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Subject: Internal Security

  • PM named 21 Andaman Islands after Param Vir Chakra recipients

    param vir chakra

    Prime Minister named 21 largest unnamed islands of Andaman & Nicobar Islands after India’s 21 Param Vir Chakra awardees.

    Note: Earlier, Ross Island was renamed Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Dweep by the Prime Minister during his visit to the Island in 2018. Neil Island and Havelock Island were also renamed Shaheed Dweep and Swaraj Dweep.

    Here’s the full list of 21 islands renamed after Param Vir Chakra awardees:

    1. Dhan Singh Island after Lieutenant Colonel (then Major) Dhan Singh Thapa
    2. Tarapore Island after Lt Col Ardeshir Burzorji Tarapore
    3. Karam Singh Island after Lance Naik (Hony. Captain) Karam Singh
    4. Bana Island after Naib Subedar Bana Singh
    5. Ekka Island after Lance Naik Albert Ekka
    6. Khetrapal Island after 2nd Lt Arun Khetrapal
    7. Pandey Island after Lt Manoj Kumar Pandey
    8. Hoshiar Island after Major Hoshiar Singh
    9. Shaitan Island after Major Shaitan Singh
    10. Jadunath Island after Nayak Jadunath Singh
    11. Yogender Island after Subedar Major (Hony. Captain) Yogendra Singh Yadav
    12. Hamid Island after Company Quartermaster Havildar (CQMH) Abdul Hamid
    13. Rane Island after 2nd Lt Rama Raghoba Rane
    14. Ramaswamy Island after Major Ramaswamy Parameswaran
    15. Batra Island after Captain Vikram Batra
    16. Joginder Island after Subedar Joginder Singh
    17. Salaria Island after Captain G S Salaria (then Major)
    18. Piru Island after Company Havildar Major Piru Singh
    19. Somnath Island after Major Somnath Sharma
    20. Sekhon Island after Flying Officer Nirmaljit Singh Sekhon
    21. Sanjay Island after Subedar Major (then Rifleman) Sanjay Kumar

    About Param Vir Chakra (PVC)

    • The PVC is India’s highest military decoration, awarded for displaying distinguished acts of valour during wartime.
    • Till now, the medal has been awarded 21 times, of which 14 were posthumous and 16 arose from actions in Indo-Pakistani conflicts.
    • Of the 21 awardees, 20 have been from the Indian Army, and one has been from the Indian Air Force.
    • Major Somnath Sharma of the Kumaon Regiment was the first recipient.
    • Others wartime gallantry awards are Mahavir Chakra, Vir Chakra; and peacetime gallantry awards include- Ashok Chakra, Kirti Chakra and Shaurya Chakra.

    History of gallantry awards in India

    • The history of present-day Indian gallantry awards can be traced back to the rule of the East India Company.
    • The first formal award was instituted by Lord William Bentinck in 1834 as the Order of Merit, later renamed the Indian Order of Merit in 1902.
    • During the First World War, the British awards system was adopted and continued through the Second World War.
    • Post-independence, new awards were instituted on 26 January 1950, with retroactive effect from 15 August 1947.
    • The PVC is equivalent to the Victoria Cross in the United Kingdom and the Medal of Honor in the United States.

     

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  • Women to get Command Roles in the Indian Army

    women

    As many as 108 women officers in the Army are set to be cleared for the rank of Colonel (selection grade) which will make them eligible to command units and troops in their respective arms and services for the first time.

    What exactly does Commanding a unit mean?

    • Once promoted to a Colonel, an officer is eligible to command troops directly in the Army, which is an acknowledgment of the leadership qualities of the officer.
    • It is considered a coveted appointment because in no other rank — including higher ranks like Brigadier or Major General — does an officer interact directly with troops on the ground.
    • Women officers in many streams of the Army, including the Army Air Defence, Signals, Engineers, Army Aviation, EMEs, Army Ordnance Corps, and Intelligence Corps will be commanding units.

    Women in commands: Significance

    • Leadership opportunity: Despite working at the grassroots level as junior officers, women officers hitherto did not get an opportunity to prove their leadership skills as they were not eligible to command a unit.
    • Gender parity: Most importantly, it grants women officer’s parity with their male counterparts.
    • Higher ranks: Earlier promotions were staff appointments — which are more administrative in nature and not purely command appointments in which an officer commands troops on ground.
    • Benefits after permanent commission: With a longer career in the Army, women officers will be considered for promotions, including to the rank of Colonel and beyond.

    Why did their Colonel promotions come so late?

