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Subject: Internal Security

  • Explained: BSF powers and jurisdiction

    A blueprint that defines the extended jurisdiction of the Border Security Force (BSF) and its new logistical requirements in frontier States has been prepared and is soon expected to be submitted to the Union Home Ministry.

    What is the news?

    • While in Punjab, West Bengal and Assam, the BSF jurisdiction, from the border towards the hinterland, was enhanced from the earlier 15 km to 50 km.
    • In Gujarat the same limit has been reduced from 80 km to 50 km, while in Rajasthan the limit has been kept unchanged at 50 km.

    Do you know?

    BSF currently stands as the world’s largest border guarding force. It has been termed as the First Line of Defence of Indian Territories.

    About Border Security Force (BSF)

    • The BSF is India’s border guarding organization on its border with Pakistan and Bangladesh.
    • It comes under the Ministry of Home Affairs.
    • It was raised in the wake of the 1965 War on 1 December 1965 for ensuring the security of the borders of India and for matters connected therewith.
    • The BSF has its own cadre of officers but its head, designated as a Director-General (DG), since its raising has been an officer from the Indian Police Service (IPS).

    What are the new modifications?

    • The MHA has exercised the powers under the Border Security Force Act of 1968.
    • It has thus outlined the area of BSF’s jurisdiction.

    Powers exercised by BSF in its jurisdiction

    BSFs jurisdiction has been extended only in respect of the powers it enjoys under:

    1. Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC)
    2. Passport (Entry into India) Act, 1920 and
    3. Passport Act, 1967

    Arrest and search

    • BSF currently has powers to arrest and search under these laws.
    • It also has powers to arrest, search and seize under the NDPS Act, Arms Act, Customs Act and certain other laws.

    Sanctions behind such powers

    • Scarcely populated borders: At that time, border areas were sparsely populated and there were hardly any police stations for miles.
    • Trans-border crimes: To prevent trans-border crimes, it was felt necessary that BSF is given powers to arrest.
    • Manpower crunch: While police stations have now come up near the border, they continue to be short-staffed.

    Various issues at Borders

    1. Encroachment
    2. Illegal incursion
    3. Drug and cattle smuggling

    Impact on State Police jurisdiction

    • Such moves are aimed to complement the efforts of the local police.
    • Thus, it is an enabling provision.
    • It’s not that the local police can’t act within the jurisdiction of the BSF.
    • The state police have better knowledge of the ground.
    • Hence BSF and local Police can act in cooperation.

    Criticism of the move

    • At a basic level, the states can argue that law and order is a state subject and enhancing BSF’s jurisdiction infringes upon powers of the state government.
    • In 2012, then Gujarat CM and the present PM had opposed a central government moves to expand BSF’s jurisdiction.

     

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  • Need for a National Security Doctrine

    Context

    All major powers undertake a periodic (every 4-5 years) review of their evolving national security objectives. The government of India, on the other hand, has neglected to undertake any such exercise, in the past 75 years.

    India’s defence budget for FY 2022-23

    • In 2022-23, the Ministry of Defence has been allocated Rs 5,25,166 crore.
    • This includes expenditure on salaries of armed forces and
      civilians, pensions, modernisation of armed forces, production establishments, maintenance, and research and development organisations.
    • According to the Stockholm International Peace
      Research Institute (SIPRI), India was the third largest defence spender in absolute terms in 2020
      after USA and China.
    • In the last decade (2012-13 to 2022-23), the budget of the Ministry of Defence has grown at an annual average rate of 8.6%, while total government expenditure has grown at 10.8%.
    • Defence expenditure as a percentage of GDP declined from 2.3% in 2012-13 to 2% in 2022-23.

