s Presidential review is second only to the Republic Day Parade.
    • The President will be given a 21-gun salute before embarking on the yacht.

    Do all naval ships participate?

    • The idea is to showcase not all the Navy’s ships, but every type of ship — and the kind of capabilities it has at that time.
    • The review also includes merchant ships as well.

    What else happens in the fleet review?

    • In this most formal of naval ceremonials, each ship dressed in full regalia will salute the President as he passes.
    • The President will also be reviewing the Indian Naval Air Arm in a display of spectacular fly-past by several helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft.
    • In the final stage of the review, a mobile column of warships and submarines will steam past the Presidential Yacht.

    How many of these reviews have been held?

    • There have been 11 President’s Fleet Reviews since Independence.
    • The first was conducted in 1953, under Dr Rajendra Prasad.
    • The next one was done not by the President but by the then Defence Minister, Y B Chavan, in 1964.
    • Since then, it has been the President reviewing the fleet.
    • The longest gap between reviews was of 12 years — between 1989 (President R Venkatraman) and when 2001 (President K R Narayanan).
    • The last one was done in 2016, under President Pranab Mukherjee.

    Significance of the event

    • It is one of the most important events for the Navy, which is essentially showing its allegiance and commitment to defending the country.
    • It is a long-standing tradition followed by navies across the world, and according to Navy officials it is a strong bond that links seafarers of the world.
    • Historically, a Fleet Review is an assembly of ships at a pre-designated place for the purpose of displaying loyalty and allegiance to the Sovereign and the state.
    • In turn, the Sovereign, by reviewing the ships, reaffirms his faith in the fleet and its ability to defend the nation’s maritime interest.
    • It is perhaps conceived as a show of naval might. Though it still has the same connotation, assembling of warships without any belligerent intentions is now the norm in modern times.

     

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  • MHA recommends ban on 54 Chinese Apps

    The Ministry of Home Affairs has recommended a ban on 54 Chinese mobile applications that pose a threat to the country’s security.

    Legal basis of app ban

    • The ban has been enforced under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000.
    • This act empowers to issue directions for blocking for public access of any information through any computer resource.
    • This is done in the interest of –
      1. sovereignty and integrity of India
      2. defense of India, security of the State
      3. friendly relations with foreign states
      4. public order (or)
      5. for preventing incitement to the commission of any cognizable offense relating to above

    Why MHA has put such a ban?

    • Most of these apps were operating as clones or shadow apps of the apps that had earlier been banned by the government.
    • There was stealing and secretly transmitting users’ data in an unauthorized manner to servers that have locations outside India.
    • These apps largely impact the psychosocial abilities of the users.
    • The immediate decision has been taken in a specific strategic and national security

    Implications of the ban

    • India’s offensive: The move comes as an exercise of coercive diplomacy with China amid the heated exchange of words during the diplomatic boycott on the winter Olympics.
    • Hurting china’s ambitions: The ban may affect one of China’s most ambitious goals, namely to become the digital superpower of the 21st century.
    • Data nationalization: The ban is also based on the recognition that data streams and digital technology are a new currency of global power.

    Issues with the ban

    • Not only China: Data privacy and data security concerns are not limited only to Chinese apps.
    • Harm already caused: The apps that were banned were very popular in India and the move to block them comes after these apps had already amassed hundreds of millions of users in India.
    • Further dependency on China: The ban on Chinese mobile apps is a relatively soft target, as India remains reliant on Chinese products in several critical and strategically sensitive sectors.

    Way Forward

    • There is a strong case to revise the key legislations and sync them to change the digital environment.
    • Data privacy and security remain to be major challenges emanating from the ongoing digital revolution.
    • Thus, a data protection law is long overdue.
    • India must speed up indigenization, research, and development, and frame up a regulatory architecture to claim data sovereignty.

     

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  • Taking a byte out of cyber threats

    Context

    Cyber-attacks may be a relatively new phenomenon, but in a short timeframe have come to be assessed as dangerous as terrorism.

    A cyber attack is a type of attack that targets computer systems, infrastructures, networks, or personal computer devices using various methods at hand. India is ranked 10th (among 194 countries) in the Global Cybersecurity Index (GCI) 2020 ahead of China and
    Pakistan.