    • An officer in the Army is promoted to the rank of Colonel only after serving between 16 and 18 years, based on certain criteria such as annual confidential reports and various courses.
    • Women officers who were inducted into the Army were inducted as Short Service Commission (SSC) officers in 1992 and in the years after did not have the choice to opt for permanent commission.

    Supreme Court order affirming Permanent Commission

    • In 2019, the Army changed its rules allowing SSC women officers to opt for permanent commission who would have otherwise retired after 14 years of service.
    • However, this was not retrospective and applied only to the batches of women officers starting their career in the Army in 2020.
    • With the landmark Supreme Court judgment of February 2020, permanent commission was granted to women officers with retrospective effect.
    • This opened the doors for their further growth and promotions in the Army, which has been of late opening leadership and higher management courses for women.

    How are women still discriminated?

    • Women are still not eligible in core combat arms such as Infantry, Mechanised Infantry and Armoured Corps.
    • Indian Army is not open to women fighting wars at the borders as foot soldiers.
    • Much of this resistance stems from past instances of male soldiers being taken as prisoners of war and tortured by the enemy.
    • However, the Army has recently decided to open the Corps of Artillery, a combat support arm, to women.

    What about the Indian Navy and the Indian Air Force?

    • Women officers have been inducted into all branches of the Navy, and they will be eligible for permanent commission in the future.
    • Women officers can command shore-based units and, as they join the service and become eligible for permanent commission, they would be able to command ships and air squadrons.
    • The IAF has opened all branches for women officers, including the fighter stream and the new weapon systems branch.
    • As they are granted permanent commission based on eligibility and vacancies, they will be eligible to command units in the future.

    How many women serve in the Indian armed forces?

    • The Army, being the largest of the three services, has the largest number of women officers at 1,705, followed by 1,640 women officers in the IAF, and 559 in the Navy.
    • This data was submitted by the government to Parliament last year.

     

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  • Agnipath Scheme game changer says PM

    unsc

    The Agnipath scheme for recruitment is a “transformative policy” which will be a “game changer” in strengthening the armed forces, said the Prime Minister.

    What is Agnipath Scheme?

    • This will be the only form of recruitment of soldiers into the three defence services from now.
    • Recruits under the scheme will be known as ‘Agniveers’.
    • After completing the four-year service, they can apply for regular employment in the armed forces.
    • They may be given priority over others for various jobs in other government departments.
    • The move is expected to decrease the average age profile of armed forces personnel from the current 32 to 24-26 years over a period of time.

    Working of the scheme

    • The process of recruitment will commence in 90 days with a planned intake of 46,000 young men and women this year.
    • Enrolment to all three services will be through a centralized online system, with special rallies and campus interviews at recognized technical institutes.
    • Recruitment will be carried out on an “All India All Class” basis with the eligibility age ranging from 17.5 to 21, with medical and physical fitness standards in accordance with existing norms.

    Payouts of the Agniveers

    • The ‘Agniveers’ will receive an annual package of ₹4.76 lakh in the first year to ₹6.92 lakh in the fourth year, apart from risk and hardship and other allowances as applicable.
    • Under the ‘Seva Nidhi’ package, they will receive about ₹11.71 lakh, including contribution and interest, on completion of service.
    • The recruits will have to contribute 30% of their monthly emoluments to Seva Nidhi, with a matching contribution made by the government.
    • There will be no entitlement to gratuity and pension benefits under the scheme.
    • However, the ‘Agniveers’ will be provided a non-contributory life insurance cover of ₹48 lakh during their service.

    Why are aspirants protesting?

    • Contractualisation of armed forces: The foundation of this scheme is a four-year contract.
    • Jobs for the majority: States such as Bihar, Jammu & Kashmir, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Rajasthan, are where the bulk of the Army recruitment takes place.
    • Perks and benefits: Many of these people value job stability, which includes retirement benefits and pensions over competitive salaries.
    • Uncertainty after end of commission: Most of them will be forced to leave the job within four years, which doesn’t fit into their hopes and aspirations.
    • Casualization of Training: It reportedly takes two to three years to train a member of the army, but as a part of the Agnipath, soldiers will only be trained for six months.
    • Threats to national security: Defence analysts have allegedly pointed out that the Russian soldiers who were trained for a limited amount of time before they went to war have performed disastrously.
    • Conflicts of interest: Apprehensions have been voiced against how the new recruits will be adjusted in the existing system under which most of the Army units are region, caste or class-based.

