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GS Paper: GS2-13.Issues relating to development and management of Social Sector/Services relating to Health, Education, Human Resources.

  • The birth story no one prepared me for

    The birth story no one prepared me for

    Why in the News

    Preterm births in India are rising, and Delhi alone has recorded a 21 per cent increase over the past five years. A study by the Indian Institute of Technology Delhi with international universities analysed National Family Health Survey data for 2015 to 2020. It established that prolonged exposure to heat significantly raises the chances of preterm birth and low birth weight. Motherhood in India continues to be narrated through the language of labour pain, sacrifice and endurance. That language describes a full-term vaginal delivery and nothing else. Causation is moving towards environmental exposure no individual can control. Responsibility is still located in the mother’s body.

    What is preterm birth?

    1. A birth before 37 completed weeks: Preterm birth is delivery before 37 completed weeks of gestation, counted from the first day of the last menstrual period.
    2. Three severity bands: The World Health Organization classifies births before 28 weeks as extremely preterm, 28 to 32 weeks as very preterm, and 32 to 37 weeks as moderate to late preterm.
    3. Low birth weight is a separate marker: A newborn weighing under 2,500 g is classified as low birth weight, with or without prematurity. The risk compounds when both are present.
    4. India carries the largest absolute burden: India records the highest number of preterm births of any country, at roughly three million a year, which is close to a fifth of the global total.

    What is kangaroo mother care?

    1. Skin-to-skin contact as clinical treatment: Kangaroo mother care places the low birth weight infant upright against the parent’s bare chest for prolonged periods, combined with exclusive breastfeeding, to stabilise temperature, heart rate and breathing.
    2. It is recommended from birth: The World Health Organization advises immediate and continuous kangaroo mother care for infants born under 2,000 g rather than delaying it until the infant is clinically stable.

    What does care inside a neonatal intensive care unit actually involve?

    1. Time is measured by instruments, not routines: Days inside a neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) are structured around oxygen saturation levels, heart-rate monitors and machine alarms rather than feeding schedules or sleepless nights.
    2. The first contact is mediated by equipment: Early memories of motherhood are of incubators and wires rather than of cradling a child, with infants weighing a few hundred grams held for kangaroo mother care.
    3. The mother is a patient at the same time: A caesarean delivery leaves the mother recovering from major abdominal surgery. The infant is treated several corridors away, so hours of sitting are managed through incision pain.
    4. Stays run into weeks, not days: A NICU admission after a very preterm delivery commonly runs six weeks or longer, which is a period of hospital residence rather than a hospital visit.
    5. Solidarity forms sideways, not from clinicians: Support comes from nurses, guards, hospital staff and other mothers in the same unit, who mark small milestones together and register each other’s setbacks.

    Why do preterm births keep rising in India?

    1. Maternal nutrition: The nutritional health of mothers is a direct contributor, with anaemia and low pre-pregnancy weight raising the risk of early delivery.
    2. The changing pattern of pregnancies: Later first pregnancies, higher rates of assisted conception and more multiple births all shift the distribution towards earlier deliveries.
    3. Environmental factors: A significant part of the rise is attributable to environmental exposure rather than to maternal or clinical factors.

    What does the parallel rise in caesarean sections indicate?

    1. Caesarean rates have moved well past the clinical reference range: The National Family Health Survey records 21.5 per cent of deliveries as caesarean nationally, against the 10 to 15 per cent range the World Health Organization treats as the point beyond which population level benefits stop.
    2. The private sector drives the gap: Caesarean deliveries account for 47.4 per cent of births in private facilities against 14.3 per cent in public facilities. The gap points to provider incentives rather than to clinical need.
    3. An emergency caesarean is a different event from an elective one: A preterm emergency caesarean is a rescue procedure for foetal or maternal distress, and it arrives without the preparation an elective procedure allows.
    4. Timing carries its own risk: Caesarean delivery before 39 completed weeks raises neonatal respiratory morbidity, so a rising caesarean rate and a rising preterm rate reinforce each other.

    Who is held responsible when a birth goes wrong?

    1. The dominant script has no place for a preterm birth: An initiation into motherhood that begins at the doors of a neonatal unit has no available story, so the experience goes unnarrated rather than merely unrecognised.
    2. Scrutiny falls on the mother’s conduct: Society places the burden of a healthy pregnancy almost entirely on women, and a premature birth intensifies that scrutiny into questions about whether she travelled or rested enough. The mother’s body becomes the site of investigation.
    3. The evidence points the other way: Environmental exposure and clinical practice are population level determinants, and neither is amenable to individual maternal conduct.
    4. The psychological cost has no recognised name: Conversation around postpartum depression has grown, and the emotional realities of neonatal intensive care motherhood remain largely invisible.
    5. Even the support offered polices the mother: Nurses urge mothers to stay positive because infants sense their emotions. That instruction converts grief into a further maternal responsibility.

    Challenges in maternal and newborn care in India

    1. Neonatal intensive care capacity is thin outside metros: District level special newborn care units handle stabilisation but not ventilation or surgery, so very preterm infants must be transferred to a medical college or a private hospital. Eg. Referral transport for sick newborns remains the weakest link in the newborn care chain in most States. Fix. Attach a functioning level three unit to every district hospital with a dedicated newborn transport ambulance on a fixed response standard.
    2. Neonatal intensive care is catastrophic out-of-pocket expenditure: A six-week private NICU stay runs into several lakh rupees and sits outside most insurance cover for a newborn without an existing policy. Eg. Ayushman Bharat covers the mother’s delivery package but not an extended neonatal admission in every State’s package list. Fix. Add a defined neonatal intensive care package with a per-day rate to the national health insurance benefit list, effective from the date of birth.
    3. Perinatal mental health has no service line: Public maternity facilities have no counsellor attached to the neonatal unit, so the psychological consequences of a preterm birth go unscreened and untreated. Eg. Screening for postpartum depression is not part of the standard postnatal visit schedule. Fix. Post a trained counsellor at every special newborn care unit and add a validated screening question to the routine postnatal check.
    4. Caesarean rates are unaudited in the private sector: No facility level audit compels a hospital to justify its caesarean rate, so the rate rises without a clinical explanation. Eg. Facility caesarean rates above 50 per cent are recorded in several States without triggering review. Fix. Publish facility-wise caesarean rates using the Robson classification and make registration renewal conditional on a rate review.
    5. Heat action plans do not name pregnant women: City heat plans list outdoor workers and the elderly as vulnerable groups and generally omit pregnant women, so no advisory or workplace protection reaches them. Eg. Most State heat action plans carry no antenatal advisory component. Fix. Add pregnant women as a notified vulnerable category, with heat advisories issued through antenatal care contacts and Anganwadi workers.
    6. Kangaroo mother care coverage stays low: The intervention is cheap and evidence-backed, and it requires a mother to remain beside the infant for hours. Most public units are not physically designed for that. Eg. Many newborn units have no space for a mother to stay overnight. Fix. Make mother-side accommodation a licensing condition for any unit designated to handle low birth weight newborns.

    Conclusion

    Preterm birth in India is being pushed upward by heat exposure and other environmental determinants that no individual pregnancy can be managed against, and the clinical system is simultaneously delivering more babies surgically and earlier. The response has stayed at the level of the individual mother, whose conduct is scrutinised and whose psychological care is not provided at all. Recognising heat as a maternal health exposure, auditing caesarean practice and funding neonatal intensive care are the three interventions the evidence already supports. Until they are in place, the burden of a structural change will keep being carried privately.

    “[2025] Consider the following statements:

    Statement I: At the 28th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP28), India refrained from signing the ‘Declaration on Climate and Health’.

    Statement II: The COP 28 Declaration on Climate and Health is a binding declaration; and if signed, it becomes mandatory to decarbonize health sector.

    Statement III: If India’s health sector is decarbonized, the resilience of its healthcare system may be compromised.

    Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?

    (a) Both Statement II and Statement III are correct and both of them explain Statement I

    (b) Both Statement II and Statement III are correct but only one of the them explains Statement I

    (c) Only one of the Statements II and III is correct and that explains Statement I

    (d) Neither Statement II nor Statement III is correct

  • Ensuring equity amid India’s educational progress

    Ensuring equity amid India’s educational progress

    Why in the News

    The Unified District Information System for Education Plus (UDISE+) 2025-26 report records notable progress across India’s school education system. Progress is recorded in gross enrolment, student retention, dropout reduction, teacher availability and educational infrastructure. The same report records that regional and social disparities persist in access, resources, learning opportunities and educational outcomes. Differences in gross enrolment ratios, dropout rates, pupil teacher ratios and infrastructure availability now separate States and social groups from one another rather than separating India from an earlier baseline. What is contested is whether an improving national average can be read as equitable, inclusive and quality education.

    What is the Unified District Information System for Education Plus (UDISE+)?

    1. A school level administrative database: UDISE+ is the annual data system that collects information from every recognised school in the country, managed by the Department of School Education and Literacy under the Ministry of Education.
    2. Scale of the 2025-26 round: The report covers 1.47 million schools, 240 million students and 10.2 million teachers.
    3. What it measures: It records enrolment, retention, teacher deployment and school infrastructure, reported down to the district and school level.
    4. Why the numbers matter: The database is the official basis on which school education allocations are made and progress is monitored.

    What is the Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER)?

    1. Enrolment measured against an age group: GER is total enrolment at a school stage expressed as a percentage of the population in the official age group for that stage.
    2. Why a value above 100 is possible: Enrolment of under age and over age children pushes the ratio past 100 without meaning that every eligible child of that age is in school.

    What is the Pupil Teacher Ratio (PTR)?

    1. Students carried by each teacher: PTR is the number of enrolled students per teacher at a given school stage, so a higher value means each teacher carries a larger class load.

    What is the Gender Parity Index?

    1. Girls’ enrolment measured against boys’: The index is the ratio of female to male enrolment at a school stage, and a value above one shows more girls enrolled than boys.

    What is Aadhaar seeding of student records?

    1. Linking an enrolment record to a unique identity number: Seeding attaches a student’s Aadhaar number to the school record, which is how duplicate and inactive enrolments are removed from the count.

    Which States lead and lag on enrolment records and school profile?

    1. Aadhaar seeding of enrolled students: Andhra Pradesh leads at 99.6 percent, followed by Chandigarh at 99 percent. Meghalaya records the lowest rate at 35 percent against a national average of 90.2 percent.
    2. Share of schools and enrolment: Uttar Pradesh accounts for the highest share of both schools and student enrolment. Meghalaya and Himachal Pradesh have the lowest shares of schools relative to enrolment, which produces higher student school ratios.
    3. Composition of schools by stage: West Bengal records the highest proportion of foundational and preparatory schools at 79 percent and among the lowest secondary schools at 11 percent. Chandigarh is the reverse, with 83 percent secondary schools and 5 percent foundational and preparatory schools.
    4. Average enrolment per school: Chandigarh registers the highest at 1,194, followed by Delhi at 788. Ladakh records the lowest at 64, which marks the spread in school size across the country.

    How is enrolment distributed across social groups?

    1. Regional concentration of social groups: Chandigarh and Delhi have the highest proportions of General category students. Lakshadweep, Mizoram, Meghalaya and Ladakh have high proportions of Scheduled Tribe enrolment.
    2. Concentration of Scheduled Caste and Other Backward Classes enrolment: Punjab records one of the highest shares of Scheduled Caste enrolment. Other Backward Classes representation is particularly high in Tamil Nadu and Gujarat.
    3. Gross enrolment by social group at the national level: Other Backward Classes record the highest at 49 percent, followed by General at 27 percent, Scheduled Castes at 17 percent and Scheduled Tribes at 10 percent.
    4. Enrolment set against population: Those figures diverge from the corresponding population of each social group, which is where the enrolment gap between groups becomes visible.
    5. Girls ahead of boys on participation: The Gender Parity Index across all school levels shows higher girls’ enrolment and participation than boys in most States and Union Territories.
    6. Minority enrolment: Students from minority communities account for more than 20 percent of enrolment, with Muslims and Parsis among the major minority groups.

    How far apart are States on teacher availability?

    1. The spread tracks population density: PTR registers lowest in Union Territories and highest in densely populated States.
    2. The secondary stage carries the heaviest load: Foundational, preparatory and middle stage ratios are generally lower than the secondary ratio across most States.
    3. The highest secondary ratios: Jharkhand records the highest secondary PTR at 43, followed by Uttar Pradesh, which signifies a heavy workload on each teacher.
    4. The lowest secondary ratios: Sikkim records the lowest secondary PTR at 6, followed by Ladakh.

    What do the stage wise gross enrolment figures show?