    The increasing threat of cyber attacks

    • Stuxnet Worm in 2010: Resulted in large-scale damage to Iran’s centrifuge capabilities.
    • Natanz nuclear facility (Iran) in 2021: Targeted the industrial control systems and destroyed the power supply to centrifuges used to create enriched uranium
    • Chinese cyberattack on the power system in Mumbai brought the entire city to a halt.
    • Ransomware as a Service (RaaS) — a business model for ransomware developers — is no mere idle threat.
    • Advanced Persistent Threats (APT) attacks are set to increase, with criminal networks working overtime and the Dark web allowing criminals to access even sensitive corporate networks.

    Tools of Cyberattacks

    • Malware: Malicious software to disrupt computers. It can include Viruses, Spyware, Trojans, etc.
    • Phishing: It is the method of trying to gather personal information using deceptive e-mails and websites.
    • Denial of Service attacks: A Denial-of-Service (DoS) attack is an attack meant to shut down a machine or network, making it inaccessible to its intended users.
    • Hacktivism:  Misusing a computer system or network for a socially or politically motivated reason. For example, hacktivists can block access to Government’s website, deface the government’s website or unblock the sites which have been blocked by the Government.
    • Social Engineering: Entice users to provide confidential information. For example, these days u must have come across some of the fake Facebook accounts which are opened in the name of your close friends. First, the cyber attackers send you the friend request in the name of your close friend. Once u accept it, they will ask to request you to transfer some money.

    Consequences of Cyberattacks

    • Impact on data: Confidentiality, Integrity and Availability of information.
    • Impact on Critical Information Infrastructure: Presently, most of the sectors are critically dependent on the use of ICT to carry on their operations. These sectors are Banking and Finance, Power systems, Transport sector, Telecommunication, etc. Cyber attacks on these critical information infrastructures can bring the entire country to a grinding halt. For example, the recent Chinese cyber attack on the power system in Mumbai brought the entire city to a halt.
    • Creates Distrust: A cyber-attack on a specific component exposes vulnerabilities in the entire system which may negatively impact relations with allies and adversaries and questions our nuclear reliability.
    • Financial loss: Estimates of the cost to the world in 2021 from cyberattacks are still being computed, but if the cost of cybercrimes in 2020 (believed to be more than $1 trillion) is any guide, it is likely to range between $3trillion-$4 trillion.
    • Threat to National Security and peace and stability in a country.

    Steps taken by India to improve Cyber Security

    • Section 66F of ITA: Specific provision dealing with the issue of cyber terrorism that covers denial of access, unauthorized access, introduction of computer contaminant leading to harm to persons, property, critical infrastructure, disruption of supplies, ‘sensitive data’ thefts. Provides for punishment which may extend to life imprisonment.
    • National Cyber Security Policy 2013: Policy document drafted by the Department of Electronics and Information Technology. Established National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC) to improve the protection and resilience of the country’s critical infrastructure information; Create a workforce of 5 lakh professionals skilled in cybersecurity in the next 5 years.
    • National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC): It has been setup to enhance the protection and resilience of Nation’s Critical information infrastructure. It functions under the National Technical Research Organization (NTRO).
    • CERT-IN: Organization under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology with an objective of securing Indian cyberspace. The purpose of CERT-In is to respond to computer security incidents, report on vulnerabilities, and promote effective IT security practices throughout the country. According to the provisions of the Information Technology Amendment Act 2008, CERT-In is responsible for overseeing the administration of the Act.
    • Cyber Surakshit Bharat Initiative: It was launched in 2018 with an aim to spread awareness about cybercrime and build capacity for safety measures for Chief Information Security Officers (CISOs) and frontline IT staff across all government departments.
    • Cyber Crisis Management Plan (CCMP): It aims at countering cyber threats and cyber-terrorism.
    • National Cyber Coordination Centre (NCCC): It seeks to generate necessary situational awareness of existing and potential cyber security threats and enable timely information sharing for proactive, preventive and protective actions by individual entities.
    • National Cyber Security Coordinator (NCSC) under National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) coordinates with different agencies at the national level for cyber security matters.
    • Cyber Swachhta Kendra: This platform was introduced for internet users to clean their computers and devices by wiping out viruses and malware.
    • Information Security Education and Awareness Project (ISEA): Training of personnel to raise awareness and to provide research, education, and training in the field of Information Security.