    Reasons behind aspirants’ frustration

    • Unemployment: Analysts always cite the crunch of gazetted officers in the Armed forces and there has been no recruitment for the last two years.
    • Pandemic impact: Many aspirants lost their chance to join the Armed forces as they are now overage.’
    • Unanticipated reforms: In guise of a push for “major defence policy reform”, the scheme is a fuss.
    • Coaching mafias: Coaching mafias have played a significant role in sparking and provoking protesters.

    Need for the Scheme: Official explanation

    • Budgetary efficiency: With the largest volunteer army in the world, paying an increased salary and pension bill, given rising incomes all around, has steadily eroded the capital side of the defence budget.
    • Preferential treatment: For job-seekers, the government has already said they will get priority in the Central Armed Police Forces.
    • Promotional avenues: One significant advantage of this scheme would be the much lower age profile of the service. It will increase the promotional avenues of the permanent cadre.
    • Diverse career options: Once retired, aspirants will be free to pursue other careers, with several departments and governments.
    • Selective skilling: Aspirants will get preference, educational credits, skill certificates, to help them rehabilitate in other fields.
    • Financial assistance: Those wishing to be entrepreneurs will get a financial package and bank loans and those wishing to study further will be given 12 class equivalent certificate.

    Way forward

    • Longer contract term: Make the period of the contract for new recruits longer than four years. The present clarification fails to address this issue.
    • Continuance of the commission: Relook the 25 per cent re-enlistment at the end of the contractual period. Ideally, it should be over 50 per cent retention for long-term posts.
    • Policy commitment for reabsorption: For those leaving after their short service, do obtain a binding commitment from CAPFs, states’ police forces and other organisations that they are willing to absorb this trained military manpower.
    • Gradual shift in recruitment policy: Continue with existing regular enrolment, in reduced numbers, and gradually shift to the Tour of Duty once it stabilizes after five to ten years.

    Conclusion

    • A nation should never compromise with the personnel who make up the fighting sinews of its armed forces.
    • The best way to prevent such an impression is to look upon them not as a burden to the exchequer, but as rough diamonds, to be cut and polished to their maximum capabilities and then deployed in the defence of the nation.
    • A diamond is forever, our future men and women in uniform too deserve to serve to their maximum for the betterment of the nation and their own lives.

     

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  • UNSC bans LeT’s Makki after China lifts its hold

    makki

    The ISIL and Al Qaida Sanctions Committee of the UN Security Council (UNSC) has placed Abdul Rehman Makki, a fundraiser and key planner of the Pakistan-based terrorist outfit Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), on its sanctions list.

    Blacklisting Maki: Under UNSC 1267 list 

    • The UNSC resolution 1267 was adopted unanimously on 15 October 1999.
    • It came to force in 1999, and strengthened after the September, 2001 attacks.
    • It is now known as the Da’esh and Al Qaeda Sanctions Committee.

    What is UNSC 1267 committee?

    • It comprises all permanent and non-permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).
    • The 1267 list of terrorists is a global list, with a UNSC stamp.
    • It is one of the most important and active UN subsidiary bodies working on efforts to combat terrorism, particularly in relation to Al Qaeda and the Islamic State group.
    • It discusses UN efforts to limit the movement of terrorists, especially those related to travel bans, the freezing of assets and arms embargoes for terrorism.

    How is the blacklisting done?

    (1) Submission of Proposal

    • Any member state can submit a proposal for listing an individual, group, or entity.
    • The proposal must include acts or activities indicating the proposed individual/group/entity had participated in the financing, planning, facilitating, preparing, or perpetrating of acts or activities linked to the said organizations.

    (2) Actual decision

    • Decisions on listing and de-listing are adopted by consensus.
    • The proposal is sent to all the members, and if no member objects within five working days, the proposal is adopted.
    • An “objection” means rejection for the proposal.

    (3) Putting and resolving ‘Technical Holds’

    • Any member of the Committee may also put a “technical hold” on the proposal and ask for more information from the proposing member state.
    • During this time, other members may also place their own holds.
    • The matter remains on the “pending” list of the Committee.
    • Pending issues must be resolved in six months, but the member state that has placed the hold may ask for an additional three months.
    • At the end of this period, if an objection is not placed, the matter is considered approved.

    How China supports Terror in Pakistan?

    • China has exposed its double standards on the issue of terrorism for consistently stopping the listing of Pakistan-based terrorists.
    • This time, Beijing has argued that the blacklisting is in fact a “recognition” of Pakistan’s record of fighting terrorism.