    1. Foundational stage: Meghalaya records the highest at 131, followed by Mizoram. Bihar records the lowest at 24, preceded by Uttar Pradesh.
    2. Preparatory stage: Meghalaya again records the highest at 171, followed by Manipur. Gujarat records the lowest at 74, preceded by Bihar.
    3. Middle stage: Chandigarh and Meghalaya record the highest at 118, followed by Delhi. Bihar records the lowest at 70, preceded by Nagaland.
    4. Secondary stage: Chandigarh registers the highest at 109, followed by Goa. Bihar records the lowest at 48, preceded by Nagaland.
    5. The pattern across stages: One large State sits at or near the bottom at every stage, which concentrates the enrolment deficit rather than spreading it evenly across the country.

    What does the dropout data show about retention at each stage?

    1. Why the indicator matters: The dropout rate determines attainment and the transition rate to the next stage of schooling.
    2. Preparatory stage: Bihar accounts for the highest preparatory dropout rate at 7.9 percent, followed by Meghalaya. Delhi, Haryana and Maharashtra do not report dropout at this stage.
    3. Middle stage: Bihar records the highest middle level dropout rate at 9 percent, followed by Uttar Pradesh. Chandigarh, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh register no dropouts at this stage.
    4. Secondary stage: Ladakh records the highest secondary dropout rate at 14.8 percent, followed by Karnataka. West Bengal records the lowest at 1.5 percent, preceded by Telangana.

    Why has improved access not produced regular attendance?

    1. A school within reach is now the norm: Access to schooling has improved significantly over the years, and most children now have a school at a suitable distance.
    2. Terrain still decides regularity: Remote, hilly, tribal and border areas still have limited schools and transport facilities, so children there face greater difficulty attending regularly. Eg. Bageshwar district of Uttarakhand, Ganjam and Kandhamal districts of Odisha, Kathua district of Jammu and Kashmir, and Palghar district of Maharashtra.
    3. Social position compounds distance: Children from Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, minorities and economically poor families face barriers that limit enrolment, attendance and completion together.

    What limits infrastructure and teacher deployment in backward districts?

    1. Infrastructure has improved unevenly: School infrastructure has improved in several areas of the country on drinking water and electricity, and availability still varies across regions.
    2. Rural schools in backward districts lag: Educationally backward districts continue to struggle to provide a learning environment in rural schools compared with urban areas.
    3. One teacher, many roles: Rural and remote schools face teachers handling multiple classes and subjects alongside non teaching responsibilities allotted by the government.

    Which groups remain outside the gains?

    1. Girls’ schooling has advanced without closing retention: Progress in girls’ schooling has not removed the challenge of reducing dropout rates.
    2. The primary to secondary transition is weak: Improving the transition from primary to secondary education remains a stated gap.
    3. Facilities for disabled children fall short: Sufficient and suitable facilities for children with disabilities are not yet in place.
    4. What inclusion requires: Inclusive infrastructure, accessible classrooms and supportive teaching practices are the stated conditions for equitable education.

    Does progress in national averages amount to educational equity?

    1. Improvement and inequality sit in the same dataset: Educational inequality persists across accessibility, infrastructure, teacher availability, digital resources and social inclusion even as the aggregate indicators improve.
    2. The dimensions move together: Addressing these dimensions collectively is treated as essential, since a gain on one indicator does not carry across to the others.
    3. The paradox of progress: Regional and social imbalances continue to influence educational opportunities and learning conditions, so the national average understates what a child in a lagging district faces.

    What would a targeted equity response have to do differently?

    1. Investment directed at deprived regions: Targeted investment in educationally deprived regions is the first measure set out, in line with the National Education Policy 2020.
    2. Teacher deployment as an equity instrument: Deployment is set out as a requirement distinct from recruitment. Eg. The State spread in secondary stage ratios.
    3. Digital infrastructure as a school input: Improved digital infrastructure is named alongside physical infrastructure rather than as an add on.
    4. Dedicated support for disadvantaged groups: Stronger support for disadvantaged social groups, backed by inclusive social and economic policies, is required in addition to general spending.

    Conclusion

    India’s school education system has largely settled the access question and opened the equity question in its place. The 2025-26 data establishes progress at the national level and leaves the distribution unsettled, since the State a child studies in still predicts enrolment, teacher availability and completion. Progress will read as equity only when the distance between the best and the worst performing States narrows on the same indicators that have improved nationally.

    “[2022, GS2, 15 marks] The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 remains inadequate in promoting incentive-based system for children’s education without generating awareness about the importance of schooling. Analyse.”

  • English indigenous or foreign language? Supreme Court for examining constitution

    Why in the News

    The Supreme Court on 20 August 2026 said the constitutionality of treating English as a non indigenous language under the three language policy will have to be examined, given the extent of its roots in Indian society. That classification decides which languages compete for a student’s single foreign language slot, so a descriptive label is operating as a rationing rule.

    What is the Three-Language Formula?

    1. What it requires: The three language formula requires a school student to learn three languages, of which at least two must be native Indian languages, described in the policy as Bhartiya Bhashas.
    2. Source and timing: The Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) is introducing it under the National Education Policy, 2020 from the academic year 2026-27.
    3. Sequence prescribed: The policy begins a child with the mother tongue, moves to another indigenous language, and leaves the third open to being either indigenous or foreign.

    What is the National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE)?

    1. National Council for Teacher Education: The National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE) is the statutory body that lays down norms for teacher education programmes and recognises the institutions running them. Its rules decide whether a school’s language teacher holds the Bachelor of Education qualification that recognition requires.

    Why is the classification of English as non-indigenous a constitutional question?

    1. The label under scrutiny: The bench said it will have to see whether English can be classified as a non indigenous language or an indigenous one, given the historical perspective of English and the extent of its roots into Indian society.
    2. Objection to the word native: A judge on the bench recorded a serious reservation about the expression native, holding that it carries a very colonial import and that indigenous is the correct term.
    3. Source of the expression: The Additional Solicitor General told the Court that non native is an expression coming from the new education policy, and the bench replied that the framers of the policy ought to have been conscious of the words they chose.
    4. The Board’s position: English is an official language under the Constitution and that status cannot be taken away, it is not treated like a foreign language, and it cannot be treated like a native language either.
    5. The presiding judge’s view: The Chief Justice of India said English could hardly be considered a foreign language.
    6. Why the label is reviewable: A classification that determines which language a student may take up is State action affecting a class of students, which brings it within constitutional review rather than leaving it to policy discretion alone.

    How does the classification restrict the study of other foreign languages?

    1. Two slots pre committed: Mandating at least two native Indian languages leaves a student only one slot for a foreign language.
    2. English absorbs that slot: Nearly all students choose English for the single slot, so French, Japanese and Spanish are effectively pushed out of the main curriculum.
    3. Enrolled students displaced: A large number of students already studying French and Japanese have to switch to a native language.
    4. Employment argument: Counsel for the petitioners argued that a second foreign language increases employment opportunities, and that the students affected come from middle and lower income homes.
    5. Textbook design problem: Textbooks placed online under the scheme begin with compound sentences rather than with the first letter, which makes learning an unfamiliar script from them impractical.

    Why is the Class 6 batch at the centre of the dispute?

    1. Cohort singled out: Classes 7 to 9 were exempted under Board guidelines, and the present Class 6 batch was slated to face full implementation.
    2. Terminal assessment: That batch faces a mandatory third language paper in the Class 10 Board examination by 2031.
    3. Reprieve proposed: The bench asked why the Class 6 students could not be given a reprieve from writing the third language paper in the Class 10 examination.
    4. Infrastructure not in place: The Court tied the reprieve to the fact that school infrastructure is still not adequately in place across the various education Boards.
    5. Start earlier instead: The bench held that the scheme should begin in a lower class, which would give students, families and school administrations elbow space to adapt.

    What capacity gaps does the Court identify in implementation?

    1. Choice on paper only: The option is 23 languages in theory, and in practice the range a school can actually offer is far narrower.
    2. Board asymmetry: Only around 4 per cent of schools are under the Central Board of Secondary Education and 96 per cent are under State Boards, so a Board level rule reaches a small share of the school system.
    3. Teacher education compliance: There are asymmetries in compliance with National Council for Teacher Education rules across schools and Boards.
    4. Qualified teacher shortage: There are inadequate numbers of Bachelor of Education qualified teachers for the languages the scheme would add.
    5. Sanskrit as the illustration: The bench asked how many Sanskrit teachers hold a Bachelor of Education qualification, noting that deep subject learning does not substitute for the prescribed teaching qualification.
    6. Compliance regime required: Schools will need an administrative compliance regime for the additional language, which they can absorb only if the change is phased in.

    What has the Court asked the Board to return with?

    1. One time reprieve: Whether a one time reprieve can be given to the current batch of Class 6 students from the third language Board examination.
    2. Human resources: How human resources are to be built to meet the demands of the three language scheme.
    3. Starting class: Whether the scheme should ideally be started in earlier classes rather than at Class 6.
    4. Response undertaken: The Additional Solicitor General said she would place these questions before the experts and appraise the Court.

    Does a mother tongue first policy expand or narrow a student’s choices?

    1. Cognitive case accepted: Early instruction in the mother tongue improves comprehension and retention, which the bench acknowledged as a good policy foundation.
    2. The count is not the constraint: The dispute is not over learning three languages but over the rule that two of them must be indigenous, which fixes the composition rather than the number.
    3. Choice shrinks at the top: Fixing two slots turns the third into the only site of choice, so every additional foreign language competes against English instead of sitting alongside it.
    4. Distributional effect: Students from middle and lower income homes depend on institutional provision for a second foreign language, and better resourced students can purchase it outside the school.
    5. Supply decides the outcome: A student in a school with two language teachers has a choice of two, whatever the 23 language menu states, so teacher supply and not the rule is the binding constraint.

    Challenges to implementing the Three-Language Formula

    1. Teacher cadre does not exist: A third language cannot be staffed from an establishment that was never recruited for it. Eg. Tamil Nadu has not maintained a Hindi teaching cadre in its government schools, so the posts a third language would require have no incumbents to draw on.
    2. State resistance on federal grounds: School education sits on the Concurrent List and States have rejected the formula as imposition. Eg. Tamil Nadu has followed a two language policy since 1968 and has declined central school scheme agreements that carry the three language requirement.
    3. Persistent non implementation: The formula has been official policy for six decades without uniform adoption. Eg. It was recommended by the Kothari Commission and adopted in the National Policy on Education, 1968, and no decade since has seen it implemented across all States.
    4. Migration breaks continuity: A child who moves between States loses the second indigenous language on transfer. Eg. A student learning Marathi in Maharashtra who relocates to West Bengal has to restart a new regional language at the same class level.
    5. Assessment weight against learning time: A Board paper in a language begun at Class 6 carries the same weight as papers in subjects taught from Class 1. Eg. The current Class 6 batch faces a third language paper in the 2031 Class 10 examination after five years of instruction.
    6. Material for less taught languages: Beginner grade teaching material is thin for classical and less taught languages. Eg. Textbooks placed online under the scheme open with compound sentences, which suits a scholarly reader rather than a Class 6 beginner.
    7. Private school offer disrupted: Schools that market a second foreign language lose that offer when the slot is taken. Eg. Private schools offering French, German and Japanese from Class 6 draw fee paying enrolment on that basis.

    Conclusion

    The dispute has moved from how many languages a school child must learn to who decides that English is not one of India’s own. The Court has said the constitutionality of classifying English as non indigenous will have to be examined, and has asked the Board to return on a one time reprieve for the Class 6 batch, on building teacher capacity, and on shifting the scheme to earlier classes. The Board has undertaken to place these questions before its experts, so the policy stands notified for 2026-27 with its core classification still under judicial scrutiny.

    “[2020, GS2, 15] National Education Policy 2020 is in conformity with the Sustainable Development Goal-4 (2030). It intends to restructure and reorient education system in India. Critically examine the statement.”

  • Climate resilience starts with the health workforce

    Why in the News

    Floods in Kerala and Assam have exposed the challenge of protecting lives during climate-related disasters, with attention going to rescue, relief camps and rebuilding. Analysis of climate-health governance across South and Southeast Asia shows that the workforce which prevents a disaster from becoming a prolonged public-health crisis is trained through fragmented, donor-supported projects rather than through the health system's own institutions.

    What is a climate-resilient health system?

    1. About: A climate-resilient health system is one able to anticipate, respond to, cope with and recover from climate-related shocks without interrupting routine health services.
    2. What it rests on: Its resilience ultimately depends on the workforce that delivers adaptation, since surveillance, emergency response and community outreach are performed by people rather than by plans.
    3. What changes under climate stress: Many of the foundational competencies required for climate adaptation already exist within health systems, and what changes is the context in which they must operate.
    4. The design principle: Climate change requires reorienting existing competencies through a climate lens and introducing new competencies where needed, rather than replacing what already exists.

    What is a heat action plan?

    1. About: A heat action plan is a city or region specific preparedness protocol that sets temperature thresholds, colour-coded warnings, and assigned responsibilities for health facilities, municipal bodies and emergency services during a heatwave.
    2. Why it is health-led: It converts a meteorological forecast into concrete health system action, covering hospital surge beds, oral rehydration supply, cooling spaces and outreach to outdoor workers and the elderly.