    Neglect of defence expenditure in India

    • Defence expenditure as non-plan expenditure: Independent India saw defence expenditure being relegated to the “non-plan” category, within the ambit of a Soviet-inspired, central economy.
    • Pension bill linked to defence budget: In another anomaly, the pension bill of veteran soldiers — a separate charge on the exchequer — was linked to the defence budget.
    • Neglect of modernisation needs: And the growing pension bill was given as an excuse for the dwindling funds available for force-enhancement and hardware replacement/modernisation.
    • As a result, the finance ministry, instead of finding ways and means of raising essential, additional funds for national defence demanded that they evolve measures for reducing the pension bill.

    Two issues with our national security approach

    1] Lack of periodic review

    • Every nation faces the eternal “guns vs butter” dilemma.
    • Periodic review: All major powers undertake a periodic (every 4-5 years) review of their evolving national security objectives, the options available, and the economic/military means available for achieving them.
    • Apart from providing fiscal guidance, this process also facilitates the evolution of a national security strategy. 
    • China, has, since 2002, been issuing, with unfailing regularity, a biennial “Defence White Paper”, which encapsulates all of the foregoing, and is available on the Internet; for the information of foes and friends, alike.
    • The government of India, on the other hand, has neglected to undertake any such exercise, in the past 75 years.
    • India is amongst the few major powers which has failed to issue a National Security Strategy or Doctrine.

    2] Lack of organisation reforms

    • A second fact that we need to face is that our armed forces have remained in a Second World War time-warp, as far as their organisation and doctrines are concerned.
    • Lack of political will and internal resistance: Attempts at organisational reform have come to naught due to lack of political will as well as internal resistance from the services; with the constitution of a Chief of Defence Staff and creation of a Department of Military Affairs providing the latest examples.

    Way forward

    • Given the transformed nature of warfare, down-sizing of the Indian army, by substituting manpower with smart technology and innovative tactics, has become an imperative need.

    Agnipath Scheme

    • Recently announced Agnipath scheme provides for the recruitment of youths in the age bracket of 17-and-half to 21 years for only four years with a provision to retain 25 per cent of them for 15 more years.
    • Later, the government extended the upper age limit to 23 years for recruitment in 2022.
    • The personnel to be recruited under the new scheme will be known as Agniveers.

    Suggestions for Agneepath Scheme

    • 1] Not the best time to introduce reform: Given the parlous security situation, on the country’s northern and western borders as well as the ongoing domestic turbulence, this is not the best time to cast the armed forces — already short of manpower — into turmoil, with a radical and untried new recruitment system.
    • 2] The scheme is suitable for the army only: Such a scheme, in its present form, is suitable only for the army, whose large infantry component is not excessively burdened with technology.
    • In case of the navy and air force,  at least 5-6 years are required before a new entrant can acquire enough hands-on experience to be entrusted with the operation or maintenance of lethal weapon systems and complex machinery and electronics.
    • 3] Trial before implementation: A radical change of this nature should have been subjected to a trial before service-wide implementation.
    • Ideally, a few units of the regular or Territorial Army could have been earmarked as a testing ground, and feed-back obtained.
    • 4] Legal backing to post-demobilisation employment: Experience of the past has shown that the home ministry has resisted induction of ex-servicemen into the armed-police and para-military forces, on the grounds that it would spoil the career path of their own cadres.
    • Neglect by the state government: Similarly, state governments and other agencies have blatantly ignored the reservations mandated for ESM.
    • Therefore, if the Agnipath scheme has to offer a meaningful promise of post-demobilisation employment or education, this must be mandated by an Act of Parliament, on the lines of the “GI Bill” enacted by the US Congress.

    Conclusion

    A scheme on the lines of Agnipath, appropriately constituted, and focused on enhancing “combat effectiveness” rather than “effecting savings” or “generating employment,” could have triggered a reformative process. But the above given caveats need to be borne in mind in this context.

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  • Explained: Critical Information Infrastructure

    The Union Ministry of Electronics and IT (MeitY) has declared IT resources of ICICI Bank, HDFC Bank and UPI managing entity NPCI as ‘critical information infrastructure’.