    Challenges

    • Structural:
      a)Absence of any geographical constraints.
      b)Lack of uniformity in devices used for internet access.
    • Administrative:
      a) Lack of national-level architecture for cybersecurity
      b) Security audit does not occur periodically, nor does it adhere to the international standards.
      c) The appointment of the National Cyber Security Coordinator in 2014 has not been supplemented by creating liaison officers in states.
    • Procedural
      a) Lack of awareness in local police of various provisions of IT Act, 2000, and also of IPSC related to cybercrime.
      b) Lack of data protection regime.
    • Human Resource Related
      a) Inadequate awareness among people about the security of devices and online transactions.

    Way forward

    • International Convention: Presently, Budapest Convention is the first international treaty that promotes greater cooperation between countries in fighting cybercrimes. India should accede to Budapest Convention at the earliest. It would reduce India’s capacity to combat cybercrimes at a global level.
    • PPP Framework for Cyber Security: Presently, most of the cyber security operations are carried out by the Government agencies such as CERT-In. Given the fast-changing nature and intensity of cyber threats, there is a need to leverage private sector expertise in combating cyber crimes through the PPP framework.
    • Capacity building and skill development- Recently, according to a report published by NASSCOM, India needs around 10 lakh, cyber security experts. However, presently there are only around 64,000 professionals. One of the main reasons for the lower number of cyber security professionals is due to lack of an adequate number of specialized courses in cyber security, poor training Infrastructure, lack of availability of trainers, etc. Hence, accordingly, the Government has to recognize the lacunae and increase the number of Skilled professionals.
    • Promoting Startups in the field of Cybersecurity.
    • Investment in R&D to improve Cyber Security- Big data, AI
    • Learning from best practices such as the Tallinn manual of the US.

    Conclusion

    Failure to build resilience — at both the ‘technical and human level — will mean that the cycle of cyber attacks and the distrust they give rise to will continue to threaten the foundations of a democratic society. Preventing erosion of trust is critical in this day and age.

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  • In news: Exercise Milan 2022

    Exercise Milan as well as the Fleet Review by President is scheduled to be held this month for which 46 countries have been invited.

    Exercise Milan

    • Milan began in 1995 and is held biennially and brings together Navies of all the countries in the region.
    • It has so far been held at Port Blair in Andaman and Nicobar but is now being shifted to Visakhapatnam which offers more infrastructure as well as sea space for the exercise.
    • It has several themes such as anti-submarine warfare among others along with deliberations, including by subject matter experts.

    What is Fleet Review?

    • A Fleet Review is usually conducted once during the tenure of the President.
    • The first PFR was held in 1953 for the first President Dr. Rajendra Prasad.
    • Since Independence 11 PFRs have been conducted by the Navy, of which two have been International Fleet Reviews in 2011 and 2016.
    • In terms of significance, the Navy’s Presidential review is second only to the Republic Day Parade.

     

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  • BrahMos Deal and India’s Defence Exports

    On January 28, the Philippines signed a $374.96 million deal with BrahMos Aerospace Pvt. Ltd. for the supply of shore-based anti-ship variant of the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile.

    Details of the contract

    • The Philippines contract includes delivery of three BrahMos missile batteries, training for operators and maintainers as well as the necessary Integrated Logistics Support (ILS) package.
    • The coastal defence regiment of the Philippine Marines, which is under the Navy, will be the primary employer of the missile system.

    What makes the deal special?

    • This is the first export order for the missile which is a joint product between India and Russia and also the biggest defence export contract of the country.
    • This adds impetus to meet the ambitious target set by the Government to achieve a manufacturing turnover of $25 billion in aerospace and defence goods and services by 2025.

    What is the BrahMos Missile System?

    • BrahMos is a joint venture between India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyeniya.
    • The missile derives its name from the Brahmaputra and Moskva rivers.
    • Beginning with an anti-ship missile, several variants have since been developed.
    • It is now capable of being launched from land, sea, sub-sea and air against surface and sea-based targets and has constantly been improved and upgraded.

    Its range

    • The range of the BrahMos was originally limited to 290 kms as per obligations of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) of which Russia was a signatory.
    • Following India’s entry into the club in June 2016, plans were announced to extend the range initially to 450 kms and subsequently to 600 kms.
    • BrahMos with extended range upto 450 kms has been tested several times since.

    Deployments in India

    • The missile has been long inducted by the Indian armed forces.
    • The Army has recently deployed the system along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Arunachal Pradesh.

    Which other countries are in discussion for the BrahMos missiles?