    What does the health workforce actually do during a climate disaster?

    1. Hospital preparedness: Hospitals prepare for medical emergencies, which is the visible clinical face of the response.
    2. Disease surveillance: Surveillance teams monitor disease outbreaks, since displacement and standing water raise the risk of communicable disease after a flood.
    3. Water quality testing: Laboratories test water quality, which determines whether relief camps and returning households face contamination risk.
    4. Community outreach: Community health workers reach vulnerable households, carrying care to those who cannot reach a facility.
    5. Cross-department coordination: Public health officials coordinate responses across departments, since the response involves disaster management, water supply, municipal services and health together.
    6. The net effect: It is the health workforce that prevents a natural disaster from becoming a prolonged public-health crisis, which is the least visible part of the response.

    What have states already put in place?

    1. Surveillance: States have begun to strengthen surveillance systems, which is the first line of detection for post-disaster outbreaks.
    2. Heat action plans: States have developed region-specific and city-specific heat action plans.
    3. Emergency preparedness: States have improved emergency preparedness arrangements within the health system.
    4. Programme integration: States have begun integrating climate considerations into several public-health programmes rather than treating climate as a separate vertical.
    5. The illustrative case: Kerala's response to the floods illustrates how health departments are increasingly incorporating public-health measures into disaster response.

    What does the South and Southeast Asia evidence show?

    1. The regional scope: The analysis covers climate-health governance across South and Southeast Asia, so the finding is regional rather than confined to one country.
    2. The central finding: Workforce development across the region remains fragmented, with no common architecture linking training to the health system's own institutions.
    3. The funding pattern: Climate-health training is largely confined to donor-supported or project-supported initiatives.
    4. What that implies: Capability rises and falls with the funding cycle of individual projects rather than accumulating within the system.
    5. Why the region matters for India: India's own state-level heat action plans and surveillance strengthening sit inside this regional pattern, so the fragmentation finding applies directly to Indian districts.

    Why does workforce capacity remain a surge response rather than a standing capability?

    1. The three questions the record raises: Whether these capacities can be sustained across all states, districts and levels of the health system; how surge capacities can be developed given the severe shortage of health workers across India; and whether capacities are being embedded across the workforce or continue to depend on individual relief-specific programmes and emergency mobilisation.
    2. The competency position: The competencies needed are largely present already, so the deficit is not one of knowledge.
    3. The institutional position: Those competencies sit in isolated training programmes rather than in the systems that produce, supervise and evaluate health workers.
    4. The consequence: Capacity is activated only during emergencies rather than translated into routine practice.
    5. The shortage constraint: The severe shortage of health workers across India limits how much surge capacity can be raised from an already stretched base.

    What would institutionalising climate-health competencies require?

    1. Beyond isolated training: Building climate-resilient health systems requires moving beyond isolated training programmes towards institutionalising climate-health competencies.
    2. The five integration points: These competencies should be integrated into pre-service education, professional development, supportive supervision, planning, and performance management.
    3. Pre-service education first: Placing climate-health content in pre-service education means every entrant carries the competency, rather than only those a project reaches.
    4. Supervision and performance: Embedding competencies in supportive supervision and performance management is what converts a completed training into observed practice.
    5. The three enablers: The integration must be supported by sustained governance, financing and institutional mechanisms.

    Challenges to Building a Climate-Resilient Health Workforce

    1. Absolute workforce shortage: Surge capacity cannot be drawn from a base that is already below norm, since redeploying staff for a flood response leaves routine services uncovered. Eg. Rural health facilities across India carry large shortfalls of specialists against Indian Public Health Standards, and community health centres report specialist vacancies in the range of two-thirds of sanctioned posts.
    2. Donor-cycle training: Competencies built through project funding disappear when the project closes, so the same district is trained repeatedly. Eg. Climate-health training across South and Southeast Asia remains largely confined to donor-supported or project-supported initiatives.
    3. Absence from pre-service curricula: Medical, nursing and allied health curricula do not carry climate-health competencies, so every entrant needs retrofitting. Eg. Heat illness protocols and post-flood outbreak management reach practitioners through workshops rather than through undergraduate training.
    4. Frontline worker load: Community health workers already carry multiple programme responsibilities, so a climate role is added without relief elsewhere. Eg. Accredited Social Health Activists deliver maternal health, immunisation, non-communicable disease screening and survey duties on an incentive-based payment structure.
    5. Data and early warning gaps: Health surveillance and meteorological forecasting run on separate systems, so an alert does not automatically reach a health facility. Eg. Heat action plans depend on India Meteorological Department warnings reaching district health officers in time for hospital preparation.
    6. Financing for adaptation: Adaptation finance for health competes with mitigation and infrastructure, so recurring workforce costs go unfunded. Eg. Global adaptation finance fell from 28 billion dollars to 26 billion dollars between 2022 and 2023, against a commitment to double it to 40 billion dollars by 2025.
    7. Attrition and contractual staffing: Much of the trained emergency workforce is on contract, so trained staff leave and the competency leaves with them. Eg. National Health Mission staff are engaged on contract across most States, with recurring demands for regularisation.

    Conclusion

    The health workforce is what prevents a climate disaster from becoming a prolonged public-health crisis, and its competencies are already largely present within health systems. The deficit is institutional, since climate-health training across South and Southeast Asia sits in donor-funded and project-funded initiatives rather than in pre-service education, professional development, supportive supervision, planning and performance management. Embedding those five points, supported by sustained governance, financing and institutional mechanisms, is what converts emergency mobilisation into routine practice. Until that happens, every flood and heatwave will draw on a surge capacity that has to be assembled afresh.

    Climate Change and Health in India

    1. The exposure: India faces heatwaves, floods, cyclones, droughts and air pollution simultaneously, so climate acts on health through multiple pathways rather than one.
    2. Heat: Rising heat exposure raises heat stroke, cardiovascular and renal illness, and reduces outdoor labour productivity, with outdoor workers, the elderly and pregnant women most exposed.
    3. Vector-borne disease: Warming and altered rainfall shift the range and season of malaria, dengue, chikungunya and Japanese encephalitis, moving transmission into districts and altitudes previously unaffected.
    4. Water-borne disease: Floods and cyclones contaminate drinking water and trigger diarrhoeal disease, cholera and leptospirosis outbreaks in the weeks after the event.
    5. Air quality: Ambient and household air pollution contribute to a very large share of India's non-communicable disease burden, with respiratory and cardiac mortality concentrated in the Indo-Gangetic Plain during winter.
    6. Nutrition: Crop yield loss and price shocks from extreme weather transmit into dietary quality, which shows up as child undernutrition rather than as a disaster statistic.
    7. The institutional response: The National Programme on Climate Change and Human Health, launched in 2019 under the National Health Mission, is the nodal programme, with State and district climate-health cells and nodal officers.
    8. The global frame: The Global Goal on Adaptation under the Paris Agreement now carries the 59 Belem Adaptation Indicators, the first global indicators for adaptation, spanning water, food, health, ecosystems, infrastructure and livelihoods.

    Government Initiatives

    1. National Action Plan on Climate Change: The 2008 framework of national missions, whose State Action Plans on Climate Change carry the health adaptation components at State level.
    2. National Action Plan for Heat Related Illnesses: Issued by the health ministry, it prescribes surveillance of heat-related illness and death, hospital preparedness, and health advisories during the heat season.
    3. National Disaster Management Authority heat guidelines: Guidelines for preparation of heat action plans, first issued in 2016 and revised subsequently, which States and cities use to build local plans.
    4. Ayushman Arogya Mandirs: Health and wellness centres delivering comprehensive primary health care, which are the delivery point for climate-sensitive surveillance and outreach at the community level.
    5. Integrated Disease Surveillance Programme and Integrated Health Information Platform: The national outbreak detection system, which is the mechanism through which post-flood and post-cyclone outbreaks are identified.
    6. Mission LiFE: A behavioural initiative on sustainable consumption, positioned as the demand-side counterpart to institutional climate action.

    Key Facts about Climate and Health Governance

    1. World Health Day: Observed on 7 April, marking the founding of the World Health Organization in 1948.
    2. National Doctors' Day: Observed on 1 July in India.
    3. Declaration on Climate and Health: COP28 at Dubai in 2023 was the first Conference of the Parties to formally address the health impacts of climate change, with a Declaration on Climate and Health endorsed by more than 140 nations, calling for climate-resilient health systems, extreme heat protocols and health co-benefits of mitigation. India did not sign it.
    4. Health Day at COP: COP28 also hosted the first dedicated Health Day on the official Conference of the Parties agenda, convened by the Presidency and the World Health Organization.
    5. Belem Adaptation Indicators: The 59 Belem Adaptation Indicators adopted at COP30 are the first global indicators for the Global Goal on Adaptation, and health is one of the domains they cover.
    6. Baku Adaptation Road Map: A two-year structured agenda running from 2026 to 2028 under the global goal on adaptation work programme, guiding progress on the Belem indicators and adaptation finance tracking.
    7. Adaptation finance goal: COP30 signalled a tripling of adaptation funding to 120 billion dollars a year by 2035 within the wider 1.3 trillion dollar pact, as a political signal rather than a binding commitment.

    Challenges in Climate and Health Governance

    1. Split institutional mandates: Climate policy sits with the environment ministry, disaster response with disaster management authorities and delivery with health departments, so no single authority owns climate-health outcomes. Eg. Heat action plans are issued under disaster management guidelines, and heat illness surveillance runs through the health ministry.
    2. Plans without financing: State and city plans are prepared without a dedicated budget line, so implementation depends on reallocating funds from other heads. Eg. Reviews of Indian heat action plans have found most lack identified funding sources and legal backing.
    3. Weak local vulnerability data: Plans use uniform thresholds rather than locally derived ones, so warnings misfire in humid or high-altitude districts. Eg. Heat thresholds calibrated for dry inland cities do not capture the combined temperature and humidity stress in coastal districts.
    4. Under-recording of climate-attributable deaths: Heat and flood-related mortality is recorded under proximate clinical causes, which understates the burden used to justify funding. Eg. Heat stroke deaths are frequently certified as cardiac or renal failure without the heat exposure being recorded.
    5. Primary care infrastructure gaps: Facilities lack cooling, uninterrupted power and water security, which are prerequisites for functioning during a heatwave or a flood. Eg. Many primary health centres operate without assured power backup for cold chain and emergency care.
    6. Fragmented surveillance integration: Meteorological, water quality and disease surveillance systems do not exchange data automatically, so early warning does not translate into facility-level preparation. Eg. Outbreak detection after floods relies on manual reporting through the Integrated Disease Surveillance Programme.
    7. International finance shortfall: Adaptation finance for the health sector remains a small fraction of climate finance, which pushes workforce costs back onto domestic budgets. Eg. Adaptation finance globally fell from 28 billion dollars to 26 billion dollars between 2022 and 2023.

    Way Forward

    1. Put climate-health in pre-service curricula: Introduce climate-health competencies into medical, nursing, allied health and public health curricula, so every new entrant carries them without retrofitting.
    2. Embed competencies in supervision and appraisal: Add climate-health tasks to supportive supervision checklists and to the annual performance appraisal of district health officers and facility staff.
    3. Fund workforce costs from domestic budgets: Provide a recurring National Health Mission budget line for climate-health cells, district nodal officers and refresher training, so capability does not lapse with donor projects.
    4. Localise heat and flood thresholds: Derive district-specific temperature, humidity and rainfall thresholds from local mortality and morbidity data, rather than applying uniform national cut-offs.
    5. Integrate the data systems: Link India Meteorological Department warnings, water quality testing and the Integrated Disease Surveillance Programme, so an alert automatically triggers facility-level preparation.
    6. Improve cause-of-death recording: Add climate exposure fields to death certification for heat, flood and cyclone events, so the burden is measured and can be budgeted against.
    7. Climate-proof health facilities: Provide assured power backup, cooling, water security and structural resilience at primary health centres and community health centres in high-exposure districts.
    8. Regularise the emergency workforce: Convert contract emergency and surveillance staff into regular cadres, so trained capacity remains in the system rather than leaving with the contract.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2024, GS2, 15] In a crucial domain like the public healthcare system, the Indian State should play a vital role to contain the adverse impact of marketisation of the system. Suggest some measures through which the State can enhance the reach of public healthcare at the grassroots level.”

  • Can free public technology break the private coaching industry?

    Why in the News

    The Independence Day address of 15 August 2026 announced that the government will roll out free online coaching for competitive examinations using India’s digital public infrastructure. The announcement raises a question free access alone cannot settle, since the coaching industry sells structure, assessment and test strategy rather than lectures.

    What is the proposed free online coaching network?