    Try this PYQ:

    In India, the term “Public Key Infrastructure” is used in the context of

    (a) Digital security infrastructure

    (b) Food security infrastructure

    (c) Health care and education infrastructure

    (d) Telecommunication and transportation infrastructure

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”2d4o8z90sm” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

    What is Critical Information Infrastructure (CIC)?

    • The Information Technology Act, 2000 explicitly gives definition of CIC.
    • It defines CIC as a computer resource, the incapacitation or destruction of which shall have debilitating impact on national security, economy, public health or safety.
    • It basically aims to protect the digital assets.
    • The government, under the Act, has the power to declare any data, database, IT network or communications infrastructure as CII.
    • Any person who secures access or attempts to secure access to a protected system in violation of the law can be punished with a jail term of up to 10 years.

    Why is CII classification and protection necessary?

    • IT resources form the backbone of countless critical operations in a country’s infrastructure.
    • Given their interconnectedness, disruptions can have a cascading effect across sectors.

    What led to the classification of CICs?

    • In 2007, a wave of denial-of-service attacks, allegedly from Russian IP addresses, hit major Estonian banks, government bodies – ministries and parliament, and media outlets.
    • It was cyber aggression of the kind that the world had not seen before.
    • The attacks played havoc in one of the most networked countries in the world for almost three weeks.

    Recent incidents of CIC incapacitation

    • In October, 2020 as India battled the pandemic, the electric grid supply to Mumbai suddenly stopped.
    • It hit the mega city’s hospitals, trains and businesses.
    • Later, a study by a US firm claimed that this power outage could have been a cyber-attack, allegedly from a China-linked group.
    • The government, however, was quick to deny any cyber-attack in Mumbai. But prospects cannot be denied.
    • The incident underlined the possibility of hostile state and non-state actors probing internet-dependent critical systems in other countries, and the necessity to fortify such assets.

    How are CIIs protected in India?

    • Created in January 2014, the National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC) is the nodal agency.
    • It takes all measures to protect the nation’s critical information infrastructure.
    • It is mandated to guard CIIs from “unauthorized access, modification, use, disclosure, disruption, incapacitation or distraction”.
    • NCIIPC monitors and forecasts national-level threats to CII for policy guidance, expertise sharing and situational awareness for early warning or alerts.

     

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  • The Cyber factor in the Russia-Ukraine war

    Context

    After 100 days of Ukraine crisis, Russia is yet to achieve what can be termed as a decisive victory in any sector of the current conflict.

    Reasons for the lacklustre performance of Russia

    • Several reasons have been adduced by experts in the West for the lacklustre performance of the Russian army.
    • Lack of motivation: There is a lack of motivation and the poor morale of the Russian forces sent to Ukraine.
    • Outdated weaponry: Russian weaponry being outdated and ineffective to fight an informationalised war under modern conditions.
    • Leadership issue: Russian commanders have also proved inept in devising plans and taking appropriate decisions in battlefield conditions against a determined enemy.

    Important role of cyber warfare

    • Given that cyber is often touted as the Fifth Dimension of warfare, it may be worthwhile to examine whether this indeed is the first major conflict in which ‘cyber’ is playing a crucial role, allowing a weaker nation with cyber capabilities to use it to its advantage.
    • A former Chief of the National Security Agency of the U.S., in his memoirs had said that although cyberspace is a man-made domain, it had become critical to military operations on land, sea, air and in space.
    • A former U.S. Secretary of Defence a few years ago,, even talked of a possible ‘cyber Pearl Harbour to paralyze nations and create a profound sense of vulnerability’.
    • The Russian military oligarchy is indeed among the world leaders in digital disruption and cyber-methodology.
    • One could have reasonably presumed that even before the conflict commenced, Russia would have swamped Ukraine with an avalanche of digital attacks.
    • Ukraine, for its part, has its own digital army, including a corps of digital weapons.