    • While the first export order for BrahMos took a long time, the next order is likely to be concluded soon with negotiations with Indonesia and Thailand in advanced stages.
    • Philippines is also looking at several other military procurements from India and South East Asia as the region has emerged as a major focus area for India’s defence exports.
    • For instance, the HAL has received interest from Philippines Coast Guard for procurement of seven Dhruv Advanced Light Helicopters and eight Dornier Do-228 aircraft under the $100mn Line of Credit.
    • In addition, maritime domain and ship building is another potential area for Indian companies in the Philippines.

    What is the status of defence exports?

    • India has put out a range of military hardware on sale which includes various missile systems, Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), helicopters, warship and patrol vessels, artillery guns, tanks, radars etc.
    • From 2016-17 to 2018-19, the country’s defence exports have increased from ₹1,521 crore to ₹10,745 crore, a staggering 700% growth.

    Steps taken by the Centre to boost defence production

    • Licensing relaxation: Measures announced to boost exports since 2014 include simplified defence industrial licensing, relaxation of export controls and grant of no-objection certificates.
    • Lines of Credit: Specific incentives were introduced under the foreign trade policy and the Ministry of External Affairs has facilitated Lines of Credit for countries to import defence product.
    • Policy boost: The Defence Ministry has also issued a draft Defence Production & Export Promotion Policy 2020.
    • Indigenization lists: On the domestic front, to boost indigenous manufacturing, the Government had issued two “positive indigenization lists” consisting of 209 items that cannot be imported.
    • Budgetary allocation: In addition, a percentage of the capital outlay of the defence budget has been reserved for procurement from domestic industry.

    Issues retarding defence exports

    • Excess reliance on Public Sector: India has four companies (Indian ordnance factories, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL)) among the top 100 biggest arms producers of the world.
    • Policy delays: In the past few years, the government has approved over 200 defence acquisition worth Rs 4 trillion, but most are still in relatively early stages of processing.
    • Lack of Critical Technologies: Poor design capability in critical technologies, inadequate investment in R&D and the inability to manufacture major subsystems and components hamper the indigenous manufacturing.
    • Long gestation: The creation of a manufacturing base is capital and technology-intensive and has a long gestation period. By that time newer technologies make products outdated.
    • ‘Unease’ in doing business: An issue related to stringent labour laws, compliance burden and lack of skills, affects the development of indigenous manufacturing in defence.
    • Multiple jurisdictions: Overlapping jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Industrial Promotion impair India’s capability of defence manufacturing.
    • Lack of quality: The higher indigenization in few cases is largely attributed to the low-end technology.
    • FDI Policy: The earlier FDI limit of 49% was not enough to enthuse global manufacturing houses to set up bases in India.
    • R&D Lacunae: A lip service to technology funding by making token allocations is an adequate commentary on our lack of seriousness in the area of Research and Development.
    • Lack of skills: There is a lack of engineering and research capability in our institutions. It again leads us back to the need for a stronger industry-academia interface.

    Way forward

    • Reducing import dependence: India was the world’s second-largest arms importer from 2014-18, ceding the long-held tag as the largest importer to Saudi Arabia, says 2019 SIPRI report.
    • Security Imperative: Indigenization in defence is critical to national security also. It keeps intact the technological expertise and encourages spin-off technologies and innovation that often stem from it.
    • Economic boost: Indigenization in defence can help create a large industry which also includes small manufacturers.
    • Employment generation: Defence manufacturing will lead to the generation of satellites industries that in turn will pave the way for a generation of employment opportunities.

    Back2Basics: Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR)

    • MTCR is an informal political understanding between countries to limit the spread of missiles and missile technology.
    • MTCR was started by like-minded countries to prevent nuclear proliferation.
    • In 1992, the original focus of the MTCR was to prevent the proliferation of missiles capable of carrying chemical, biological and nuclear warheads and as a threat to international peace and security.

    Also read:

    Growth of India’s Defence Exports

     

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  • What is ‘Z’ Category Security?

    A noted Parliamentarian from Hyderabad has rejected the ‘Z’ category security by the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) accorded to him.

    Security Provisions in India

    • In India, security is provided to high-risk individuals by the police and local government.
    • The level of security needed by any individual is decided by the Ministry of Home Affairs, based on inputs received from intelligence agencies which include the IB and R&AW.
    • Individuals such as PM, home minister, and other officials such as the National Security Advisor generally get security cover because of the positions they occupy.
    • In addition to this, persons who are believed to be under threat also receive security cover.

    What is ‘Z’ Category Security?