    1. About: A publicly funded online coaching service for aspirants of competitive examinations, to be built on India’s existing digital public infrastructure, teachers and talent.
    2. Stated purpose: The stated objective is to save poor and middle-class families thousands of crores of rupees and to let students prepare without leaving their homes.
    3. Trigger for the announcement: The announcement was framed as an outreach to Gen-Z youth, following widespread student protests against the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET) paper leak.
    4. Design question left open: The current thinking within government is one course per examination, against a proposal for a single layered stack serving many examinations.

    What is SWAYAM?

    1. About: Study Webs of Active Learning for Young Aspiring Minds (SWAYAM) is the government’s massive open online course platform, offering courses from Class 9 to post-graduation free of cost to any learner.

    What is SAATHI?

    1. About: Self Assessment Test and Help for Entrance Exams (SAATHI) is a free preparation platform and application for national entrance examinations, carrying lectures and practice tests for aspirants.

    What is agentic artificial intelligence?

    1. About: Agentic artificial intelligence describes systems that pursue a goal across multiple steps on their own, choosing actions and tools rather than answering a single prompt at a time.
    2. Why it is invoked here: In a learning platform it allows the system to diagnose a student’s weak areas, set the next task and adapt the sequence without a teacher directing each step.

    What is a digital twin in education?

    1. About: A digital twin is a live digital replica of a real system, updated with data from that system so changes can be tested on the replica first.
    2. Why it is invoked here: A digital twin of a course or a classroom lets a student tweak the model and reshape the learning path to individual need.

    Why does coaching dependency persist when schools and colleges exist?

    1. Two different objectives: The school aims to conceptualise learning and focuses on board examinations. Competitive examinations ask whether a student can outperform millions of others under severe time pressure.
    2. A separate skill set: The two are different dimensions and require a separate skill set, which the school curriculum is not designed to build.
    3. Where dependency begins: Students in Classes 9 and 10 are less dependent on coaching. Dependency starts in Classes 11 and 12 as students begin preparing for the Joint Entrance Examination (JEE) and NEET and have to solve complex questions.
    4. The gap in objectives: The board curriculum is not designed to prepare a student for the examinations that follow it, so the objectives of the two systems diverge sharply.

    What does the private coaching industry sell that free lectures do not?

    1. Structure: Coaching classes are structured and deliver on what they promise, which free access to recorded lectures does not reproduce.
    2. Assessment and doubt resolution: The industry provides weekly assessments and doubt-solving forums as part of the same package.
    3. Examination technique: Coaching centres teach rapid problem solving and test strategies, including eliminating wrong options to arrive at the right answer, which directly improves rank.
    4. Price is not always the barrier: Not all coaching courses cost lakhs of rupees. Some tutors offer the same structure through an application for a minimum charge of around Rs 700 to Rs 800.
    5. The human element: Personalised feedback and a competitive peer environment come from teachers who mentor a student emotionally and academically, which an online module alone cannot supply.

    Does free access break coaching dependency or add another video library?

    1. The equity reading: The announcement is a major intervention in education equity and an opportunity to redesign the competitive examination preparation ecosystem, so the probability of success depends less on family income, geography and access to an elite coaching centre.
    2. The dependency reading: Accessibility and affordability are not the main issues. The deeper issue is the dependency of the Indian education system on coaching, and a platform that does not end that dependency becomes another free access platform where videos are uploaded daily.
    3. Why existing platforms fall short: The existing public platforms are traditional in nature and are not designed for a cohort that wants mobile-based delivery, quick content in different formats and room to experiment outside a classroom.
    4. The resource argument: The government has ample funds and the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and the Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) at its disposal, so it can make coaching free. The entire structure has to be incorporated, not only the lectures.
    5. The proposed middle path: A hybrid mechanism is needed, with skill hubs in schools that students attend physically for periodic mentoring alongside online classes, since the National Education Policy (NEP), 2020 already encourages skill hubs.

    Should the platform be one common stack or one platform per examination?

    1. The common stack case: India has over 100 major national-level examinations, including the Union Public Service Commission examinations, JEE and NEET, which attract millions of aspirants. About 70 to 80 per cent of these examinations have similar requirements for reasoning, language, general awareness and current affairs.
    2. The proposed grid: A national competitive learning and opportunity grid with a layered selection method would let a student adopt only the layers relevant to the examination being attempted.
    3. The dedicated platform case: The common stack model does not work in practice, since the same subject is taught differently for two examinations. Fundamental concepts in physics are the same for NEET and JEE, and the nature of the examination differs enough to require separate classes.
    4. The feasibility verdict: A common grid is a futuristic plan rather than a currently feasible one, so there should be one proper dedicated platform per examination.
    5. The dilution risk: Building coaching for all national examinations at one point risks diluting quality, which is why the scope of the plan has to be settled first.

    How can the last mile be reached?

    1. The double hurdle: Millions of students face two problems at once: the absence of reliable, high-speed Internet and electricity for online coaching, and examination centres located hundreds of kilometres away.
    2. Current coverage: Third generation and fourth generation mobile implementation has already reached tribal areas, so the residual problem is difficult terrain with low penetration and frequent disconnects.
    3. The satellite receiver: A small, compact ground antenna box is installed at a remote examination centre. The antenna connects directly to Low Earth Orbit (LEO) or Geostationary (GEO) satellites instead of relying on local broadband or mobile networks, in the manner of satellite television broadcasting.
    4. The offline base station: The base station receives the question paper from the satellite and stores it locally. It then acts as an offline server to display the paper or transmit it over short range to students.
    5. The digital answer pad: Students write answers with pen and paper placed over a small smart digital pad carrying short-range wireless capability such as near field communication or radio waves. The pad captures the answers as they are written, encrypts the data locally and saves it in real time, so no active Internet connection is needed during the test.
    6. The upload step: Once the examination ends and a satellite link connects, the local base station securely uploads all encrypted answer files back to the central examination authority.
    7. The low-technology alternative: Existing infrastructure can be improved instead, by installing smart boards, supplying all lectures, and having a mentor play the video and work through concepts and activities in front of the students.

    Challenges to the Free Online Coaching Network

    1. Content without structure: A platform that uploads lectures without weekly assessment and doubt resolution reproduces a library rather than a course. Eg. SWAYAM has run since 2017 with large enrolment and course completion rates that remain a small fraction of registrations.
    2. Device and bandwidth exclusion: Online delivery presumes a personal device and continuous data, which the poorest households do not have. Eg. The National Sample Survey round on education found that only about 8 per cent of rural households with members aged 5 to 24 had both a computer and an Internet connection.
    3. Teacher supply: A public platform needs subject teachers trained in examination technique, and the school system already runs short of teachers. Eg. Government schools carry lakhs of sanctioned teaching posts that lie vacant, with single-teacher schools still functioning in several States.
    4. Examination integrity: Moving preparation online does not address the leak risk in the examination itself, which is what triggered the protests. Eg. The NEET undergraduate paper leak of 2024 forced a re-examination and a Supreme Court-monitored review of the National Testing Agency’s processes.
    5. Coaching hubs and student distress: A free platform does not by itself dismantle the residential coaching economy or its pressures. Eg. Kota in Rajasthan recorded a series of student suicides, which led the district administration to mandate counselling and anti-suicide devices in hostels.
    6. Regional language coverage: Competitive examination content in Indian languages is thin, so a national platform in English replicates the existing advantage. Eg. NEET is conducted in 13 languages, and the supply of quality preparation material outside English and Hindi remains limited.
    7. Sustained financing: Platform costs are recurring, covering content refresh, mentors, assessment and bandwidth, and a one-time announcement does not fund them. Eg. Several State-run e-learning portals launched during the pandemic went dormant once the dedicated budget line lapsed.

    Conclusion

    Free public technology can lower the price of preparation, and price is not the mechanism that sustains coaching dependency. That dependency comes from the gap between what schools teach and what competitive examinations test, and from the structure, assessment and test strategy the coaching industry sells alongside its lectures. A public platform reduces dependency only if it reproduces that structure, adds physical mentoring through school skill hubs, and solves the connectivity and distance problem at the last mile. The scope question, one common stack against one platform per examination, remains unsettled and determines whether quality survives scale.

    “[2016] ‘SWAYAM’, an initiative of the Government of India, aims at

    (a) promoting the Self Help Groups in rural areas

    (b) providing financial and technical assistance to young start-up entrepreneurs

    (c) promoting the education and health of adolescent girls

    (d) providing affordable and quality education to the citizens for free

  • [20th August 2026] The Hindu OpED: The IISERs have a leadership problem

    Question (2014, GS2): “Should the premier institutes like IITs/IIMs be allowed to retain premier status, allowed more academic independence in designing courses and also decide mode/criteria of selection of students? Discuss in light of the growing challenges.
    Linkage: This question directly addresses the central conflict in your prompt: the struggle of premier national science and technology institutes to maintain their academic independence and elite status when confronted with structural and administrative constraints.

    Mentor Comment

    Several of the seven Indian Institutes of Science Education and Research are operating under temporary, divided or incomplete leadership, with chairpersons holding simultaneous charge of two or three other institutions and nominated positions for eminent scientists lying vacant. The institutions were created to give students an intellectually vibrant research environment and prize autonomy as an essential ingredient of good science, which sits against a statutory Board structure dominated by government officials and nominees.

    What are the Indian Institutes of Science Education and Research?

    1. Why they were created: The Indian government created the Indian Institutes of Science Education and Research (IISERs) to offer students an intellectually vibrant research environment and to bring them into research at a relatively early stage by the standards of the Indian system.
    2. What they prize: They treat autonomy as an essential ingredient of good science, specifically the ability of scientists to decide which questions are worth pursuing and with what resources, and top down control is inimical to that vision.
    3. Their statutory basis: They were brought within the framework of the National Institutes of Technology, Science Education and Research Act, 2007.
    4. How many there are: Seven IISERs are in operation, each with its own Board of Governors.

    How are IISER Boards of Governors constituted?

    1. The statutory requirement: The 2007 Act requires each IISER to have a Board of Governors that includes senior government officials and other government nominees.
    2. Named ex officio positions: The IISER statutes specify, among others, the secretary of higher education and the director of the Indian Institute of Science (IISc), Bengaluru.
    3. The accountability rationale: Publicly funded science should be publicly accountable, which is the justification for the government presence on the Boards.
    4. Where the rationale runs out: Suboptimal appointments or outright vacancies are objectionable because they lead to policy paralysis at best, which is a failure of accountability rather than an exercise of it.

    What does the current composition of the seven Boards show?

    1. The IISc director’s spread: The director of the Indian Institute of Science is an ex officio member of most IISERs.
    2. IISER Pune: The chair of its Board is also the chairperson of the Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology, Nagpur.
    3. IISER Berhampur: Its Board chair was given additional charge while also chairing the Board of the Indian Institute of Information Technology, Guwahati. Nominated positions on the same Board lie vacant, including one for an Indian Institute of Technology director and two for eminent scientists.
    4. IISER Bhopal: Its current director is listed as director in charge, after the previous director left to join NITI Aayog in June.
    5. IISER Thiruvananthapuram: Its chairperson simultaneously chairs the Boards of the Indian Institute of Information Technology, Kottayam and the Indian Institute of Information Technology, Design and Manufacturing, Kurnool.
    6. The cumulative position: Interim appointments are routine and vacancies arise during transitions, and ex officio positions change when officials move between posts, but taken together several IISERs are operating under temporary or incomplete leadership.

    Who is leading India’s basic science institutions?

    1. IISER Pune’s chairperson: A retired Indian Administrative Service officer whose educational background is in commerce and journalism.
    2. IISER Pune’s director: A chemical engineer by training, whereas the IISERs have little focus on engineering.
    3. IISER Thiruvananthapuram’s chairperson: A surgeon.
    4. IISER Tirupati’s chairperson: A chemical engineer and the co founder of an industrial group.
    5. IISER Berhampur’s chairperson: An executive in the footwear industry.
    6. The measurable outcome: Going by awards, fellowships or global achievement and recognition, there are few outstanding scientists in positions of authority on the IISER Boards today.

    Why does the professional background of a chairperson matter for a basic science institution?

    1. There is no legal bar: No rule requires that the chairperson of a scientific institution must be a scientist.
    2. Why it matters regardless: It bears on each institution’s credibility and on its vision, both of which rest on who is seen to be setting the research direction.
    3. What the Boards do gain from outsiders: Expertise in administration, industry, finance and public policy is genuinely useful to a Board.
    4. What the case for scientists rests on: Institutions focused on basic science should draw their leadership from the scientific community, where many people combine distinguished research careers with substantial experience in running academic and research organisations.
    5. The practice that was dropped: The government had earlier appointed the finest scientists to the IISERs’ helm before discontinuing the practice.
    6. The question that actually arises: It is not whether the current leaders are competent, it is why India’s many accomplished scientists are not being asked to lead institutions whose central purpose is basic science.

    How does divided and interim leadership weaken institutional autonomy?