    Limits of cyber warfare

    • There are several publicised instances earlier, of alleged Russian operatives waging a cyberwar against Ukraine.
    • Both sides now possess and use malware such as data-wipers which have proved highly effective.
    • On the day the Russian invasion of Ukraine began, Russian cyber units are believed to have successfully deployed destructive malware against several Ukrainian military targets.
    •  A series of distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks against Ukrainian banking and defence websites occurred simultaneously.
    • As far as the conduct of the war is concerned, the string of small-scale cyberattacks cannot be said to have had any material impact on the conduct or outcome of the conflict.
    • Hence, the cardinal question is why given that Ukraine has put up such a heroic defence — and to a considerable extent stalled the Russian offensive — Russia has not embarked on a massive all-out cyber-offensive.
    • If that be the case, then much of the speculation that cyberattacks in the event of a war provide a perpetrator the capability to enact another ‘Pearl Harbour’ seems highly unrealistic.

    Conclusion

    It is very likely, and possibly a fact, that there are major difficulties in planning and executing massive cyberattacks on a short timeline to ensure higher efficacy of kinetic attacks.

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  • Analysing the Agnipath scheme

    Context

    Recently, the Agnipath scheme for recruitment of short-term contracted soldiers was announced.

    About Agnipath Scheme

    • This will be the only form of recruitment of soldiers into the three defence services from now.
    • The scheme aims at strengthening national security and for providing an opportunity to the youth to serve in the armed forces.
    • Recruits under the scheme will be known as ‘Agniveers’.
    • After completing the four-year service, they can apply for regular employment in the armed forces.
    • They may be given priority over others for various jobs in other government departments.
    • The move is expected to decrease the average age profile of armed forces personnel from the current 32 to 24-26 years over a period of time.

    Benefits of the Agnipath Scheme

    • Lower the average age: The average age in the forces is 32 years today, which will go down to 26 in six to seven years, the scheme envisions.
    • Youthful armed forces will allow them to be easily trained for new technologies.
    • Employment opportunities: It will increase employment opportunities and because of the skills and experience acquired during the four-year service such soldiers will get employment in various fields.
    • High-skilled workforce: The scheme will also lead to the availability of a higher-skilled workforce to the economy which will be helpful in productivity gain and overall GDP growth

    Financial constraints and challenges

    • Directing funds towards modernisation: It has been argued that the savings in the pensions bill — which will show up on the books only after a couple of decades — would be directed towards the modernisation of defence forces.
    • The armed forces do not have that kind of time available to them to postpone their already long-delayed modernisation.
    • Shortage: The Indian Air Force is already down to 30 squadrons of fighter jets against the 42 squadrons it needs, and the Indian Navy is at 130 ships when its vision was to be a 200-ship navy; the Indian Army is already short of 1,00,000 soldiers.
    •  Instead of expanding the economy to support the military, the Government has resorted to shrinking the military.