    In India, the category covers are X, Y, Y-plus, Z, Z-plus, and SPG (Special Protection Group).

    • X Category: The protectee gets one gunman. Protectees in the Y category have one gunman for mobile security and one (plus four on rotation) for static security.
    • Y Plus category: It receives the cover of two gunmen (plus four on rotation) for mobile security, and one (plus four on rotation) for residence security,
    • Z Category: It has six gunmen for mobile security and two (plus 8) for residence security. They get 10 security personnel for mobile security, and two (plus 8) for residence security.
    • Z Plus Category: It is provided by National Security Guard commandos whereas the other category of security is provided by the Delhi police or the ITBP or CRPF personnel.

    What about Special Protection Group (SPG) Cover?

    • The SPG cover is meant only for the PM and his immediate family.
    • After Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her own security guards in 1984, the Rajiv Gandhi government decided to create a special cadre of security personnel for the PM.
    • In March 1985, following the recommendations of a committee set up by the Home Ministry, a special unit was created for this purpose under the Cabinet Secretariat.
    • This unit, initially called the Special Protection Unit, was renamed as Special Protection Group in April 1985.

     

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  • What is Pegasus Spyware Controversy?

    A New York Times report has claimed that the Indian government had bought the Pegasus Spyware in 2017.

    What is Pegasus?

    • Pegasus is a spyware developed by NSO Group, an Israeli surveillance firm that helps spies hack into phones.
    • In 2019, when WhatsApp sued the firm in a U.S. court, the matter came to light.
    • In July 2021, Amnesty International, along with 13 media outlets across the globe released a report on how the spyware was used to snoop hundreds of individuals, including Indians.
    • While the NSO claims its spyware is sold only to governments, none of the nations have come forward to accept the claims.

    Why is Pegasus so lethal?

    • What makes Pegasus really dangerous is that it spares no aspect of a person’s identity.
    • It makes older techniques of spying seem relatively harmless.
    • It can intercept every call and SMS, read every email and monitor each messaging app.
    • Pegasus can also control the phone’s camera and microphone and has access to the device’s location data.
    • The app advertises that it can carry out “file retrieval”, which means it could access any document that a target might have stored on their phone.

    Dysfunctions created by Pegasus

    • Privacy breach: The very existence of a surveillance system, whether under a provision of law or without it, impacts the right to privacy under Article 21 and the exercise of free speech under Article 19.
    • Curbing Dissent: It reflects a disturbing trend with regard to the use of hacking software against dissidents and adversaries. In 2019 also, Pegasus software was used to hack into HR & Dalit activists.
    • Individual safety: In the absence of privacy, the safety of journalists, especially those whose work criticizes the government, and the personal safety of their sources is jeopardised.
    • Self-Censorship: Consistent fear over espionage may grapple individuals. This may impact their ability to express, receive and discuss such ideas.
    • State-sponsored mass surveillance: The spyware coupled with AI can manipulate digital content in users’ smartphones. This in turn can polarize their opinion by the distant controllers.
    • National security: The potential misuse or proliferation has the same, if not more, ramifications as advanced nuclear technology falling into the wrong hands.

    Snooping in India:  A Legality check

    For Pegasus-like spyware to be used lawfully, the government would have to invoke both the IT Act and the Telegraph Act. Communication surveillance in India takes place primarily under two laws:

    1. Telegraph Act, 1885: It deals with interception of calls.
    2. Information Technology Act, 2000: It was enacted to deal with surveillance of all electronic communication, following the Supreme Court’s intervention in 1996.

    Cyber security safeguards in India

    • National Cyber Security Policy: The policy was developed in 2013 to build secure and resilient cyberspace for India’s citizens and businesses.
    • Indian Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In): The CERT-In is responsible for incident responses including analysis, forecasts, and alerts on cybersecurity issues and breaches.
    • Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Centre (I4C): The Central Government has rolled out a scheme for the establishment of the I4C to handle issues related to cybercrime in the country in a comprehensive and coordinated manner.
    • Budapest Convention: There also exists Budapest Convention on Cybercrime. However, India is not a signatory to this convention.

    Issues over government involvement

    • It is worth asking why the government would need to hack phones and install spyware when existing laws already offer impunity for surveillance.
    • In the absence of parliamentary or judicial oversight, electronic surveillance gives the executive the power to influence both the subject of surveillance and all classes of individuals, resulting in a chilling effect on free speech.