    1. Attention divided across institutions: Leaders whose attention is already split between two or three institutions cannot supply sustained direction to any one of them.
    2. Control shifting away from scientists: With outsiders and divided attention at the top, scientists have less control over decisions that affect their own work.
    3. Rotation instead of recruitment: The availability of a research cadre calls into question the practice of moving the same people between institutions rather than recruiting from the scientific community.
    4. Administration falling behind: People familiar with the IISERs’ functioning describe an administration losing its ability to keep up with students’ needs in respect of a good education in basic science.
    5. The internal assessment: A senior scientist at one of the IISERs described the position as one in which there is no vision or imagination and no sense of leadership propelling the institution towards its core goals of carrying out high quality frontier research in and teaching basic science at an international level.
    6. The powers that go unused: By design, the directors and the Board hold the power to institute positive changes, so the deficit is one of direction rather than of authority.

    Challenges to institutional autonomy in India’s basic science institutions

    1. Lagging decline masked by reputation: An institution whose governance has begun to decline can remain scientifically productive for years as long as the people who built its reputation remain and the institutional label is still valuable, which delays any corrective response. e.g. the IISERs continue to attract strong entrants through the joint admission route while several Boards run without full leadership.
    2. Concentration of authority: Weak collegial governance shifts decisions towards a small group at the top, reducing faculty participation in academic direction. e.g. the flagging of a risk of concentration of authority as a consequence of the IISERs’ present leadership arrangements.
    3. Risk averse research culture: Where leadership lacks a research background, funding and hiring decisions favour safe incremental work over frontier problems. e.g. the expectation of an increasingly risk averse institutional culture as the cumulative effect of the IISERs’ governance decline.
    4. Vacancies in nominated positions: Seats reserved for eminent scientists and institute directors go unfilled, removing the very expertise the statute intended the Board to carry. e.g. the IISER Berhampur Board, with one Indian Institute of Technology director position and two eminent scientist positions vacant.
    5. Interim leadership without a mandate: A director in charge cannot commit an institution to long horizon research investments. e.g. IISER Bhopal, run by a director in charge after the previous director left for NITI Aayog in June.
    6. Government nominee dominance: The statutory requirement of senior officials and nominees on the Board makes institutional direction dependent on the postings cycle of the civil service. e.g. the ex officio membership of the secretary of higher education on IISER Boards under the 2007 Act statutes.
    7. Underfunding of basic research: India’s gross expenditure on research and development remains below one per cent of gross domestic product, so institutional autonomy is further constrained by dependence on annual government grants. e.g. the persistent share of roughly 0.64 per cent of gross domestic product against the two per cent and above spent by comparable research economies.
    8. Faculty attrition to better resourced systems: Weak governance and uncertain research support push early career scientists towards positions abroad or in the private sector. e.g. the reliance of schemes such as Ramanujan and Ramalingaswami fellowships on reversing exactly this outflow.

    Conclusion

    The IISERs were created on the premise that scientists deciding their own research questions produces better science than top down direction, and the statutory Board structure was the accountability counterweight to that autonomy. The counterweight has become the whole of it, with chairpersons drawn from outside the scientific community, ex officio members spread across several institutions, and seats reserved for eminent scientists left vacant. Restoring the earlier practice of appointing distinguished scientists to the helm, and filling the nominated positions the statutes already provide, requires no change in the law.

    Basic Scientific Research in India

    1. What it covers: Basic research is investigation directed at understanding fundamental phenomena without a specified application, distinguished from applied research and from experimental development.
    2. Institutional spread: It is conducted through the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research laboratories, the Department of Atomic Energy and Department of Space institutions, the Indian Institutes of Science Education and Research, the Indian Institute of Science, the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research and the central universities.
    3. Scale of national spending: India’s gross expenditure on research and development stands at roughly 0.64 per cent of gross domestic product, against about two per cent or more in most comparable research economies.
    4. Composition of that spending: The government accounts for the larger share of research spending in India, whereas in most leading research economies the private sector accounts for the bulk of it.
    5. Global standing on output: India ranks among the top three countries in the world by annual volume of scientific publications, and its citation impact remains below that publication rank.
    6. The IISER model: The IISERs were designed as a distinct category from the Indian Institutes of Technology, combining a five year integrated science programme with a research faculty, so that undergraduates enter laboratories early.
    7. The funding reform: The Anusandhan National Research Foundation, established under the Anusandhan National Research Foundation Act, 2023, is intended to fund research across universities and colleges, with a substantial share of its corpus expected from non government sources.

    Government Initiatives for Science Education and Research

    1. Anusandhan National Research Foundation: Established under the Anusandhan National Research Foundation Act, 2023 as the apex body for seeding, growing and promoting research across the natural sciences, engineering, mathematics, environmental and earth sciences, health and agriculture, with a mandate to fund university and college research.
    2. INSPIRE: The Innovation in Science Pursuit for Inspired Research programme of the Department of Science and Technology offers scholarships to school students, undergraduate and postgraduate scholarships in the basic and natural sciences, and faculty fellowships.
    3. Kishore Vaigyanik Protsahan Yojana: A fellowship programme to identify and support students with an aptitude for research careers in the basic sciences, since merged into the INSPIRE stream.
    4. Ramanujan and Ramalingaswami Re entry Fellowships: Offered by the Science and Engineering Research Board and the Department of Biotechnology respectively to bring Indian scientists working abroad back into Indian institutions.
    5. PM Research Fellowship: Provides doctoral fellowships at institutions of national importance with an enhanced stipend and a research grant, to retain top undergraduates within the domestic research system.
    6. National Research Professorship and J.C. Bose Fellowship: Recognise and support distinguished scientists to continue active research beyond conventional retirement.
    7. Vigyan Jyoti and Women in Science and Engineering KIRAN: Target the participation of girls and women in science, technology, engineering and mathematics education and research careers.

    Key Facts about the IISERs

    1. Number and locations: Seven institutes, at Kolkata, Pune, Mohali, Bhopal, Thiruvananthapuram, Tirupati and Berhampur.
    2. Year of first establishment: The first two, at Kolkata and Pune, were established in 2006, followed by Mohali in 2007, Bhopal and Thiruvananthapuram in 2008, Tirupati in 2015 and Berhampur in 2016.
    3. Statutory status: They are Institutes of National Importance under the National Institutes of Technology, Science Education and Research Act, 2007.
    4. Administering ministry: The Department of Higher Education in the Ministry of Education.
    5. Flagship programme: A five year BS-MS dual degree in the basic sciences, with admission through the IISER Aptitude Test and other channels.
    6. Governance structure: A Board of Governors chaired by a chairperson, with a director as the chief executive, and a Senate for academic matters.
    7. Named ex officio Board members: The secretary of higher education and the director of the Indian Institute of Science, Bengaluru, among others.

    Back2Basics: National Institutes of Technology, Science Education and Research Act, 2007

    1. What it is: A central Act that declares certain institutions to be Institutes of National Importance and provides for their incorporation, governance and funding.
    2. Enacted: 2007, originally covering the National Institutes of Technology, and later extended to the IISERs and to the Indian Institutes of Engineering Science and Technology.
    3. What Institute of National Importance status confers: Autonomy to award its own degrees, direct central funding, and exclusion from the University Grants Commission’s affiliation framework.
    4. Governance it prescribes: Each institute has a Board of Governors as the principal executive body, a Senate for academic decisions, a chairperson, a director and a registrar.
    5. Composition requirement: The Board must include senior government officials and other government nominees, which is the provision that places the secretary of higher education and the Indian Institute of Science director on IISER Boards through the institute statutes.
    6. The Council: The Act also creates a Council for the institutes it covers, chaired by the Union Minister in charge, to coordinate across them.
    7. Why it governs this item: It is the statutory source of both the IISERs’ autonomy and the government dominated Board structure that the present appointments have made the operative feature.

    Way Forward

    1. Restore scientist leadership at the helm: Reviving the earlier practice of appointing distinguished scientists as chairpersons and directors requires no amendment to the 2007 Act, only a change in the selection practice.
    2. Fill the vacant nominated seats: Appointing to the eminent scientist and institute director positions already provided in the statutes restores the scientific expertise the Board structure was designed to carry.
    3. Bar simultaneous multiple chairmanships: A rule against holding the chair of more than one Institute of National Importance would end the divided attention that leaves several IISERs without sustained direction.
    4. Time bound filling of directorships: A fixed outer limit on how long an institute may run under a director in charge would prevent interim leadership becoming the standing arrangement.
    5. Publish selection criteria and search process: A transparent search committee process, with published criteria for research standing and institution building experience, would make appointments contestable on merit.
    6. Build a leadership pipeline from the research cadre: Structured administrative training for mid career scientists would widen the pool beyond the same individuals rotated between institutions.
    7. Strengthen Senate authority over academic direction: Vesting curriculum, faculty recruitment and research priorities firmly with the Senate would insulate scientific decisions from Board level turnover.
    8. Raise and stabilise research funding: Multi year block grants through the Anusandhan National Research Foundation would reduce the dependence on annual allocations that constrains long horizon research.

  • Census 2027: rights groups flag gaps in disability categories

    Why in the News

    Disability rights organisations have objected to the nine category disability question proposed for Census 2027, against the 21 specified disabilities recognised in law. The objection turns on a design choice, since the categories printed on the schedule decide which conditions can be counted at all, and a condition without its own box is recorded inside a broader one or not at all.

    What does Census 2027 propose to record on disability?

    1. The nine proposed categories: Seeing, hearing, speech, mobility, intellectual disability, mental illness, disability due to acid attack, disability due to chronic neurological disease, and blood disorder.
    2. What carries over from 2011: Six of the nine, namely seeing, hearing, speech, mobility, intellectual disability and mental illness, are the 2011 Census categories, with “mental retardation” renamed “intellectual disability”.
    3. What is new: Acid attack, chronic neurological disease and blood disorder are the three additions over the 2011 schedule.
    4. Multiple disability recording: The questionnaire allows up to three disabilities to be recorded for one person, entered in the order of severity.

    What are “specified disabilities” under the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016?

    1. The statutory list: The Rights of Persons with Disabilities (RPwD) Act, 2016 recognises 21 specified disabilities in its Schedule, covering physical, intellectual, mental, blood related and multiple disabilities.
    2. The expansion it made: The Act replaced the Persons with Disabilities Act, 1995 and raised the recognised types from seven to 21, treating disability as a dynamic and evolving concept.

    Why do rights groups say the nine categories fall short?

    1. The assurance on record: The Union Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment stated in March 2026 that Census 2027 would capture data on all 21 disabilities.
    2. Conditions without a distinct box: Autism spectrum disorder, specific learning disabilities, dwarfism, leprosy cured persons and multiple disabilities including deafblindness are not distinctly placed under any proposed category.
    3. Distinct conditions collapsed into one: Thalassemia, haemophilia and sickle cell disease are reduced to the single category “blood disorder”, which erases the difference between three separate conditions with different prevalence and support needs.
    4. Other statutory conditions absent: Cerebral palsy, muscular dystrophy and multiple sclerosis are recognised in the Act but not separately represented in the proposed schedule.
    5. Scale of the objection: The statement of the National Platform for the Rights of the Disabled (NPRD), citing information from the Politics and Disability Forum, was endorsed by more than 400 signatories.

    What is the Registrar General’s defence of the design?

    1. Broad categories by design: The nine are described as broader categories that include other detailed specific disabilities within them.
    2. Severity ordering retained: The option to record up to three disabilities in order of severity is offered as the mechanism for capturing multiple disability.
    3. Consultation claimed: Categories were finalised after consultation with the Department of Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, and other stakeholders.
    4. Enumerator competence: Field functionaries are not technically qualified to assess or confirm a specific disability, which is the stated reason for keeping categories broad.
    5. Training provided: A three day training covering all aspects of the questionnaire is held for enumerators and supervisors.
    6. Comparison with 2011: The 2027 schedule enumerates a larger number of disabilities than the 2011 schedule did.

    Why does the classification itself decide the count?

    1. The instrument sets the ceiling: An enumerator can only record what the schedule offers, so a condition without a category is absorbed into a broader one and disappears from the published table.
    2. Untrained recognition: Broad categories without a notified training module on which specific disability sits under which head leave the classification to the enumerator’s judgement.
    3. The respondent’s own knowledge: A person who neither communicates nor understands the correct name of their disability cannot correct a wrong entry, which compounds the error.
    4. Self declaration and stigma: Census disability data is self reported, and households under reported disability in earlier rounds because of stigma, which a broad category does nothing to correct.
    5. Downstream consequence: Undercounting a specific group weakens the evidence base for scheme design, budget allocation and reservation entitlements tied to that disability.

    What did the 2011 Census record on disability?