    Issues with the short-term recruitment

    • No theoretical modelling: As the short-term recruitment policy has neither been theoretically modelled nor tried out as a pilot project, the exact consequences of the move will only be known as they play out.
    • Adverse effect on professional capabilities: But its adverse effect on the professional capabilities of the armed forces is certain.
    • It starts with the very high turnover of young soldiers, the increase in training capacities and infrastructure and the augmentation of the administrative setup for greater recruitment, release, and retention of soldiers.
    • An armed forces boasting of a poor teeth-to-tail ratio is further increasing the tail.
    • Impact on operational capabilities: The tooth-to-tail ratio (T3R), in military jargon, is the amount of military personnel it takes to supply and support (“tail”) each combat soldier (“tooth”).
    • The Indian Air Force and the Indian Navy employ their airmen and sailors in very specialised roles, which require technical skills, and a high degree of training and experience.
    • Because the short-term contractual soldier model (the Agniveer scheme) is going to take a few years to fully play out at an organisational level, the actual degradation of operational capability will only be known then.
    • Class-based recruitment abolished: In the Agnipath proposal, the class-based recruitment has been replaced with an all-India all-class recruitment.
    • It will strike at the core of the organisational management, leadership structures and operating philosophy of the Indian Army.
    • Even though the soldiers in the Indian Army are professionally trained, they also draw their motivation from their social identity  — where each soldier cares for his reputation among the peers in his caste group or his village or his social setting.
    • To replace that with a pure professional identity of a soldier will bring its own challenges in a tradition-bound army.
    • Training challenges: There will be major problems in training, integrating and deploying soldiers with different levels of experience and motivations.
    • An organisation which depends on trust, camaraderie and esprit de corps could end up grappling with rivalries and jealousies amongst winners and losers, especially in their final year of contract.
    • Legal challenges: Even though the Government has kept the contract at four years to deny the Agniveer gratuity and is not counting the contractual period towards regular service, these provisions are bound to be challenged legally.
    •  Over time, this will lead to the salary and pension budget creeping back up again.
    • Political imbalance: The Agnipath scheme also does away with the idea of a State-wise quota for recruitment into the Army, based on the Recruitable Male Population of that State which was implemented from 1966.
    • This prevented an imbalanced army.
    • Academic research shows that the high level of ethnic imbalance has been associated with severe problems of democracy and an increased likelihood of civil war.
    • Impact on motivation: A short-term contractual soldier, without earning pension, will be seen as doing jobs after his military service that are not seen to be commensurate in status and prestige with the profession of honour.
    • Impact on motivation: It will reduce the motivation of those joining on short-term contracts while diminishing the “honour” of a profession which places extraordinary demands on young men.
    • Social unrest: There are numerous examples of demobilised soldiers leading to increased violence against minorities.
    • This could happen in India as the youth who are not given regular recruitment after four year’s service would turn to violence.

    Conclusion

    The Government’s yearning for financial savings runs the risk of reducing the honour of a profession, the stability of a society and the safety of a country.

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  • Pak. may get off FATF ‘grey list’ after on-site check

    Pakistan got a reprieve from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) as it announced that the country could be removed from the “grey list” after a visit by a fact-finding team.

    What is the news?

    • FATF noted Pakistan’s constructive claims of actions to curb terror funding.
    • It would formally be taken off the “grey list” in October.
    • China is working relentlessly to get Pakistan off FATF ‘grey list’.

    India’s stance

    • New Delhi has been sceptical of Pakistan’s commitment to completely end terror safe havens in the country.
    • Infiltration in J&K continues and small arms and IEDs are being habitually pushed across the LoC.

    What is the FATF?

    • The FATF is an international watchdog for financial crimes such as money laundering and terror financing.
    • It was established at the G7 Summit of 1989 in Paris to address loopholes in the global financial system after member countries raised concerns about growing money laundering activities.
    • In the aftermath of the 9/11 terror attack on the US, FATF also added terror financing as a main focus area.
    • This was later broadened to include restricting the funding of weapons of mass destruction.
    • The FATF currently has 39 members.

    Working of FATF

    • The decision-making body of the FATF, known as its plenary, meets thrice a year.
    • Its meetings are attended by 206 countries of the global network.
    • It includes members, and observer organisations, such as the World Bank, some offices of the UN, and regional development banks.

    Functions of FATF

    • The FATF sets standards or recommendations for countries to achieve in order to plug the holes in their financial systems and make them less vulnerable to illegal financial activities.
    • It conducts regular peer-reviewed evaluations called Mutual Evaluations (ME) of countries to check their performance on standards prescribed by it.
    • The reviews are carried out by FATF and FATF-Style Regional Bodies (FSRBs), which then release Mutual Evaluation Reports (MERs).
    • For the countries that don’t perform well on certain standards, time-bound action plans are drawn up.
    • Recommendations for countries range from assessing risks of crimes to setting up legislative, investigative and judicial mechanisms to pursue cases of money laundering and terror funding.

    What are the Black List and the Grey List?