    Here is a timeline of how China disrupts the global efforts against terrorism:

    • 2009: After the 26/11 Mumbai attacks, India moved an independent terror designation proposal against Masood Azhar but China blocked the move.
    • 2016: After seven years, India proposes listing of Masood Azhar as a global terrorist and is supported by the US, the UK and France. China blocks the move again.
    • 2017: The trio moves a third proposal only to be blocked by China again.
    • 2019: After the attacks on the CRPF personnel in J-K’s Pulwama, India calls 25 envoys of different countries to highlight the role Islamabad plays in funding, promoting and strengthening global terrorism. India moves the fourth proposal demanding Masood Azhar’s listing. China lifted its technical hold.
    • June 2022: China blocked a proposal by India and the US to list Pakistan-based terrorist Abdul Rehman Makki as a ‘Global Terrorist’
    • August 2022: China blocks India-US joint proposal to list Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) deputy chief Abdul Rauf Azhar as UNSC designated terrorist.

    Why China shields Pak-based terrorists?

    • Rewarding Pakistan: China rewards Pakistan to keep India engaged in regional battles and internal conflicts.
    • Oppressing the Uighurs: The quid pro quo is that Pakistan does not utter a word against Uighur Muslim oppression by China in restive Xinjiang province.

    Conclusion

    • China’s actions expose its double speak and double standards when it comes to the international community’s shared battle against terrorism.
    • This clearly depicts its care for its vassal state Pakistan.

    Back2Basics: United Nations Security Council (UNSC)

    • The UNSC is one of the six principal organs of the United Nations and is charged with the maintenance of international peace and security.
    • Its powers include the establishment of peacekeeping operations, the establishment of international sanctions, and the authorization of military action through Security Council resolutions.
    • It is the only UN body with the authority to issue binding resolutions to member states.
    • The Security Council consists of fifteen members. Russia, the United Kingdom, France, China, and the United States—serve as the body’s five permanent members (P5).
    • These permanent members can veto any substantive Security Council resolution, including those on the admission of new member states or candidates for Secretary-General.
    • The Security Council also has 10 non-permanent members, elected on a regional basis to serve two-year terms. The body’s presidency rotates monthly among its members.

     

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  • Village Defence Guards (VDG): A sense of security and confidence

    Village

    Context

    • The revival of the Village Defence Committees (VDCs), albeit with a new name, Village Defence Guards (VDG), in the Rajouri and Poonch districts of Jammu division has been viewed with suspicion. Sceptics doubt the prospects of its success in combating terrorism, which has raised its head in the region after a prolonged lull.

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    What are Village Defence Committees (VDCs)?

    • Raised in 1990s: Raised initially in the mid-1990s to take on terrorists, the VDCs had instilled a sense of security among the people.
    • To retaliate terrorists: Able-bodied men and ex-service personnel were roped into these committees to retaliate whenever terrorists ventured into the villages.
    • Successful experiment: The experiment was successful, going by the decline in terrorist activities in the Rajouri and Poonch sectors.

    What are Village Defence Guards (VDG)

    • Village Defence Guards (VDGs) are a similar concept to Village Defence Committees (VDCs),
    • The VDGs play a crucial role in maintaining security in rural areas of Jammu and Kashmir,
    • They are responsible for providing intelligence to the security forces and help in counter-insurgency operations.
    • They are also armed and trained by the Indian Government.

    How VDG’s are developed?

    • CRPF trains VDG’s: The CRPF has been tasked to train the VDGs in the use of automatic weapons,
    • J&K police plays a crucial role: though the Jammu and Kashmir police is playing a pivotal role in organising the VDGs into a formidable force to combat terrorists.
    • Need a plan strategy: These VDGs need to have a planned strategy to take on the terrorists lest they be caught unawares in the event of an attack, leading to chaos.

    The similar experiments in other areas

    • Village Volunteer Force (VVF) in Manipur: At the peak of insurgency in Manipur, the Village Volunteer Force (VVF) proved to be an asset. Comprising largely of surrendered militants, the armed VVF personnel not only took on the militants operating in their areas but were of immense help in collecting intelligence. These forces, though, were headed by officers drawn on deputation from the CRPF and the BSF as Liaison Officers and Area Organisers.
    • Salwa Judum In chattisgarh area: The Salwa Judum, a civilian force in Chhattisgarh to combat Maoists, was raised by a prominent Congress leader Mahendra Karma in June 2005. Supported by the state government, as many as 23 Salwa Judum camps were established in the Bastar and Dantewada districts.
    • Similar civilian force in Jharkhad and Telangana: The initial series of successes in pinning down the Maoists prompted other states like Jharkhand and Telangana to raise similar militias to counter the Maoist menace.
    • Brave villagers of Punjab: When Punjab was in the grip of militancy in the 1980s and early 1990s, certain villagers were given weapons to retaliate and the experiment turned out to be successful. They were brave enough to counter the militants for hours and successfully repulsed their attacks. Some of them, including women, went on to be honoured with the prestigious Shaurya Chakra and Kirti Chakra for thwarting the attacks by militants.

