Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is the total monetary value of all final goods and services produced within a country’s borders in a given period. GDP in India is calculated by the National Statistical Office (NSO).
The post-2015 GDP methodology aims to provide a more accurate, data-rich, and globally comparable picture of India’s economy. To improve reliability, there is a need for greater transparency.
The World Bank defines infrastructure as “the basic physical and organizational structures and facilities needed for the operation of a society, enterprise, or system.” It is prerequisite for rapid, inclusive and sustainable growth.
A 1% increase in infrastructure investment can raise output by 0.4% in the same year and by 1.5% in 4 years. (IMF)
Modern transport, logistics and energy infrastructure reduce time and transaction costs and increase competitiveness.
Boosts Manufacturing & Exports – Eg- Port led development under Sagarmala project
Crowds in domestic private investment and FDI –
Facilitates Urbanisation and industrialization- Eg- industrial corridors, and smart cities support agglomeration economies and higher output.
Energy Security through investments in renewables (48 % of the total installed capacity).
Bridges Rural-Urban Divide- Rural roads, irrigation networks and decentralised energy systems enhance market access and livelihoods. Eg- PMGSY
Access to Basic Services – Water supply, sanitation, healthcare facilities, and DPI ensure equitable access for vulnerable groups. Eg- Jal Jeevan Mission
Balanced Regional Growth- Connectivity in tribal, hilly, and northeastern regions improves mobility, education access, and economic opportunity.
Employment Generation for low-skilled and semi-skilled workers. Eg- The PM Gati Shakti initiative is expected to create 1 crore+ jobs by 2030.
Improves standard of living – Eg- over 4Cr houses constructed under PMAY
Women Empowerment – Eg- SBM improving access to sanitation
India has the second largest road network in the world (1.5 lakh km National Highway)
Ports & Logistics: Sagarmala increased port capacity beyond 2,600 MTPA.
Digital Infrastructure: Aadhaar, UPI, BharatNet deepened digital inclusion.
Energy: Renewable capacity crossed 240+ GW, improving energy security.
Lack Of Integrated Policy- India has the second largest infrastructure deficit in the world (after Brazil)
Financing Constraints: NIP requires Rs 111 lakh crore.
Delays in Land Acquisition & Clearances slowing project execution. Eg- Mumbai Metro
Urban Infrastructure Deficits: Eg- 17% population living in slums
Logistics Inefficiencies: 13-14% logistics cost compared to 8-10% global average
Poor concession agreements and litigation in PPP projects
Neglect of social infrastructure – Eg- health and education spending at 1.9% and 4% of GDP only
Inadequate R&D expenditure (0.7% of GDP) hinder the adoption of innovative solutions.
Strengthen PPP Models with better risk-sharing and transparent concession agreements. (Kelkar Committee recommendations)
Accelerate Gati Shakti Platform for integrated planning and faster clearances.
Increase Sustainable Financing via green bonds, NIIF, and development finance institutions.
Focus on Climate-Resilient Infrastructure in coastal, drought-prone and flood-prone regions.
Sustainable and high-quality infrastructure is a essential for realisation of a $40 Trillion economy by 2047.
The SCO, evolved from the Shanghai Five (1996), was founded in 2001, as a Eurasian political, economic, and security organisation. In the recent summit, Laos joined as a partner, expanding SCO’s strength to 27 nations (10 members, 17 partners).
Security Cooperation
Combat terrorism, separatism, and extremism (the “Three Evils”).
Enhance regional peace and border stability.
Economic Cooperation
Promote regional trade, connectivity, and energy integration.
Facilitate economic development and mutual prosperity.
Political and Strategic Cooperation
Strengthen multipolarity and collective global governance.
Counterbalance Western unilateralism.
Support UN-based international order.
Cultural and People-to-People Ties – Enhance educational, tourism, and youth exchanges through SCO University, Cultural Forums, and Youth Camps.
China-Pakistan-Russia Axis creates a complex geopolitical matrix with conflicting interests, especially in Afghanistan.
China-Pakistan all weather relationship – Eg- India’s Defence Minister refused to sign the joint statement for omission of mention of Pahalgam terror attack
China’s Wolf warrior diplomacy, Chequebook diplomacy disrespect for international rules and sovereignty erodes SCO’s credibility.
Expansionist Agenda via BRI- Eg- China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) passes through Indian territory (PoK) – opposed by India.
Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) in Tashkent fails to act decisively against cross-border terrorism, particularly state-sponsored terrorism.
China’s use of veto in the UNSC to shield Pakistan-based global terrorists undermines anti-terror efforts.
Limited trade integration -intra-SCO trade remains below 10%.
Ideological mismatch -India’s democratic ethos vs authoritarian bloc politics.