    1. Total count: The 2011 Census counted 2.68 crore persons with disabilities, which was 2.21 percent of the country’s population.
    2. Categories used: The 2011 schedule carried six of the nine categories now proposed.
    3. Concentration of the count: Movement or locomotor, hearing and vision related disabilities together accounted for over half of the country’s population with disabilities.
    4. What the 2011 base implies: A count already limited to six categories in 2011 sets the comparison base against which any 2027 increase will be read.

    Challenges to accurate disability enumeration

    1. Self reporting and stigma: Households conceal disability, particularly mental illness and intellectual disability, to avoid social consequences for marriage and employment. e.g. the 2011 Census figure of 2.21 percent sits well below global disability prevalence estimates of around 15 percent of population.
    2. Untrained enumerators on clinical categories: A three day training cannot equip a field functionary to distinguish autism spectrum disorder from intellectual disability. e.g. specific learning disabilities are invisible without assessment and were absent from the 2011 count entirely.
    3. Severity capping at three: Persons with more than three conditions lose the rest of their profile, which particularly affects multiple disability. e.g. deafblindness combines two sensory disabilities and has no distinct category in the proposed schedule.
    4. No linkage to certification data: Census figures are not reconciled with the Unique Disability ID database, so the two official counts diverge. e.g. UDID certification is issued against the 21 statutory categories while the Census will record nine.
    5. Question placement and time: The disability question sits late in a long household schedule, where fatigue produces default negative answers. e.g. the 2027 self enumeration form is completed by the respondent without any enumerator prompt at all.
    6. Definitional change across rounds: Renaming and regrouping categories between censuses breaks comparability of the time series. e.g. “mental retardation” in 2011 becomes “intellectual disability” in 2027, and three blood conditions are merged into one new head.

    Conclusion

    The dispute is not about whether Census 2027 counts persons with disabilities but about whether its nine category schedule can carry the 21 categories the law recognises. The Registrar General’s position is that the nine are containers holding the specific conditions, and the rights groups’ position is that a container without a notified mapping and enumerator training will not produce disaggregated data. The self enumeration window for snowbound areas is open until 31 August 2026, with the second phase of population enumeration in those areas from 1 to 30 September 2026 and a revisional round from 1 to 5 October 2026. Any change to the disability question must therefore be made before the main enumeration schedule is frozen.

    “[2026] Which of the following statements with regard to the persons with disabilities in India is/are correct?

    1. The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, an Act passed by the Parliament of India in 2018, mandates reservation in education and employment, places a legal duty on Governments to ensure accessibility and non-discrimination.

    2. The Sugamya Bharat Abhiyan focuses on achieving universal accessibility for Persons with Disabilities across three key domains, built infrastructure, transport systems and information and communication technology.

    3. The National Divyangjan Finance and Development Corporation (NDFDC) is a public sector organisation set up by the Ministry of Corporate Affairs as a not-for-profit company to promote entrepreneurship among Persons with Disabilities (PwDs).

    (a) 1 and 2

    (b) 2 only

    (c) 1 and 3

    (d) 1 only

  • [19th August 2026] The Hindu OpED: Education must change to account for AI

    Question (2023, GS3): “Introduce the concept of Artificial Intelligence (AI). How does AI help clinical diagnosis? Do you perceive any threat to privacy of the individual in the use of AI in healthcare?
    Linkage: This is the foundational question on AI awareness. Adapting education to AI requires first understanding its core concepts and cross-sectoral applications, which are now being integrated into school and higher education curricula.

    Mentor Comment:

    Artificial Intelligence (AI) is reshaping work in the sectors where India holds comparative advantage, including generic drugs, biosimilars and vaccine manufacture, and will eliminate a large share of entry level positions while leaving deep domain expertise in demand. This exposes a conflict between an education system built to load ever more content before entry into the workforce and an economy that now requires selection, synthesis, judgement and adaptation instead.

    What is the National Education Policy’s four year undergraduate structure?

    1. What it is: The National Education Policy, 2020 replaced the three year undergraduate degree with a flexible four year undergraduate programme offering multiple entry and exit points.
    2. Exit ladder: A certificate after one year, a diploma after two years, a bachelor’s degree after three years and a bachelor’s degree with research after four years.
    3. The research pathway: The fourth year is designed as a research pathway in which a student undertakes a supervised project rather than additional taught coursework.
    4. Credit portability: Credits earned at each exit point are deposited in the Academic Bank of Credits, allowing a student to re-enter and complete the degree later.
    5. Why it matters here: The four year structure with a research final year is the closest institutional equivalent to apprenticeship that the system already possesses.

    What is vibe coding?

    1. What it is: Vibe coding is the practice of producing working software by describing the desired outcome in natural language to an AI system, which generates and iterates on the code, rather than by writing the code line by line.
    2. Effect on work: It removes the routine coding task that has historically been the entry level rung in software employment.

    What are biosimilars?

    1. What they are: Biosimilars are biological medicines highly similar to an already approved reference biologic, with no clinically meaningful difference in safety, purity or potency.
    2. Why they differ from generics: A biosimilar is produced in living cells and cannot be copied exactly, so approval requires comparative analytical, non clinical and clinical evidence rather than simple bioequivalence.

    What is an automated fill finish line?

    1. What it is: A fill finish line is the final stage of pharmaceutical manufacture in which the bulk drug substance is filled into vials or syringes, stoppered, sealed, inspected and labelled under sterile conditions.
    2. Effect of automation: Robotic and isolator based fill finish removes human presence from the sterile core, which raises throughput and sterility assurance while eliminating operator roles.

    How is AI changing the nature of work itself?

    1. Change is rapid and unpredictable: The nature of work is changing at every level, and the direction of that change cannot be forecast with confidence.
    2. Routine work is the first casualty: Vibe coding threatens to render much routine coding obsolete, which removes the task that entry level employees have traditionally performed.
    3. Important work also becomes routine: With wisely configured agents and other tools, even important work can be made routine, so the change is not confined to low skill tasks.
    4. Employment shifts to oversight: Fewer employees remain, and their function becomes careful oversight of systems rather than execution of the task.
    5. No settled timeline: Assessments of when superintelligence arrives range from a few years to many years, so institutions cannot plan against a fixed date.

    How will AI reshape the sectors of Indian strength?

    1. Generic drugs and biosimilars: AI is reshaping molecule screening and formulation in generic drugs and biosimilars.
    2. Synthesis and quality control: Robotics and machine vision will increasingly handle synthesis and quality control in the same sectors.
    3. Vaccine design: AI can help design antigens and predict immune responses, changing the research stage of vaccine development.
    4. Vaccine manufacture: Robotic bioreactors, automated fill finish lines and AI managed logistics will make production faster, cleaner and more precise.
    5. Corporate adaptation is assumed: Indian industry will pivot to meet these changes and companies may survive and prosper, so the disruption falls on employment rather than on firms.

    Why does the disappearance of entry level jobs create a skills paradox?

    1. Two requirements point in opposite directions: Employers will still need people with deep domain expertise, and the entry level positions through which such expertise was historically acquired will disappear.
    2. Expertise cannot be front loaded: Deep domain expertise cannot be acquired at the point of entry, so it cannot simply be added to a degree programme as more coursework.
    3. Employee profiles change, not employer demand: Companies will prosper while their employee profiles change dramatically, so the market signal to students is ambiguous rather than absent.
    4. Oversight requires the expertise it displaces: The remaining employees must supervise systems whose outputs only an expert can evaluate, so the skill required is higher precisely where the training ladder has been removed.
    5. The gap is institutional, not individual: No individual can resolve a missing apprenticeship rung by studying harder, which is why the response has to come from the design of education.

    Why has the strategy of extending years of education run out of road?

    1. The historical pattern: Earlier technological revolutions were met by extending education, from basic literacy to primary school, then high school, then college, and increasingly professional master’s degrees.
    2. What each transition demanded: Every transition asked people to acquire and retain more knowledge before entering the workforce.
    3. Why the pattern breaks now: As AI systems advance, the comparative advantage no longer lies in humans storing ever more information in their heads.
    4. What replaces storage: The requirement is to know what must be understood deeply, what can be retrieved when needed, and how to learn quickly in unfamiliar situations.
    5. Adding material makes it worse: A future that cannot be predicted cannot be prepared for by adding ever more material to the curriculum.

    What kind of rigour must replace content coverage?

    1. Two apparently contradictory tasks: Education must thin out what it teaches while providing far more opportunities to learn on the fly.
    2. Not less rigour: The objective is a different kind of rigour rather than a reduction of it.
    3. The four capacities named: That rigour consists of selection, synthesis, judgement and adaptation.
    4. How it is built: Students need repeated experience of confronting problems whose answers are not in the syllabus, finding the relevant knowledge and applying it with judgement.
    5. The system’s starting condition: India’s higher education system contains isolated pockets of excellence embedded in a large undifferentiated mass that is difficult to reform as a whole.

    How can the four year undergraduate structure deliver apprenticeship at scale?

    1. The ideal model and its limit: The ideal way to train an expert is apprenticeship, one student working closely with one teacher or practitioner, and that model cannot be provided at scale at present.
    2. The available substitute: The National Education Policy’s four year undergraduate structure already provides a research pathway in the final year, the closest institutional equivalent available.
    3. What blocks it in practice: Residual coursework crowds out the immersion the policy intends, so the final year reverts to taught classes.
    4. The proposed fix: Universities should allow any remaining essential coursework to be completed online, freeing the year for immersion.
    5. Where students should be placed: Students should spend that year embedded in industry, university laboratories or national laboratories.
    6. What the placement teaches: Working alongside people solving real problems lets students encounter uncertainty and learn to acquire knowledge as it becomes necessary.

    Challenges to reorienting education for AI

    1. Faculty shortage and capacity: Immersion requires supervisors who themselves work on live problems, and Indian universities carry large vacancies in teaching posts, e.g. central universities have reported vacancy levels around one third of sanctioned teaching positions.
    2. Absence of industry placement capacity: There are not enough laboratories and firms willing to host a full cohort for a year, e.g. the National Apprenticeship Promotion Scheme has consistently engaged far fewer apprentices than its annual targets.
    3. Regulatory rigidity on credits: University statutes tie degrees to classroom contact hours, which blocks substitution of a year of placement for taught credits, e.g. many State universities still require minimum attendance percentages that a workplace year cannot satisfy.
    4. Assessment mismatch: Examination systems reward recall, which is the exact capacity AI has made least valuable, e.g. the majority of Indian undergraduate examinations remain terminal written papers rather than project defences.
    5. Digital access inequality: Moving residual coursework online assumes reliable connectivity and devices, which a large share of students lack, e.g. only about 57 percent of women have independent internet access against 72 percent of men.
    6. Employability and credential signalling: Employers screen on degree names and marks rather than on demonstrated judgement, so students resist a less legible qualification, e.g. campus recruitment for information technology services has long been anchored to aggregate marks thresholds.
    7. Uneven institutional quality: Reform designed for research capable institutions cannot be transplanted into colleges with no research infrastructure, e.g. a large majority of Indian undergraduate students study in affiliated colleges rather than in universities.
    8. Financing the transition: Placement years, laboratory access and supervision cost money that public institutions do not currently receive, e.g. public expenditure on education remains near 4.6 percent of gross domestic product against the National Education Policy’s 6 percent target.

    Conclusion

    The core problem is not that AI will destroy work but that it removes the entry level rung through which deep expertise was formed, while continuing to demand that expertise. Adding more content to the curriculum cannot answer this, and the response is to thin the syllabus and use the National Education Policy’s four year structure to place students inside industry and laboratories for a full year. That requires moving residual coursework online and treating immersion, not coursework, as the final year’s substance.

  • Ground report finds the free HPV vaccination programme stalling on consent and trust in Delhi government schools despite nearly 50 lakh girls covered nationally by June

    Why in the News

    India launched a free nationwide Human Papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination programme for adolescent girls on 28 February 2026, targeting about 1.15 crore girls annually, and nearly 50 lakh had been vaccinated by June. A spot check across Delhi government schools shows the binding constraint has shifted from vaccine availability to parental consent.

    How does India’s free HPV vaccination programme work?

    The programme runs as a school and dispensary linked drive layered onto routine immunisation, moving from enumeration to dose recording in a fixed sequence.

    | Stage (lifecycle) | What happens | Primary actor |

    | — | — | — |

    | 1. Enumeration (input) | Lists of eligible adolescent girls in each neighbourhood are drawn up and carried door to door. | ASHA workers |

    | 2. Awareness (demand generation) | Morning assemblies, doctor visits, counsellor sessions and poster campaigns explain HPV and cervical cancer. | School teachers and principals |

    | 3. Consent (gatekeeping) | A parent or guardian signs a consent form routed through the U-WIN portal, declaring awareness of data collection and of the risks and benefits of the vaccine. | Parent or guardian |

    | 4. Escort and verification (delivery) | Teachers walk batches of girls to the neighbourhood dispensary, where health workers verify identity. | Teachers and health workers |

    | 5. Administration (dose) | The vaccine is injected in the upper arm at the dispensary. | Auxiliary Nurse Midwife and health staff |

    | 6. Recording (tracking) | The dose is registered digitally so coverage against the annual target can be tracked. | U-WIN portal |

    What is Human Papillomavirus (HPV)?