    Importance of reactivated VDG’s

    • Sense of Security and confidence in the villages: The reactivation of the VDGs would go a long way in instilling a sense of security and confidence in the villagers.
    • Deterrence and resistance to terrorists: VDG’s also serve as a deterrent to the terrorists who would expect stiff resistance if they ever ventured to attack the villagers.
    • Valuable assets: Apart from the VDGs being largely ex-servicemen, their being armed with automatic weapons, coupled with training, will be an asset in taking on terrorists.
    • Source of Intelligence: Additionally, they could serve as sources for the collection of intelligence. With the additional deployment of the CRPF, the response time for the security forces to rush to trouble spots would be drastically reduced.

    Concerns: The Case of Salwa Judum

    • The popularity the Salwa Judum had gained did not last for too long.
    • Repeated complaints of human rights violations by the volunteers, of beating up people and even raping tribal women, resulted in a case being filed in the Supreme Court.
    • On July 5, 2011, the Supreme Court declared Salwa Judum illegal and unconstitutional and ordered its disbandment.

    Conclusion

    • It would be in the interest of the denizens of the Poonch and Rajouri districts to strengthen the VDGs and provide them with all logistical and training support on a long-term basis as a force multiplier rather than dismantling them after complete normalcy is restored. The proximity to the 120-km stretch of the Line of Control along Pakistan-occupied Kashmir warrants a permanent security blanket for all villages in the region, what with Pakistan always being up to some mischief.

    Mains question

    Q. What is Village Defence Guards (VDG)? What necessitates such a civilian force? Provide examples of similar forces established from time to time in India.

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  • What is VSHORAD Missile System?

    vshorad

    The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) is set to procure the Very Short Range Air Defence System or VSHORAD (IR Homing) missile system.

    VSHORAD Missile System

    • Meant to kill low altitude aerial threats at short ranges, VSHORADS is a man portable Air Defence System (MANPAD).
    • It is designed and developed indigenously by DRDO’s Research Centre Imarat (RCI), Hyderabad, in collaboration with other DRDO laboratories and Indian Industry Partners.
    • The missile is propelled by a dual thrust solid motor—incorporates many novel technologies including miniaturised Reaction Control System (RCS) and integrated avionics, which were successfully proven during the tests conducted last year.
    • The DRDO has designed the missile and its launcher in a way to ensure easy portability.

    Unique features

    • Being man portable and lightweight compared to the other missile systems in the Army’s armoury, it can be deployed in the mountains close to the LAC at a short notice.
    • Others like the Akash Short Range Surface to Air Missile System are heavier with a theatre air defence umbrella.
    • They are perceived to be the best option for mountain warfare since they can be deployed quickly in rugged terrain.

    Significance of the missile

    • The development comes amid the ongoing military standoff with China at the LAC in eastern Ladakh and reports of air violations by China along the LAC last year.
    • India has been in talks with Russia since 2018 to procure the Igla-S air defence missiles at a cost of $1.5 billion under the VSHORAD programme in a bid to replace the Russian Igla-M systems.

     

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  • Kuki-Chin Refugees Issue

    kuki chin

    As another round of refugee crisis brews on the Mizoram-Bangladesh border, several members of the Kuki-Chin community were “pushed back” by the Border Security Force (BSF).

    Who are the Kuki Chins?

    • The Chins of Myanmar, the Mizos of Mizoram and the Kukis of Bangladesh are of the same ancestry and belong to the Kuki ethnic group native to the Mizo hills.
    • They are collectively called the Zo people.
    • The Kuki Chin people are settled in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the only extensive hill area in Bangladesh that lies in the southeastern part of the country.
    • It borders Myanmar on the southeast, Tripura on the north, Mizoram on the east and the Chittagong district in the west.
    • Mizoram shares a 318-km stretch of international border with Bangladesh.

    Why are they fleeing to Mizoram?

    • Already, since 2021, around 30,000 Kuki Chin refugees from Myanmar have sought shelter in Mizoram.
    • They have been escaping the crackdown by the military junta in Myanmar and identity-loss in Bangladesh.