Expansion Dilemma- SCO’s enlargement, including Belarus, raises its global profile but dilutes regional focus.
“identity crisis” – absence of enforcement mechanisms making it a mere talking shop. (Vivek Katju)
SCO is increasingly seen as an “anti-West” forum and entry of Iran in SCO has made the situation difficult for India.
Strengthens India’s strategic outreach in Central Asia.
India hosting the SCO Summit (2023) allowed it to promote democratic and rule-based values within a predominantly authoritarian grouping.
Expand trade footprint in Eurasia- Provides access to large Central Asian markets for agriculture, manufacturing, and pharmaceuticals.
Technological Cooperation- Opens avenues for collaboration in AI, quantum computing, and critical technologies.
Energy Diplomacy – Access to Central Asian uranium reserves and hydrocarbons strengthens India’s energy security.
Security Cooperation through RATS (Tashkent), enables counter-terror dialogue with China, Pakistan, and Central Asian states.
Connectivity Initiatives- Supports Chabahar Port and INSTC as key trade routes to Eurasia, reducing dependence on Pakistan-controlled routes.
Diplomatic Importance
Enhances India’s strategic autonomy in a multipolar world.
Acts as a bridge between South Asia and Eurasia.
Complements India’s “Connect Central Asia” and “Act East” policies.
Public Diplomacy- Enhances Track 2 diplomacy and cultural exchanges. Promotes academic, tourism, and youth linkages.
Cultural Cooperation- Deepens ties in cultural, linguistic, and energy sectors.
Use SCO for counter-terrorism diplomacy and regional stability.
Deepen energy cooperation and promote green connectivity.
Coordinate with Russia and Central Asia for balanced engagement vis-à-vis China.
Leverage SCO to push for multipolarity and inclusive growth.
SCO can help realise India’s ambitions on “multi-alignment”, “strategic autonomy” and becoming a “balancing power” in the world.
The AUKUS alliance, launched in 2021, is a security partnership between Australia, the UK, and the US aimed at countering China’s assertiveness. It reflects a new phase of minilateralism.
Strength and Impact of AUKUS in countering China’s ambitions in the Indo-Pacific region
Nuclear Submarine Pact: Enables Australia to acquire nuclear-powered submarines, enhancing undersea deterrence against China.
Advanced Technology Sharing: Cooperation in AI, cyber warfare, quantum computing, and hypersonic weapons.
Military Integration: Strengthens interoperability and intelligence sharing through Five Eyes alignment.
Strategic Geography: Expands Western military reach across the South China Sea and Indian Ocean.
Deterrence Architecture: Reinforces U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy and balances China’s maritime expansion.
A stronger Australia aligns with India’s interest to counter China’s ‘String of Pearls’ strategy in the Indian Ocean.
May undermine the QUAD’s balanced agenda, tilting regional focus toward militarization.
Weakens ASEAN centrality, creating apprehensions about regional autonomy.
Creates trust deficit with France (after Australia canceled its French submarine deal).
It may weaken the Five Eyes alliance – Eg- New Zealand has shown displeasure over AUKUS.
Risk of nuclear proliferation due to the transfer of nuclear submarine technology to a non-nuclear weapon state.
Exclusionary alliance, leaving out India, Japan, and ASEAN nations.
Potential arms race between US-led and China-Russia blocs.
Perception of ‘Anglosphere dominance’, limiting inclusivity in regional security frameworks.
China–Russia axis may strengthen – China called it as “wrong and dangerous path”
Align with Quad and ASEAN-led mechanisms to ensure synergy.
Inclusive Security Architecture by incorporating voices from South and Southeast Asia.
Confidence-Building Measures among China, ASEAN, and other regional actors to avoid escalation.
AUKUS marks the reemergence of power geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific. It must evolve through consultation and cooperation to ensure that it complements rather than fragments the Indo-Pacific strategic order.
Education – Run low-cost, community schools, teacher training, and literacy drives. Eg- Pratham’s Read India Campaign.
Health and Nutrition – Provide mobile health units, maternal care, and nutrition programs. Eg- Akshaya Patra mid-day meals.
Women Empowerment – Organize self-help groups and cooperatives to promote income generation. Eg- SEWA – women’s cooperatives in Gujarat.
Rural Development – Implement watershed management and livelihood programs. Eg- WOTR – soil and water conservation in drought-prone regions.
Governance & Accountability – Conduct awareness campaigns, social audits, and legal advocacy. Eg- MKSS pioneered Right to Information through Jan Sunwai model.
Environment and Sustainability – Promote community-based natural resource management and renewable energy use. Eg- TERI
Community-Centric Programs
Flexible and Innovative low-cost models
Last-Mile Reach
Participatory Governance
Fills governance and capacity gaps in public service delivery
Funding Constraints – Dependence on foreign/donor funding.