    Way forward

    • The security of a device becomes one of the fundamental bedrock of maintaining user trust as society becomes more and more digitized.
    • Constituting an independent high-level inquiry with credible members and experts that can restore confidence and conduct its proceedings transparently.
    • The need for judicial oversight over surveillance systems in general, and judicial investigation into the Pegasus hacking, in particular, is very essential.

    Conclusion

    • We must recognize that national security starts with securing the smartphones of every single Indian by embracing technologies such as encryption rather than deploying spyware.
    • This is a core part of our fundamental right to privacy.
    • This intrusion by spyware is not merely an infringement of the rights of the citizens of the country but also a worrying development for India’s national security apparatus.

     

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  • Why India needs a single agency to guard its borders

    Context

    Recent developments warrant a comprehensive review of border management to ensure the all-weather security of our borders.

    What makes India’s border management difficult?

    • India shares land borders with Pakistan, China, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Myanmar, which stretch approximately 15,106 km.
    • In addition, we have an approximately 3,323 km-long LoC with Pakistan, which further extends to the rechristened 110 km stretch of “Actual Ground Position Line” (AGPL) dividing the Siachen glacier region.
    • Further east, we have the 3,488 km LAC with China.
    • We share maritime boundaries with Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Myanmar and Indonesia; we have a 7,683 km coastline and an approximately 2 million sq km exclusive economic zone (EEZ).
    • This makes India’s task more complex than most other countries.

    Multiple agencies securing borders

    • Complexity is accentuated by the fact that along with the army, we have multiple other security agencies — the Central Armed Police Force (CAPF) and the Paramilitary Forces (PMF) — sharing the responsibility.
    • While the army is deployed along the LoC and AGPL, the Border Security Force (BSF) looks after the international border with Pakistan and Bangladesh.
    • Guarding the LAC has been assigned to the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and Assam Rifles.
    • The Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) is responsible for guarding the borders with Nepal and Bhutan.
    • The Assam Rifles looks after our border with Myanmar.
    • In a nutshell, in addition to the army, we have four agencies guarding borders with six neighbours.
    • Conversely, maritime borders are guarded by a single agency — the Coast Guard.

    Need for review of the border management

    • There is a lack of a coherent policy on training, planning and the conduct of guarding operations among various outfits.
    • Overall coordination is also affected.
    • Our adversary on the western border has often escalated violations by resorting to the prolonged use of military resources.
    • Chinese provocations along the LAC are military operations.
    • Clearly, the peace-time scenario is now by and large militarised.

    Way forward

    • Single security agency: In this scenario, India needs a single security agency adequately equipped, suitably armed and trained in advanced military drills and sub-unit tactics to guard our borders.
    • Manpower from Army: Further, to augment the battle efficiency, a fixed percentage of manpower, including the officer cadre, should be drawn on deputation from the army.
    • Paramilitary force under Ministry of Defence: To ensure the desired training and operational standards, this single security agency should be designated as a paramilitary force under the Ministry of Defence and operate under the army.
    • Mergers: The ITBP and the SSB should be fully merged into the new outfit; the BSF and CRPF still have important internal security duties and can be partially merged.
    • The reorganised Assam Rifles too should retain its role of conducting counter-insurgency operations and act as a reserve for the army for conventional operations.
    • Most countries have raised specialised and dedicated armed bodies for border security.
    •  Iran has the Border Guard Command, Italy has the Border Police Service, Russia has created a Border Guard Service, whereas in the US, it is under Homeland Security.
    • Most of these countries, based on threat perception and for better combat cohesion, have placed these organisations under the command of the armed forces.

    Conclusion

    India should adopt a single agency with adequate resources and training to deal with the evolving challenges.

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  • Houthi Attack on United Arab Emirates

    A suspected drone attack on Monday in Abu Dhabi, the capital of UAE, caused multiple explosions in which three Indians were reportedly killed.

    Who is behind the attack?

    • The Shia Houthi rebels of Yemen have claimed responsibility for the attack.

    Who are the Houthis?

    • The roots of the Houthi movement can be traced to “Believing Youth” (Muntada al-Shahabal-Mu’min).
    • It is a Zaydi revivalist group founded by Hussein al-Houthi and his father, Badr al-Din al-Houthi, in the early 1990s.
    • Badr al-Din was an influential Zaydi cleric in northern Yemen.
    • This group is inspired by the Iranian revolution of 1979 and the rise of Hezbollah in southern Lebanon in the 1980s.
    • Badr al-Din and his sons started building vast social and religious networks among the Zaydis of Yemen, who make up roughly one-third of the Sunni-majority country’s population.