    • The words ‘grey’ and ‘black’ list do not exist in the official FATF lexicon.
    • They however designate countries that need to work on complying with FATF directives and those who are non-compliant.
    1. Black List: The blacklist, now called the “Call for action” was the common shorthand description for the FATF list of “Non-Cooperative Countries or Territories” (NCCTs).
    2. Grey List: Countries that are considered safe haven for supporting terror funding and money laundering are put in the FATF grey list. This inclusion serves as a warning to the country that it may enter the blacklist.

    Consequences of being:

    (1) In the grey list:

    • Economic sanctions from IMF, World Bank, ADB
    • Problem in getting loans from IMF, World Bank, ADB and other countries
    • Reduction in international trade
    • International boycott

    (2) In the black list:

    • High-risk jurisdictions subject to call for action
    • Countries have considerable deficiencies in their AML/CFT (anti-money laundering and counter terrorist financing) regimens
    • Enhanced due diligence
    • Members are told to apply counter-measures such as sanctions on the listed countries

    Note: Currently, North Korea and Iran are on the black list.

    Pakistan and FATF

    • Pakistan, which continues to remain on the “grey list” of FATF, had earlier been given the deadline till the June to ensure compliance with the 27-point action plan against terror funding networks.
    • It has been under the FATF’s scanner since June 2018, when it was put on the Grey List for terror financing and money laundering risks.
    • FATF and its partners such as the Asia Pacific Group (APG) are reviewing Pakistan’s processes, systems, and weaknesses on the basis of a standard matrix for anti-money laundering (AML) and combating the financing of terrorism (CFT) regime.

    Why is Pakistan on the grey list?

    • Pakistan has found itself on the grey list frequently since 2008, for weaknesses in fighting terror financing and money laundering.
    • It never addressed concerns on the front of terror financing investigations and prosecutions targeting senior leaders and commanders of UN-designated terrorist groups.
    • However, now steps had been taken in this direction such as the sentencing of terror outfit chief Hafiz Saeed, prosecution of Masood Azhar and seizure of their properties.
    • India meanwhile, a member of FATF, suspects the efficacy and permanence of Pakistani actions.

    How FATF impacts Pakistan?

    • The FATF grey list made it more difficult for Pakistan to get financial aid from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the European Union (EU).
    • This will further create an economic crisis for Pakistan which is already struggling to control its financial position.
    • Bearing the cost of global politics the impact of FATF grey-listing on Pakistan’s economy has claimed that FATF’s decision has led to a loss of USD 38 billion for Pakistan so far.

    Steps taken by Pakistan

    • Pakistan is currently banking on its potential exclusion from the grey list to help improve the status of tough negotiations with the International Monetary Fund to get bailout money.
    • Pakistan is now making a high-level political commitment to the FATF and APG to address its strategic AML/CFT deficiencies.

     

     

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  • Issues with Agnipath Scheme

    Massive protests are occurring against the Agnipath scheme all across the nation.

    What is the Agnipath Scheme?

    • This will be the only form of recruitment of soldiers into the three defence services from now.
    • The scheme aims at strengthening national security and for providing an opportunity to the youth to serve in the armed forces.
    • Recruits under the scheme will be known as ‘Agniveers’.
    • After completing the four-year service, they can apply for regular employment in the armed forces.
    • They may be given priority over others for various jobs in other government departments.
    • The move is expected to decrease the average age profile of armed forces personnel from the current 32 to 24-26 years over a period of time.

    Why are aspirants protesting?

    • Contractualisation of armed forces: The foundation of this scheme is a four-year contract.
    • Jobs for the majority: States such as Bihar, Jammu & Kashmir, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Rajasthan, are where the bulk of the Army recruitment takes place.
    • Perks and benefits: Many of these people value job stability, which includes retirement benefits and pensions over competitive salaries.
    • Uncertainty after end of commission: Most of them will be forced to leave the job within four years, which doesn’t fit into their hopes and aspirations.
    • Casualization of Training: It reportedly takes two to three years to train a member of the army, but as a part of the Agnipath, soldiers will only be trained for six months.
    • Threats to national security: Defence analysts have allegedly pointed out that the Russian soldiers who were trained for a limited amount of time before they went to war have performed disastrously.
    • Conflicts of interest: Apprehensions have been voiced against how the new recruits will be adjusted in the existing system under which most of the Army units are region, caste or class based.