Fragmentation and Duplication – Poor coordination with government departments.
Accountability and Transparency Deficit – Eg- CBI report: <10% NGOs file audited financial statements.
Anti-Developmental Concerns – Eg- IB Report: NGO activism causing ~2% GDP loss.
Regulatory Restrictions – Stringent FCRA, CSR, compliance laws.
Elite and Urban Bias – Disconnect from grassroots realities.
Sustainability Issues – Short-term donor-driven projects.
Vijay Kumar Committee Recommendations – Promote ‘Light regulation’ of NGOs.
2nd ARC Recommendation – Establish an independent National Accreditation Council.
Government-NGO Collaboration Platforms – Eg- Kerala’s Kudumbashree model.
Diversified Funding – Reduce donor dependency.
Outcome-Based Monitoring – Introduce impact assessment frameworks (NITI Aayog).
NGOs are “integral cogs in the wheel of good governance”. A balanced partnership between genuine NGOs and the government is crucial for India’s inclusive and sustainable development.
As per UNDP (2022), Digital access is now a core dimension of human development. However, digital illiteracy and poor ICT access have created a digital divide, restricting equitable growth.
Internet Access: Only 43% of rural households have internet access (NFHS-5, 2021).
Digital Literacy: Merely 10% of rural population is digitally literate (NSSO data, 2022).
Infrastructure Gaps: More than 35 thousand Gram Panchayats lack connectivity under BharatNet.
Device Ownership: Less than 15% of rural households have computers or tablets (NSSO).
Gender Divide: Only 33% of rural women have mobile internet access (GSMA Report, 2023).
Exclusion and inclusion errors in digital systems reduce trust in e-services. Eg- authentication errors in Aadhaar-linked DBT or ration delivery.
Weak Common Service Centre (CSC) Infrastructure: poor connectivity, limited equipment, and untrained staff
Lack of People-Centric Governance: Most government websites are only in English, not in vernacular languages, excluding non-English users.
Education and Skill Development
Limited online learning: Only 24% rural students could attend online classes during COVID-19 (ASER 2021).
Digital exclusion restricts access to e-learning platforms like SWAYAM, PMGDISHA, and DIKSHA.
Employment and Livelihoods
Rural youth miss digital job opportunities in gig economy and e-commerce.
Farmers lack access to digital market tools like e-NAM or Kisan Suvidha App.
Financial Inclusion
Inability to use UPI, digital banking, and DBT systems limits access to formal finance.
Rural MSMEs struggle with e-payments and online compliance (GST, MCA21).
Governance and Welfare Access – Eg- exclusion from Aadhaar-based DBT due to authentication errors and poor connectivity.
Health and Social Services – Lack of ICT prevents use of telemedicine platforms (eSanjeevani) and digital health records.
Gender and Social Inequality – Women, SC/ST, and elderly are most excluded due to low literacy and device ownership.
Expanding Digital Infrastructure
BharatNet: Over 2.14 lakh Gram Panchayats connected with optical fibre; 97.6% villages have mobile coverage.
5G rollout (2022-25): 4.7 lakh towers covering 99.6% districts.
Massive Digital Empowerment
PMGDISHA: Trained over 6.3 crore citizens in digital literacy.
Common Service Centres (5.3 lakh) serve as ICT hubs in 2.5 lakh Gram Panchayats.
Financial and Payment Revolution
UPI: Handles 85% of India’s digital payments, processing (June 2025). Enabled financial inclusion of 491 million individuals and 65 million merchants.
e-Governance and Inclusion
UMANG: 2,300+ services in 23 languages; 8.7 crore users.
DigiLocker: 56 crore users; promotes paperless governance.
Jan Soochna Portal (Rajasthan): Promotes proactive transparency.
Strengthen Digital Infrastructure: Accelerate BharatNet Phase-II to connect all Gram Panchayats
Enhance Digital Literacy: Expand PMGDISHA and integrate digital literacy in school curricula (e-Kidz, IT clubs).
Affordable Access: Subsidize data costs and promote public Wi-Fi hotspots (PM-WANI) in rural regions.
Promote Local Language Content: Use platforms like BHASHINI for vernacular digital inclusion.
Encourage PPP Models: Collaborate with private sector for last-mile connectivity and training. Eg- CSC-SPV.
Inclusive Design: Ensure gender-sensitive and community-based ICT training modules.
Bridging this digital divide is essential to achieve “Digital India for All” and realize the vision of inclusive growth under Viksit Bharat@2047.
The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), established under the Delhi Special Police Establishment (DSPE) Act, 1946, is India’s premier investigating agency. It has become the issue of confrontational federalism in recent years.
Section 6 of DSPE Act – CBI requires State consent to investigate cases within that State
General Consent – blanket permission for all cases (most States provide this).