    Roots of their insurgency

    • The roots of Kuki militancy lie in conflicts of ethnic identity.
    • First was the demand for self-determination solely for groups belonging to their ethnic fabric, meaning the dream to form a Kukiland.
    • The second reason for insurgency lies in the inter-community conflicts between the Kukis and the Nagas in Manipur.
    • The Kuki-Naga conflict was started over securing identity and land as some Kuki-inhabited areas coincided with Naga-inhabited areas.
    • Wanting to dominate trade and cultural activities in those areas the two communities often engaged in violent standoffs, with villages being torched, civilians killed and so on.

    What is India’s Stand?

    • The authorities are prepared to handle the inflow.
    • India would be extending help and shelter to the refugees coming in from Bangladesh on humanitarian ground.
    • A meeting of the Mizoram Cabinet decided to provide temporary shelter, food and medicine to the refugees who have already crossed over.

     

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  • Underwater combat drones: Indian Navy’s readiness

    combat

    Context

    • India is on a drive to induct unmanned combat systems into the military. Months after the Indian Army announced the induction of swarm drones into its mechanized forces, the Navy chief, Admiral R Hari Kumar, reiterated the importance of autonomous systems in creating a future-proof Indian Navy (IN).

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    combat

    Indian Navy’s expanding surveillance and reasons for doing so

    • The IN, indeed, has been on a mission to expand surveillance in India’s near-seas: Two years after it leased MQ-9B Sea Guardian drones from the US, the navy, in July 2022, released an unclassified version of its unmanned roadmap for the induction of remote autonomous platforms including undersea vehicles.
    • Maritime deterrence in the Eastern Indian Ocean: A key driver for the enterprise is underwater domain awareness, deemed an increasingly vital component of maritime deterrence in the Eastern Indian Ocean.
    • Chinas undersea presence in the Indian ocean: In the aftermath of the conflict in Ladakh in June 2020, there is a growing sense among Indian experts and military planners that China’s undersea presence in the Indian Ocean is on the cusp of crossing a critical threshold.
    • Recent reports of sighting of Chinese drones in the waters of Indonesia: Recent reports of the sighting of Chinese drones in the waters off Indonesian islands suggest the Peoples Liberation Army Navy has been studying the operating environment of the Indian Ocean.
    • China already deployed vessels around Andaman in the name of research: Already, there has been a rise in the deployment of Chinese research and survey vessels in the waters around India’s Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
    • Recognizing the threat, Indian Navy sought acquire to own AUV: Ever more alive to the dangers posed by foreign undersea presence in Indian waters, the IN sought to acquire its own autonomous underwater vehicles (AUVs) with twin surveillance and strike capabilities.

    Analysis: The navy’s interest in armed underwater drones

    • Underwater vehicles never viewed as warfighting assets: Despite being widely used in underwater search and exploration, underwater vehicles have never quite been viewed as warfighting assets by India’s military establishment.
    • Never sought deploying underwater drones in combat roles: Notwithstanding the AUVs’ utility in tasks such as mine detection and ship survey, India’s naval planners have traditionally desisted from deploying undersea drones in a combat role.
    • Acknowledging war fighting capabilities and need of the hour: Indian analysts and decision-makers seem to be belatedly acknowledging the warfighting abilities of underwater autonomous platforms powered by artificial intelligence (AI).
    • Getting ready for the new era warfare: With the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) shaping a new era in warfare, Indian observers are beginning to recognise the likely impact of disruptive technologies on the maritime domain. AI powered by deep learning, data analytics, and cloud computing, many say, is poised to alter the maritime battlefront, potentially triggering a revolution in naval affairs in India.

    Challenges to harness the disruptive technologies in maritime combat

    • Ethical paradox: There is an ethical paradox that typifies artificially intelligent combat systems.
    • Imported AI tech algorithms cannot be under user control: Despite rendering warfare more deadly, AI compromises the control, safety, and accountability of weapon systems it also enhances the risk of shared liability between networked systems, particularly when weapon algorithms are sourced from abroad, and when the satellite and link systems that enable combat solutions are not under the control of the user.
    • Predisposition of data in AI can undermine the decision making: AI is characterised by a predisposition to certain kinds of data. Biases in the collection of data, in the set of instructions for data analysis, and in the selection of probabilistic outcomes muddle rational decision-making, undermining confidence in automated combat solutions.
    • The doctrinal paradox is equally troubling: There is no easy way of incorporating AI-fuelled warfighting approaches into doctrine, particularly when many technologies are in a nascent stage of development, and there is little clarity about how effective AI could be in combat.
    • Capacity limitation that restricts the development of AI: While technology absorption in the navy has matured in certain areas over a period of time, a large gap still exists in the development of critical technologies, which are system engineering, airborne and underwater sensors, weapon systems, and hi-tech components.