    What led to the Houthis’ rise?

    • When protests broke out in Yemen in 2011 as part of the Arab Spring protests that felled Tunisian and Egyptian dictators.
    • The Houthis, now confident from their military victories and the support they enjoyed in Sadah, backed the agitation.

    Why did Saudi Arabia attack Yemen?

    • The rapid rise of the Houthis in Yemen set off alarm bells in Riyadh which saw them as Iranian proxies.
    • Saudi Arabia, under Mohammed Bin Salman, started a military campaign in March 2015, hoping for a quick victory against the Houthis.
    • But the Houthis had dug in, refusing to leave despite Saudi Arabia’s aerial blitzkrieg.
    • With no effective allies on the ground and no way-out plan, the Saudi-led campaign went on with no tangible result.
    • In the past six years, the Houthis have launched multiple attacks on Saudi cities from northern Yemen in retaliation for Saudi air strikes.

    Not a one-way proxy war

    • There are serious allegations against both the Saudis and the Houthis in the war.
    • While the Saudi bombings caused a large number of civilian deaths, the Houthis were accused, by rights groups and Governments, of preventing aid, deploying forces in densely populated areas.
    • Houthis have been using excessive force against civilians and peaceful protesters.

    Why did the Houthis target the UAE?

    • This is not the first time the Houthis attacked the UAE. In 2018, when the UAE-backed forces were making advances in Yemen, the Houthis claimed attacks against the Emirates.
    • They stayed focussed entirely on Saudi Arabia and Saudi-backed forces inside Yemen.

    Try this PYQ:

    Consider the following pairs:

    Towns sometimes mentioned in news: Countries

    1. Aleppo: Syria
    2. Kirkuk: Yemen
    3. Mosul: Palestine
    4. Mazar-i-sharif: Afghanistan

    Which of the pairs given above are correctly matched?

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 1 and 4 only

    (c) 2 and 3 only

    (d) 3 and 4 only

     

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”lv8gqunrwl” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

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  • How women cadets benefit the army

    Context

    Last year, the Supreme Court threw open the hallowed portals of the National Defence Academy for women. Something to truly celebrate on January 15, Army Day, this year.

    Background

    • The first batch of women officers was inducted into the Indian Army in non-medical roles via the Short Service Commission in 1992.
    • Since 2008, women were inducted as permanent commissioned officers in the legal and education corps  and as permanent commissioned officers in eight more non-combative corps in 2020.

    The low number of women in Army

    • As recent as 2020, women officers in the Indian army (excluding the medical corps) numbered just about three per cent.
    • Compare this to 16 per cent in the US, 15 per cent in France and 10 per cent in both Russia and the UK.

    Significance of allowing women to NDA

    • When in February 2020, the Supreme Court decreed that women officers should get command positions on par with male officers, it also effectively dismissed the military’s earlier objection that it would lead to “operational, practical and cultural problems”.
    • The SC went on to say that denying women commands based on the above argument was discriminatory and reinforced stereotypes.
    • Last year, the Supreme Court threw open the National Defence Academy for women to compete for the seats and subsequent permanent commission in the Indian army in any corps they desire, including the combat ones.
    • Addressing the shortage of officers: This may effectively address the long-standing shortage of officers in the Indian army in general. In response to a question in Rajya Sabha a month ago, the Minister of State for Defence said the Army has a shortage of 7,476 officers.
    • This torch may also help confront the chauvinism, often misspelt as chivalry, that indisputably exists in the Army.

    Conclusion

    The move promises to change the composition of this arm of the defence force not just quantitatively, but also qualitatively — both dire requirements of the force at present.

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    Back2Basics: Permanent Commission (PC) Vs. Short Service Commission (SSC)

    • SSC means an officer’s career will be of a limited period in the Indian Armed Forces whereas a PC means they shall continue to serve in the Indian Armed Forces, till they retire.
    • The officers inducted through the SSC usually serve for a period of 14 years.
    • At the end of 10 years, the officers have three options.
    • A PC entitles an officer to serve in the Navy till he/she retires unlike SSC, which is currently for 10 years and can be extended by four more years, or a total of 14 years.
    • They can either select for a PC or opt-out or have the option of a 4-years extension.
    • They can resign at any time during this period of 4 years extension.