    Reasons behind aspirants’ frustration

    • Unemployment: Analysts always cite the crunch of gazetted officers in the Armed forces and there has been no recruitment for the last two years.
    • Pandemic impact: Many aspirants lost their chance to join the Armed forces as they are now overage.’
    • Unanticipated reforms: In guise of a push for “major defence policy reform”, the scheme is a fuss.

    What is the official explanation?

    • Once retired, aspirants will be free to pursue other careers, with several departments and governments.
    • Aspirants will get preference, educational credits, skill certificates, to help them rehabilitate in other fields.
    • Those wishing to be entrepreneurs will get a financial package and bank loans and those wishing to study further will be given 12 class equivalent certificate.
    • For job-seekers, the government has already said they will get priority in the Central Armed Police Forces.

    Way forward

    • The modalities of how this will happen are still being worked out.
    • But one thing is very clear, poorly crafted schemes are on the rise.
    • For making any scheme a success, pre-legislative consultation and discussion in the public domain is a must.

     

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  • Prithvi-II Missile successfully test-fired

    Successfully test-fire of indigenously developed, nuclear-capable Prithvi-II Missile was recently held.

    Prithvi-II Missile

    • The Prithvi-II surface-to-surface missile has a strike range of 350 km.
    • It is capable of carrying 500-1,000 kilogram of warheads and is powered by liquid propulsion twin engines.
    • It was inducted into the armory of Indian defence forces in 2003.
    • It is a nine-metre-tall, single-stage liquid-fuelled missile.
    • The state-of-the-art missile uses advanced inertial guidance system with manoeuvering trajectory to hit its target.
    • It is the first missile to have been developed by the DRDO under the Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP).

    Other variants of Prithvi

    • The Prithvi missile project encompassed developing three variants for use by the Indian Army, Indian Air Force and the Indian Navy.
    • The initial project framework of the Integrated Guided Missile Development Program outlines the variants in the following manner:
    1. Prithvi I (SS-150) – Army version, 150 km range with a payload of 1,000 kg
    2. Prithvi II (SS-250) – Air Force version, 350 km range with a payload of 500 kg
    3. Prithvi III (SS-350) – Naval version, 350 km range with a payload of 1,000 kg

    Significance of the test-fire

    • Developed as a battlefield missile, it can carry a nuclear warhead in its role as a tactical nuclear weapon.
    • This is the second such test fire of nuclear capable highly manoeuvrable missile in weeks.

     

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  • What is Agnipath Scheme?

    Defence Minister announced the ‘Agnipath’ scheme for the recruitment of youth in the armed forces for four years.

    Agnipath Scheme

    • This will be the only form of recruitment of soldiers into the three defence services from now.
    • The scheme aims at strengthening national security and for providing an opportunity to the youth to serve in the armed forces.
    • Recruits under the scheme will be known as ‘Agniveers’.
    • After completing the four-year service, they can apply for regular employment in the armed forces.
    • They may be given priority over others for various jobs in other government departments.
    • The move is expected to decrease the average age profile of armed forces personnel from the current 32 to 24-26 years over a period of time.

    Working of the scheme

    • The process of recruitment will commence in 90 days with a planned intake of 46,000 young men and women this year.
    • Enrolment to all three services will be through a centralized online system, with special rallies and campus interviews at recognized technical institutes.
    • Recruitment will be carried out on an “All India All Class” basis with the eligibility age ranging from 17.5 to 21, with medical and physical fitness standards in accordance with existing norms.