    The critics of AI in warfare

    • Technology without comprehensive testing is risky: That fielding nascent technologies without comprehensive testing puts both military personnel and civilians at risk.
    • Probabilistic assessment by computers not always provide optimal solution: A system of targeting human beings based on probabilistic assessments by computers that act merely on machine-learned experiences, is problematic because the computer neither has access to all relevant data to make an informed decision nor recognizes that it needs more information to come up with an optimal solution.
    • Shaping policy to account for AI is challenging: That is because military doctrine is premised on a traditional understanding of conflict. If war is a normative construct, then there are rules and codes to be followed, and ethical standards to be met.
    • AI could be inconsistent with the laws of war: What is more, AI seemingly automates weapon systems in ways that are inconsistent with the laws of war.

    combat

    Legality issues of underwater combat drones

    • Status by UNCLOS is not yet clear: It is not yet clear if unmanned maritime systems enjoy the status of ships under the UN convention of the laws of the sea; even if they do, it is unlikely that they can be classified as warships.

    Way ahead

    • Notwithstanding the announcement of multiple AI projects, the navy remains focused on using AI in noncombat activities such as training, logistics, inventory management, maritime domain awareness, and predictive maintenance.
    • India’s maritime managers recognize that the IN is still at a place on its evolutionary curve where incorporating AI in combat systems could prove risky. An incremental approach, many believe, is the best way forward.

    Conclusion

    • It is worth acknowledging that AI in warfare is not just a matter of combat effectiveness but also of warfighting ethics. AI-infused unmanned systems on the maritime battlefront pose a degree of danger, making it incumbent upon the military to deploy its assets in ways that are consistent with national and international law. India’s naval leadership would do well if it takes careful and calculated steps in developing AI-powered underwater systems.
  • What are Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties (MLATs)?

    India and Saudi Arabia are in talks to sign a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT) to obtain formal assistance from each other in investigations related to criminal cases.

    Why in news?

    • Saudi Arabia is only among a dozen other countries that does not have either an MLAT or any other bilateral agreement with India to facilitate such investigations.
    • India has so far signed MLATs with 45 countries, and is also in talks to finalise MLATs with Italy and Germany.

    What are MLATs?

    • The MLATs in criminal matters are the bilateral treaties entered between countries for providing international cooperation and assistance.
    • These agreements allow for the exchange of evidence and information in criminal and related matters between the signing countries.

    Benefits of Treaty

    • It enhances the effectiveness of participating countries in the investigation and prosecution of crime, through cooperation and mutual legal assistance.
    • It will provide a broad legal framework for tracing, restraining and confiscation of proceeds and instruments of crime as well as the funds meant to finance terrorist acts.
    • It will be instrumental in gaining better inputs and insights in the modus operandi of organized criminals and terrorists.
    • These in turn can be used to fine-tune policy decisions in the field of internal security.

    Enforcing MLATs in India

    • The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) is the nodal Ministry and the Central authority for seeking and providing mutual legal assistance in criminal law matters.
    • The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) may be involved in this process when such requests are routed through diplomatic channels by these Ministries.
    • Section 105 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) speaks of reciprocal arrangements to be made by the Centre with the Foreign Governments

    Why is India seeking such a treaty with Saudi?

    • In the past, Saudi Arabia has deported several terror suspects on India’s request.
    • The treat would help in getting a conviction for an accused in a court of law, based on evidence gathered through the mutual agreement.

     

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  • The world of Cyberspace and Cyber sovereignty

    Cyber sovereignty

    Context

    • A state’s desire to control ‘cyberspace’ within its borders is achieved by exercising what is called ‘cyber sovereignty’. While some countries such as the United States (US) support the free flow of information, others like China, by default, restrict the flow for its citizens, leading to the fragmentation of the internet.

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    What is mean by Cyber threat?

    • A cyber threat or cyber security threat is defined as a malicious act intended to steal or damage data or disrupt the digital wellbeing and stability of an enterprise.
    • Cyber threats include a wide range of attacks ranging from data breaches, computer viruses, denial of service, and numerous other attack vectors.

    What is cyberspace?

    • Defined by Cyber security expert Daniel Kuehl: cyberspace is a global domain within the information system whose distinctive and unique character is framed by the use of electronics and the electromagnetic spectrum to create, store, modify, exchange, and exploit information via independent and interconnected networks using information-communication technologies.
    • Traditionally three layers of cyberspace: Traditionally, cyberspace was understood only in three layers: the physical/hardware, neural/software, and data.
    • Forth layer of social interaction and sovereignty: Alexander Klimburg, in his book The Darkening Web, introduced a fourth layer that deals with the social interaction among the three layers: “If cyberspace can be said to have a soul or mind, this is where it is. Establishing control over all the layers is necessary to build sovereignty in cyberspace.