    1. About: HPV is a sexually transmitted virus group of over 200 related types that infect the skin and mucous membranes. Most infections clear on their own.
    2. Oncogenic types: Persistent infection by high risk types 16 and 18 causes roughly 70 percent of cervical cancers worldwide. The same virus family also causes anal, penile and oropharyngeal cancers.

    What is cervical cancer?

    1. About: Cervical cancer is a malignancy of the cervix, the lower narrow end of the uterus that opens into the vagina. Teachers in Delhi schools translated it as “bachchedani ke muh ka cancer”, cancer at the mouth of the womb, because the clinical term meant nothing to families.
    2. Preventability: It is the only major cancer with both a vaccine against its causal agent and a screening test that detects precancerous lesions. Detection at the precancerous stage makes it almost fully treatable.

    What is the U-WIN portal?

    1. About: U-WIN is the Union Health Ministry’s digital immunisation registry, built on the CoWIN architecture, which registers beneficiaries and records every dose given under routine immunisation.
    2. Function here: It routes the electronic consent declaration for the HPV dose and generates the coverage data against which the programme’s targets are measured.

    What is CERVAVAC?

    1. About: CERVAVAC is India’s first indigenously developed quadrivalent HPV vaccine, launched in 2022 and produced by the Serum Institute of India with Department of Biotechnology support.
    2. Significance: It broke dependence on imported Gardasil and Cervarix, whose price had kept HPV vaccination confined to the private market since 2008.

    Who are ASHA workers?

    1. About: An Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) is a trained female community health volunteer introduced under the National Rural Health Mission in 2005, normally one for every 1,000 population.
    2. Role here: ASHAs carry the eligibility lists, persuade parents at the doorstep and bring the girl to the dispensary. They call in the Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANM) when their own persuasion fails.

    What is the National Technical Advisory Group on Immunisation?

    1. About: The National Technical Advisory Group on Immunisation (NTAGI) is India’s apex advisory body on immunisation policy, which recommends which vaccines enter the Universal Immunisation Programme.
    2. Role here: It recommended HPV vaccination for inclusion in the Universal Immunisation Programme in 2017, nine years before the national rollout began.

    How did India arrive at a nationwide HPV programme?

    1. 2008: Gardasil and Cervarix entered the Indian private market. Price kept them inaccessible to most families.
    2. 2009 to 2010: A vaccine demonstration project in Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat was suspended after seven girls died. A government probe found no link to the vaccine.
    3. 2016: Punjab launched a pilot in Mansa and Bathinda, and Delhi ran a hospital based programme.
    4. 2017: NTAGI recommended inclusion in the Universal Immunisation Programme. Global vaccine shortages delayed the rollout.
    5. 2018: Sikkim became the first State to offer free school based vaccination statewide, reporting over 95 percent coverage.
    6. 2022: CERVAVAC was launched, giving India its first indigenous HPV vaccine.
    7. 2026: The nationwide free programme was launched on 28 February, targeting about 1.15 crore girls annually, with nearly 50 lakh vaccinated by June.

    What does the cervical cancer burden data establish about the urgency?

    | Year | India, estimated cases | India, deaths | Delhi, estimated incidence | Delhi, estimated mortality |

    | — | — | — | — | — |

    | 2020 | Not available | 33,095 | Not available | Not available |

    | 2021 | 77,000 | 33,938 | 793 | 428 |

    | 2022 | 77,426 | 34,806 | 767 | 414 |

    | 2023 | 77,959 | 35,691 | 741 | 400 |

    | 2024 | 78,499 | Not available | 716 | 387 |

    | 2025 | 79,239 | Not available | 692 | 374 |

    1. Rising national caseload: Estimated cases climbed from 77,000 in 2021 to 79,239 in 2025, a steady annual increase across every year in the series.
    2. Deaths rising faster than cases: Deaths moved from 33,095 in 2020 to 35,691 in 2023, so mortality grew even as incidence rose only marginally.
    3. Delhi moving the other way: Delhi’s estimated incidence fell from 793 in 2021 to 692 in 2025 and mortality from 428 to 374, which makes the capital’s low school uptake harder to explain by burden alone.
    4. Source: The figures are Ministry of Health and Family Welfare estimates.

    What does the Delhi school evidence reveal about the gap between eligibility and uptake?

    1. State level volume: Delhi has administered over 14,000 doses. A renewed school push in July set a target of 1.49 lakh girls over 100 days.
    2. The Fatehpur Beri school: The first girl to take the dose was made class monitor as a reward, and ten other girls aged 14 to 15 walked with two teachers to the neighbourhood dispensary the same day.
    3. A CM Shri school in North Delhi: Of about 20 to 25 eligible girls, 14 parents signed consent forms and not a single girl has been vaccinated so far.
    4. A Yamuna Vihar government school: Of roughly 259 eligible girls, only close to 60 took the shot despite doctor visits, dedicated assemblies and counsellor sessions.
    5. The doorstep conversion rate: One ASHA worker in Nangloi has spoken to nearly 100 families and counts about 12 girls vaccinated, and estimates that of every eight to ten families she explains it to, one or two go.
    6. The contrast in Kailash Nagar: Almost all eligible girls in the area of an ASHA worker with seven years in the same neighbourhood have been vaccinated.

    Why are parents withholding consent?

    1. Fertility fear: Parents ask whether the vaccine will affect their daughter’s ability to have children later. This is the single most repeated objection in both government and private schools.
    2. Safety and illness fear: Families ask whether the injection will cause fever or illness, and relatives advise waiting to see what happens to other girls first.
    3. Suspicion of motive: Parents believe developed countries conduct research in India because of its large population, and that private companies are driving the programme.
    4. Rumour networks: Persuasion collapses at the neighbour’s doorstep, since a family that has understood the explanation reverses after one conversation on the street.
    5. Unfamiliarity with the disease: Neither Human Papillomavirus nor cervical cancer registered with families, so the vaccine had no problem attached to it.
    6. First generation learner households: Principals report that children from labour class families with no prior schooling in the household are the hardest to reach with the idea of a preventive vaccine.

    Why does a signed consent form not produce a vaccinated girl?

    1. Consent is procedural, trust is not: Fourteen signed forms in one North Delhi school produced zero vaccinations, which shows the signature records permission rather than conviction.
    2. The programme is treated as paperwork: Teachers prepared lists and sent data, and when students did not turn up for vaccination there was no follow up and nobody took them to the dispensary.
    3. No staff bandwidth: Schools do not have the teachers for sustained individual follow up, so the drive becomes an administrative exercise completed because it is required.
    4. No mass communication anchor: Unlike the pulse polio campaign, the HPV drive has no jingle or slogan carrying it into every home, so the message depends entirely on individual persuasion.
    5. What actually converts: Uptake rose where a teacher disclosed her own sister’s HPV diagnosis, where vaccinated girls stood before hesitant parents in the school library and answered questions, and where an ASHA worker said she had vaccinated her own daughter.
    6. Familiarity built earlier: In the neighbourhood with near full coverage, the health worker had already worked with the same families on family planning, malaria, leprosy, pregnancy and polio, so trust predated the vaccine.

    How does the private school response differ?

    1. Programme predates the campaign: In a Dwarka private school, HPV awareness has been part of the annual adolescent health programme for several years rather than beginning with the government drive.
    2. Scheduling for parents: Doctors, alumni and parents are brought into the auditorium on a Saturday so working parents can attend, instead of hurried classroom announcements.
    3. Peer messengers: Former students who are now medical graduates return to answer the same two questions on safety and fertility, and parents connect with them because they studied in the same classrooms.
    4. The delivery difference: The private school does not escort students to the dispensary, leaving the decision and the trip entirely to the family.

    Challenges to the HPV vaccination programme

    1. Consent architecture as a single point of failure: One guardian’s refusal blocks the dose even where the girl and the school are willing. e.g. the North Delhi CM Shri school where 14 signed forms produced no vaccinations at all.
    2. The shadow of the 2009 demonstration project: A suspended trial with deaths that a probe later delinked from the vaccine still supplies the template for rumour. e.g. the Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat demonstration halted after seven girls died.
    3. Absence of a mass communication asset: No jingle, mascot or slogan carries the message to households that no health worker reaches. e.g. pulse polio’s “do boond zindagi ki” campaign, which has no HPV equivalent.
    4. Boys excluded from the target group: A girls only schedule leaves male transmission and male HPV linked cancers untouched. e.g. Australia extended free HPV vaccination to boys in 2013 and now reports elimination level cervical cancer incidence.
    5. Vaccination without screening cover: Vaccination protects the next cohort and does nothing for women already exposed. e.g. National Family Health Survey 5 found under 2 percent of women aged 30 to 49 had ever been screened for cervical cancer.
    6. Supply dependence and price: Rollout timing has repeatedly turned on vaccine availability rather than policy intent. e.g. global vaccine shortages delayed implementation of the 2017 NTAGI recommendation by years.
    7. School as the sole delivery channel: Out of school and married adolescent girls fall outside the drive entirely. e.g. girls who drop out after Class 8 in urban resettlement colonies never appear on a school eligibility list.

    Conclusion

    The national HPV programme has solved the two problems it was designed to solve, price and supply, through an indigenous vaccine and free public delivery. The constraint has moved to a place the programme was not designed for, which is the household’s willingness to consent. Uptake now tracks the length of the relationship between the health worker and the family, not the strength of the medical case. Closing the gap requires a communication campaign at the scale of pulse polio and follow up staff who are not the same overburdened teachers already filling in the lists.

    Immunisation and Cervical Cancer Control in India

    1. About: India runs the Universal Immunisation Programme (UIP), one of the largest public health programmes in the world, providing free vaccines against 12 vaccine preventable diseases, nine nationally and three in selected States.
    2. Scale: UIP targets roughly 2.67 crore newborns and 2.9 crore pregnant women every year.
    3. Cervical cancer burden: Cervical cancer is the second most common cancer among Indian women after breast cancer, and India accounts for close to a fifth of global cervical cancer deaths.
    4. Elimination framework: The World Health Organization’s 90 to 70 to 90 targets for 2030 require 90 percent of girls vaccinated by age 15, 70 percent of women screened with a high performance test by 35 and again by 45, and 90 percent of those with disease treated.
    5. Vaccine platform: India manufactures a large share of the world’s vaccines, which is why an indigenous HPV vaccine changed the price structure of the programme immediately.

    Constitutional Framework Governing Public Health in India

    1. Article 21: The right to life has been read by the Supreme Court to include the right to health and to emergency medical care.
    2. Article 47: Directs the State to raise the level of nutrition and the standard of living and to improve public health as a primary duty.
    3. Seventh Schedule, State List Entry 6: Places public health, sanitation, hospitals and dispensaries with the States.
    4. Seventh Schedule, Concurrent List Entry 29: Covers prevention of the extension of infectious or contagious diseases between States.
    5. Article 243G and the Eleventh Schedule: Devolve health and family welfare functions to Panchayats.
    6. Article 243W and the Twelfth Schedule: Devolve public health and sanitation functions to urban local bodies.

    Laws and Rules Governing Vaccines and Immunisation

    1. Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940: Governs the import, manufacture, distribution and quality of drugs and vaccines in India.
    2. Vaccines are regulated as new drugs and biologicals, with the Central Drugs Standard Control Organisation as the licensing authority.
    3. New Drugs and Clinical Trials Rules, 2019: Set the approval pathway, ethics committee requirements and compensation rules for clinical trials.
    4. Introduced timelines for trial approval and a defined regime for compensation in case of trial related injury or death.
    5. Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897: Empowers governments to take special measures during the outbreak of a dangerous epidemic disease.
    6. Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023: Governs the personal data of beneficiaries collected on digital health platforms.
    7. Requires verifiable consent of a parent or lawful guardian for processing a child’s personal data, which is what the U-WIN consent declaration operationalises.
    8. Clinical Establishments (Registration and Regulation) Act, 2010: Provides for registration and minimum standards for clinical establishments, including those administering vaccines.

    Back2Basics: Universal Immunisation Programme (UIP)

    1. Ministry: Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, delivered through the National Health Mission.
    2. Launch: Began as the Expanded Programme on Immunisation in 1978 and was renamed and expanded as the Universal Immunisation Programme in 1985.
    3. Objective: Provide free vaccination against vaccine preventable diseases to all infants, children and pregnant women.
    4. Beneficiaries: Newborns, children up to the relevant age schedule, adolescents for specific vaccines, and pregnant women for tetanus and adult diphtheria.
    5. Coverage: Vaccines against tuberculosis, diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, polio, hepatitis B, measles and rubella, Haemophilus influenzae type b, rotavirus and pneumococcal disease, with Japanese encephalitis in endemic districts.
    6. Delivery design: Fixed session sites at health facilities, outreach sessions in villages and urban slums, and a cold chain network down to the sub centre.
    7. Digital backbone: U-WIN registers beneficiaries and records every dose, and eVIN tracks vaccine stock and cold chain temperature in real time.