Case-specific Consent – given on a case-to-case basis if general consent is withdrawn.
States’ Power to Withhold Consent
Police and Public order is a State List subject, Entry 2, List II.
Several States (e.g., West Bengal, Kerala, Chhattisgarh, Punjab) have withdrawn general consent citing political misuse.
However, States’ Power is Not Absolute
Court’s Power –
The Supreme Court and High Courts can direct the CBI to investigate without State consent under Articles 32 and 226. (State of West Bengal v. Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights (2010))
Union Territories – CBI can operate without State consent in UTs.
Inter-State and National Interest Cases – Involving corruption, national security, or cross-border crimes, Union may justify CBI probe to preserve national integrity.
The Supreme Court ruled that the CBI can probe Central officials under Central laws without State consent.
Judicial oversight – SC/HC powers to direct CBI investigations prevent misuse of State autonomy.
Enables impartial probes in crimes affecting multiple States.
National interest protection – accountability in cases threatening unity, security, or economy.
CBI entry without consent undermines State authority.
Politicisation fears – Opposition-ruled States view CBI as a tool of the Centre
SC criticized the CBI as a “caged parrot speaking in its master’s voice.” (Centre for Public Interest Litigation (CPIL) Case)
Weakens cooperative federalism – Tensions between WB Govt and Centre
Reinforces the unitary bias of the Constitution, reducing States to subordinate entities in criminal investigation matters.
Strengthen Autonomy – Implement Vineet Narain (1997) directives (“CVC-supervised model”).
Statutory Backing – Replace DSPE Act, 1946 with a clear modern CBI law.
Consultative Federalism – Respect States’ consent; use Inter-State Council for dialogue.
Joint Collaboration – Form Centre-State task forces for investigation
The need of the hour is strengthening institutional independence of CBI , and fostering cooperative federalism.
NHRC is a statutory body, established under the Protection of Human Rights act 1993. It is established in conformity with Paris Principles 1991.
Protection of Life and Liberty- Eg- NHRC intervention in Manipur fake encounter cases (2013) led to a Supreme Court-monitored CBI probe.
Ensuring Accountability of State Machinery- Eg- NHRC recommended Rs. 10 lakh compensation to victims of the Hashimpura massacre (2015).
Protection of Vulnerable Groups- Eg- NHRC’s recommendations against bonded labour led to several state-level rehabilitation programmes.
Monitoring Custodial and Institutional Conditions- Eg- NHRC report on Muzaffarpur shelter home (2018) exposed severe human rights violations.
Promoting Human Rights Awareness through training programmes, seminars, and media campaigns
Policy and Legal Reforms- Eg- NHRC’s recommendations on prevention of manual scavenging and rehabilitation.
Addressing Emerging Human Rights Issues – Eg- NHRC issued advisories on migrant workers’ rights during COVID-19 lockdown (2020).
Collaboration with International and National Agencies – Eg- India’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) reports before the UNHRC.
Statutory Limitations on Jurisdiction – NHRC cannot take up cases older than one year or matters pending before a court (sub judice).
Cases involving military personnel often fall outside the NHRC’s purview
The NHRC lacks the authority to punish violators, cannot directly impose penalties or award relief to victims.
Observations by the Sub-Committee on Accreditation (SCA) of GANHRI
Lack of Diversity – Only 95 out of 393 staff positions are held by women, violating the Paris Principles requirement of pluralism and representativeness.
Government-Dominated Selection Committee curbs opposition input and reduces transparency in selection.
Weak Investigation Mechanism – NHRC depends on police and government officials on deputation for investigation.
Limited Engagement with Civil Society
Additional Institutional Challenges
Vacancies and Delays in appointments reduce capacity and response efficiency.
Financial Dependence- Budgetary allocations come through the Ministry of Home Affairs, affecting autonomy.
Poor Implementation of Recommendations- NHRC recommendations are advisory, often ignored or delayed by governments.
Backlogs- Growing pendency of complaints due to limited staff and rising caseloads.
Strengthen Legal Powers- Amend the 1993 Act to make NHRC/SHRC recommendations legally binding.
Independent Investigation Wing- Establish a separate cadre of trained human rights investigators.
Expand Jurisdiction- Review restrictions on cases involving armed forces and paramilitary personnel.
Financial Autonomy- Provide independent budgetary control, like constitutional bodies (e.g., EC, CAG).
Empower State Commissions- Strengthen SHRCs through funding and capacity-building support.
Enhance Awareness- Conduct public education campaigns with NGOs and media support.
Regular Review Mechanism- Form a National Human Rights Coordination Council to monitor and evaluate performance.
The 3R approach of Reform, Reorientation and Restructuring can enhance functioning of NHRC as an effective Bulwark Of Democracy in India.