    Cyber sovereignty

    What is Cyber sovereignty?

    • Term coined by Bruce Schneir: One of the leading voices in internet governance, Bruce Schneier, has coined the term as the attempt of governments to take control over sections of the internet within their borders.
    • It is about Internet governance: The term cyber sovereignty stems from internet governance and usually means the ability to create and implement rules in cyberspace through state governance.
    • Cyber sovereignty does not necessarily mean governance by state: Cyber sovereignty does not necessarily have to mean governance by a state. It first and foremost refers to the ability to create and implement rules in cyberspace. Alternatively, one could say it refers to the authority to speak the law, i.e., having juris-diction, in cyberspace.
    • Technology that drives policy decisions: In contrast to other technologies whose development is driven by policy, here it is technology which drives policy decisions. These characteristics make cyberspace governance complex and lead to confrontations among states and other stakeholders.

    Whether states should be held accountable for cyber-attacks emanating from their territory?

    • Sovereignty as defined by ICJ: The International Court of Justice (ICJ) defines sovereignty as that which confers rights upon states and imposes obligations on them. This implies that states must control their cyber infrastructure and prevent it from being knowingly or unknowingly used to harm other states and non-state actors.
    • Who comes under the cyber sovereignty ambit: The state, or the citizens of the state, if involved in attacking other states or non-state actors’ cyber facilities, also come under the ambit of cyber sovereignty.

    Cyber sovereignty

    Implications of Cyber sovereignty

    • Cyber sovereignty restricts the free flow of information: The internet was created to promote the free flow of information, but cyber sovereignty works the other way around. Restricting the flow of information can also put global businesses at risk due to the lack of interoperability it leads to.
    • It may lead to data imperialism: Control over the data could lead to new forms of colonialism and imperialism, commonly referred to as ‘data colonisation’ and ‘data imperialism’ in the digital era. States and private players can overreach their powers and violate human rights through cyberspace surveillance, controlling information flow, and enforcing internet shutdowns.
    • Implications from the fragmentation of the internet to violation of human rights: The implications are broad, impinging on citizens’ rights such as privacy, freedom of expression, access to information, press freedom, freedom of belief, non-discrimination and equality, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, due process and personal security.
    • For instance: Access to geolocation data can give insights into people who participated in a protest. Further, based on a user’s online behaviour, it is possible to determine a person’s sexual orientation, political affiliation and religious beliefs.

    Cyber sovereignty

    Example to understand the Implication of cyber sovereignty

    • In 2009, seeking justice for their co-workers whom the Han Chinese killed in a doll factory, Uighurs, a Muslim minority community in China, organised a protest using Facebook and Uighur-language blogs.
    • Following this incident, Facebook and Twitter were blocked across the country, and the internet was shut down for ten months in the region.
    • Following the incident, the Chinese government, with the help of the private sector, developed AI-enabled applications like the Integrated Joint Operations Platform (Ijop) to monitor the daily activities of Uighur Muslims. This app obtains information like skin colour, facial features, properties owned, payments, and personal relationships, and reports if there are any suspicious activities. An investigation is initiated if the systems flag any person. Data is gathered 24/7 to carry out mass surveillance.

    Value addition notes: Consider these for Essays

    • Unlike other spaces such as land, sea, air, and outer space, cyberspace was created by humans; therefore, complete control can be established over it.
    • Countries have tried to frame policies and rules to regulate cyberspace by building the necessary infrastructure.
    • This can be seen as either a defensive mechanism that states use to protect their own critical infrastructure or a framework adopted to exploit other states’ resources.
    • It has led to a security dilemma and added fuel to the fire of great-power politics.
    • Realising its importance, states have started to see cyberspace as equivalent to physical territory, and are building virtual walls to protect their ‘cyber territory’ with the help of various technologies.

    Conclusion

    • It is often said that information is wealth, competition has developed between states, and between state and non-state actors, to control and access this wealth. The dichotomy of states trying to protect the data generated in their territory by introducing data protection laws but, simultaneously, wanting to exploit other states’ data is adding to the complexity.

    Mains question

    Q. Technological advancements have made cyberspace an integral part of human lives. In this context, what do you understand by Cyber sovereignty. Discuss the implications of cyber sovereignty.

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