    Government Initiatives for Immunisation and Cancer Control

    1. Mission Indradhanush: Launched in 2014 to reach children and pregnant women left out or partially covered by routine immunisation, with Intensified Mission Indradhanush targeting low coverage districts.
    2. U-WIN: A national digital immunisation registry that issues a digital vaccination certificate and enables vaccination anywhere in the country.
    3. National Programme for Prevention and Control of Non Communicable Diseases (NP-NCD): Runs population level screening for oral, breast and cervical cancer for those above 30 through health and wellness centres.
    4. Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana: Provides secondary and tertiary hospitalisation cover, including cancer treatment packages, for eligible families.
    5. Rashtriya Kishor Swasthya Karyakram: Adolescent health programme covering nutrition, sexual and reproductive health, mental health and substance misuse, with peer educators and adolescent friendly health clinics.
    6. Rashtriya Bal Swasthya Karyakram: Screens children for defects at birth, deficiencies, diseases and developmental delays, with school based screening teams.
    7. School Health and Wellness Programme: Places trained health and wellness ambassadors in government schools to deliver health messaging.
    8. National Cancer Grid: A network of cancer centres and charitable institutions that standardises cancer treatment protocols across India.

    Key Facts about HPV and Cervical Cancer

    1. World Cancer Day is observed on 4 February.
    2. January is observed as Cervical Cancer Awareness Month.
    3. World Immunisation Week is observed in the last week of April.
    4. HPV types 16 and 18 cause about 70 percent of cervical cancer cases globally.
    5. Sikkim (2018) was the first Indian State to run a free statewide school based HPV vaccination programme.
    6. CERVAVAC (2022) was India’s first indigenous HPV vaccine, developed by the Serum Institute of India.
    7. The World Health Organization recommends a single dose schedule as sufficient for girls aged 9 to 14 in most settings.
    8. Cervical cancer is the only cancer for which the World Health Organization has adopted a global elimination strategy.

    Challenges in India’s Immunisation and Cancer Control System

    1. Zero dose and partially immunised children: Large absolute numbers of children receive no vaccine at all, concentrated in migrant and urban slum pockets. e.g. World Health Organization and UNICEF estimates repeatedly place India among the countries with the highest number of zero dose children.
    2. Cold chain and last mile logistics: Temperature excursions destroy vaccine potency before it reaches the beneficiary. e.g. the electronic Vaccine Intelligence Network was rolled out precisely because vial temperature breaches at primary health centre level were routine.
    3. Human resource shortfall at the delivery point: Auxiliary nurse midwives and specialists are unavailable in the numbers the sessions need. e.g. Rural Health Statistics reports persistent shortfalls of specialists at Community Health Centres running above 70 percent.
    4. Screening coverage far below elimination targets: Vaccination is expanding while screening remains negligible. e.g. National Family Health Survey 5 recorded under 2 percent of women aged 30 to 49 as ever screened for cervical cancer.
    5. Weak cancer surveillance: Population based cancer registries cover only a fraction of the population, so burden numbers remain estimates. e.g. the National Cancer Registry Programme’s registries cover a small share of India’s districts.
    6. Out of pocket expenditure on cancer care: Late stage diagnosis pushes families into catastrophic health spending. e.g. tertiary oncology capacity remains concentrated in a few institutions such as Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai, forcing long distance travel and lodging costs.
    7. Vaccine hesitancy and organised misinformation: School based campaigns face coordinated resistance that spreads faster than official communication. e.g. the 2017 measles rubella campaign faced organised parental resistance in schools in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka.

    Way Forward

    1. Run a national communication campaign at pulse polio scale: Commission a jingle, mascot and mass media schedule for HPV so the message reaches households that no health worker visits.
    2. Fund dedicated follow up staff: Attach mobilisers to the drive rather than adding it to the workload of teachers who already carry full teaching loads.
    3. Use vaccinated girls and local clinicians as messengers: Institutionalise the parent meeting format where vaccinated students and returning medical graduates answer safety and fertility questions directly.
    4. Extend delivery beyond schools: Cover out of school adolescent girls through Anganwadi centres, health and wellness centres and camp mode sessions.
    5. Pair vaccination with screening: Scale HPV DNA based screening for women above 30 under NP-NCD so the programme protects both cohorts at once.
    6. Publish transparent adverse event data: Report and explain adverse events following immunisation publicly so rumour has a factual counterweight.
    7. Extend the schedule to boys once supply allows: Move towards gender neutral vaccination to cut transmission and prevent HPV linked cancers in men.

    PYQ:

    “`

    [2024] With reference to the ‘Pradhan Mantri Surakshit Matritva Abhiyan’, consider the following statements:

    1. This scheme guarantees a minimum package of antenatal care services to women in their second and third trimesters of pregnancy and six months post-delivery health care service in any government health facility.
    2. Under this scheme, private sector health care providers of certain specialities can volunteer to provide services at nearby government health facilities.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

    Answer: (b)

    “`

  • Safety not on the platter

    Why in the News

    A three day food safety enforcement drive across more than 60 starred hotels seized 640 kg of meat, fish and poultry, 276 kg of mould affected vegetables and about 49 litres of used or non compliant cooking oil. A chemical was found in use to treat spent frying oil at one outlet, which is the specific practice the Repurpose Used Cooking Oil framework exists to prevent. The tension is between an inspection led enforcement model and an industry demanding scheduled, consultative compliance.

    What is the Repurpose Used Cooking Oil initiative?

    1. About: Repurpose Used Cooking Oil (RUCO) is the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India framework that diverts spent frying oil out of the food chain into biodiesel production.
    2. How it works: A food business generating used cooking oil hands it to an agency authorised by the regulator. That agency then converts the collected oil into biodiesel.
    3. Record keeping obligation: A business frying with more than 50 litres a day must maintain disposal records.
    4. Collection scale: Karnataka collected about 45.9 lakh litres of used cooking oil between 2024 and 2026 through four recognised agencies.

    What is the total polar compound limit?

    1. About: Total polar compounds are the degradation products that accumulate in cooking oil through repeated heating, and they serve as the measurable index of oil deterioration.
    2. Regulatory threshold: The Food Safety and Standards Authority of India caps total polar compounds at 25 per cent, beyond which the oil must not be used for cooking.
    3. Why it is enforced: Consumption of oil above this threshold is associated with cardiovascular and metabolic harm.

    What did the drive actually find?

    1. Coverage: 30 teams inspected over 60 three and five star hotels, collecting 77 samples.
    2. Seizures: 640 kg of mutton, chicken and fish, 276 kg of rotten or mould affected vegetables, 45 litres of expired milk and curd, 12 kg of expired bakery products and 67 kg of mislabelled or expired cereals.
    3. Violation types: Expired products, non compliant labelling, misbranding, improper storage of meat and fish, fungal growth, inadequate segregation of vegetarian and non vegetarian stock, and shelf life declarations exceeding the permissible period.
    4. Oil treatment practice: A chemical agent was found in use to visually restore used frying oil at one outlet, which masks degradation rather than reversing it.
    5. Government premises: Inspections on 12 August covered the state secretariat, the legislators’ hostel, subsidised community canteens and a health department canteen, where expired semolina and coconut powder were seized.
    6. Quick commerce warehouses: Two dark store warehouses were inspected and one was sealed.

    How does food safety enforcement actually proceed?

    1. Notice stage: The designated officer issues a notice to the food business operator on an adverse finding.
    2. Hearing stage: A personal hearing follows, after which fines may be imposed and a compliance report sought.
    3. Prosecution route: A sample found unsafe on analysis at a referral laboratory proceeds to prosecution before the Judicial Magistrate First Class court.
    4. Testing volume: About 45,000 samples are analysed annually in the state.
    5. Adulteration versus misbranding: Misbranding and substandard findings attract monetary penalty, while unsafe food attracts criminal prosecution, which is why laboratory confirmation is the pivot.

    What are the health consequences the drive is guarding against?

    1. Monsoon enteric infections: Typhoid and hepatitis A rise in the monsoon months through contaminated food and water.
    2. Secondary neurological sequela: Guillain Barre syndrome occurs as a secondary consequence of certain enteric infections.
    3. Acute liver failure: Hepatitis A and hepatitis E can progress to acute liver failure.
    4. Renal consequence: Shiga toxin producing Escherichia coli can cause haemolytic uraemic syndrome, presenting as proteinuria, hypertension and reduced kidney function.
    5. Processed meat classification: The World Health Organization classifies processed meat as carcinogenic to humans, with the strongest association for colorectal cancer.

    Where does the industry position diverge from the regulator?

    1. Frequency demand: Hotel associations seek quarterly scheduled inspections rather than unannounced drives.
    2. Simplification demand: Operators cite roughly 100 separate guidelines and want consolidated standard operating procedures.
    3. Consultation demand: Restaurant associations want advance consultation instead of enforcement raids.
    4. Regulator position: Public health is placed ahead of revenue, with taluk level surveillance teams under examination.
    5. The unresolved point: Scheduled inspection defeats the detection value of surprise inspection, which is what the seizures relied on.

    Challenges in food safety regulation

    1. Testing infrastructure: Laboratory capacity limits how many samples can be analysed and how fast. e.g. about 45,000 samples analysed annually against lakhs of registered food businesses in one state.
    2. Licensing versus inspection: Registration counts rise faster than the inspector cadre. e.g. the expansion of quick commerce dark stores inspected only after they became visible.
    3. Prosecution delay: Cases before magistrate courts take years, weakening deterrence. e.g. adulteration prosecutions pending well beyond the shelf life of the evidence.
    4. Used oil leakage: Spent frying oil re enters the food chain through informal buyers rather than authorised agencies. e.g. chemical treatment of used oil detected at a fast food outlet during this drive.
    5. Street food coverage: Unregistered vendors sit largely outside the inspection net. e.g. the limited reach of hygiene rating schemes beyond organised outlets.
    6. Imported and repacked products: Repacked imported goods carry labelling that cannot be verified at the point of sale. e.g. repacked imported products found during this drive.

    Conclusion

    The drive shows that enforcement capacity, not the absence of standards, is the operative gap, since every violation found was against a rule already in force. The used cooking oil finding matters most, because it is the point where a documented diversion system exists on paper and fails in practice. The next milestone is whether taluk level surveillance teams are constituted, which would convert episodic drives into continuous inspection.

    Back2Basics: Food Safety and Standards Authority of India

    1. Established under the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006, which replaced the Prevention of Food Adulteration Act, 1954.
    2. Functions under the Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, headed by a Chairperson and a Chief Executive Officer.
    3. Consolidated eight earlier laws and orders governing food into a single statute.
    4. Lays down science based standards for articles of food and regulates manufacture, storage, distribution, sale and import.
    5. Operates a licensing and registration system for food business operators, with state Food Safety Commissioners handling enforcement.
    6. Runs Eat Right India, RUCO, Food Safety on Wheels and the hygiene rating scheme.

    Laws and Rules Governing Food Safety

    1. Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006: Establishes the regulator and consolidates the law on food standards and enforcement. Section 24 prohibits misleading advertisements about food. Section 30(2)(a) empowers the Commissioner of Food Safety to prohibit the manufacture, sale or distribution of an article of food in the public interest. Section 53 provides a penalty of up to Rs 10 lakh for a misleading advertisement.
    2. Food Safety and Standards (Licensing and Registration of Food Businesses) Regulations, 2011: Govern registration and licensing thresholds for food businesses.
    3. Food Safety and Standards (Packaging and Labelling) Regulations, 2011: Prescribe mandatory label declarations, including shelf life.
    4. Food Safety and Standards (Food Products Standards and Food Additives) Regulations, 2011: Set the 25 per cent total polar compound limit for cooking oil.

    Way Forward

    1. Constitute taluk level surveillance teams: Replace episodic city drives with continuous local inspection capacity.
    2. Close the used oil loop: Make disposal records to authorised agencies a licence condition for any business frying above the 50 litre threshold.
    3. Consolidate the guidelines: Issue a single standard operating procedure for hotels and restaurants, since roughly 100 separate guidelines invite non compliance through complexity.
    4. Expand laboratory capacity: Increase accredited testing throughput so unsafe sample findings reach prosecution within the product’s shelf life.
    5. Bring quick commerce warehouses into routine inspection: Register dark stores as food business operators with scheduled inspection obligations.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2018] Consider the following statements: 1. The Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006 replaced the Prevention of Food Adulteration Act, 1954. 2. The Food Safety and Standard Authority of India (FSSAI) is under the charge of Director General of Health Services in the Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 Answer: (a)”