    Payouts of the Agniveers

    • The ‘Agniveers’ will receive an annual package of ₹4.76 lakh in the first year to ₹6.92 lakh in the fourth year, apart from risk and hardship and other allowances as applicable.
    • Under the ‘Seva Nidhi’ package, they will receive about ₹11.71 lakh, including contribution and interest, on completion of service.
    • The recruits will have to contribute 30% of their monthly emoluments to Seva Nidhi, with a matching contribution made by the government.
    • There will be no entitlement to gratuity and pension benefits under the scheme.
    • However, the ‘Agniveers’ will be provided a non-contributory life insurance cover of ₹48 lakh during their service.

     

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  • 21 Years of BrahMos Missile

    On June 12, 2001 the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile was first tested from a land-based launcher in Chandipur.

    What is BrahMos Missile System?

    • BrahMos is a joint venture between India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyeniya.
    • The missile derives its name from the Brahmaputra and Moskva rivers.
    • Beginning with an anti-ship missile, several variants have since been developed.
    • It is now capable of being launched from land, sea, sub-sea and air against surface and sea-based targets and has constantly been improved and upgraded.

    Its capabilities

    • BrahMos is a two-stage missile with a solid propellant booster engine.
    • Its first stage brings the missile to supersonic speed and then gets separated.
    • The liquid ramjet or the second stage then takes the missile closer to three times the speed of sound in cruise phase.
    • The missile has a very low radar signature, making it stealthy, and can achieve a variety of trajectories.
    • The ‘fire and forget’ type missile can achieve a cruising altitude of 15 km and a terminal altitude as low as 10 m to hit the target.

    Background and development

    • The early 1980s the Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme was conceived and led by Dr A P J Abdul Kalam.
    • It started developing a range of missiles including Prithvi, Agni, Trishul, Akash and Nag, with a wide spectrum of capabilities and ranges.
    • In the early 1990s, India’s strategic leadership felt the need for cruise and guided missiles.
    • The need was felt primarily following the use of cruise missiles in the Gulf War.
    • An Agreement was signed with Russia in Moscow in 1998 by Dr Kalam, who headed the DRDO.
    • This led to the formation of BrahMos Aerospace, a joint venture between DRDO and NPO Mashinostroyenia (NPOM), the Indian side holding 50.5% and the Russians 49.5%.

    Tests and induction

    • In 1999, work on development of missiles began in labs of DRDO and NPOM after BrahMos Aerospace received funds from the two governments.
    • The first successful test in 2001 was conducted from a specially designed land-based launcher.
    • The missile system has since reached some key milestones, with the first major export order of $375 million received from the Philippines Navy this year.

    Strategic significance

    • Cruise missiles such as BrahMos, called “standoff range weapons”, are fired from a range far enough to allow the attacker to evade defensive counter-fire.
    • What makes the missile system unparalleled is its extreme accuracy and versatility.
    • With missiles made available for export, the platform is also seen as a key asset in defence diplomacy.

    Variants of Brahmos

    • Versions currently being tested include ranges up to 350 km, as compared to the original’s 290 km.
    • Versions with even higher ranges, up to 800 km, and with hypersonic speed are said to be on cards.
    • Efforts are also on to reduce the size and signature of existing versions and augment its capabilities further.
    • Versions deployed in all three Armed forces are still being tested regularly, and so are versions currently under development.
    1. LAND-BASED: The land-based BrahMos complex has four to six mobile autonomous launchers, each with three missiles on board that can be fired almost simultaneously. They are described as ‘tidy’ as they have very few components.
    2. SHIP-BASED: The Navy began inducting BrahMos on its frontline warships from 2005. These can hit sea-based targets beyond the radar horizon. The Naval version has been successful in sea-to-sea and sea-to-land modes.
    3. AIR-LAUNCHED: On November 22, 2017, BrahMos was successfully flight-tested for the first time from a Sukhoi-30MKI against a sea-based target in the Bay of Bengal. It has since been successfully tested multiple times.
    4. SUBMARINE-LAUNCHED: This version can be launched from around 50 m below the water surface. The canister-stored missile is launched vertically from the pressure hull of the submarine and uses different settings for underwater and out-of-the-water flights.

     

     

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