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20th May 2022 | Prelims Daily with Previous Year Questions
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States have equal powers to make GST-related Laws: SC
The Supreme Court has held that Union and State legislatures have equal, simultaneous and unique powers to make laws on Goods and Services Tax (GST) and the recommendations of the GST Council are not binding on them.
What is the case?
- The apex courtās decision came while confirming a Gujarat High Court ruling that the Centre cannot levy Integrated Goods and Services Tax (IGST) on ocean freight from Indian importers.
Key takeaways of the Judgment
- The recommendations of the GST Council are the product of a collaborative dialogue involving the Union and the States.
- They are recommendatory in nature. They only have a persuasive value.
- To regard them as binding would disrupt fiscal federalism when both the Union and the States are conferred equal power to legislate on GST.
Basis of the Judgment
- The court emphasised that Article 246A of the Constitution gives the States power to make laws with respect to GST.
- It treats the Union and the States as āequal unitsā.
- It confers a simultaneous power (on Union and States) for enacting laws on GST.
- Article 279A, in constituting the GST Council, envisions that neither the Centre nor the States are actually dependent on the other.
What are the articles added/modified to the Constitution by the GST Act?
(1) Article 246A: Special Provision for GST
- This Article was newly inserted to give power to the Parliament and the respective State/Union Legislatures to make laws on GST respectively imposed by each of them.
- However, the Parliament of India is given the exclusive power to make laws with respect to inter-state supplies.
- The IGST Act deals with inter-state supplies. Thus, the power to make laws under the IGST Act will rest exclusively with the Parliament.
- Further, the article excludes the following products from the scope of GST until a date recommended by the GST Council:
- Petroleum Crude
- High-Speed Diesel
- Motor Spirit
- Natural Gas
- Aviation Turbine Fuel
(2) Article 269A: Levy and Collection of GST for Inter-State Supply
- While Article 246A gives the Parliament the exclusive power to make laws with respect to inter-state supplies.
- The manner of distribution of revenue from such supplies between the Centre and the State is covered in Article 269A.
- It allows the GST Council to frame rules in this regard. Import of goods or services will also be called as inter-state supplies.
- This gives the Central Government the power to levy IGST on import transactions.
- Import of goods was subject to Countervailing Duty (CVD) in the earlier scheme of taxation.
- IGST levy helps a taxpayer to avail the credit of IGST paid on import along the supply chain, which was not possible before.
(3) Article 279A: GST Council
- This Article gives power to the President to constitute a joint forum of the Centre and States called the GST Council.
- TheĀ GST CouncilĀ is an apex member committee to modify, reconcile or to procure any law or regulation based on the context of GST in India.
(4) Article 286: Restrictions on Tax Imposition
- This was an existing article which restricted states from passing any law that allowed them to collect tax on sale or purchase of goods either outside the state or in the case of import transactions.
- It was further amended to restrict the passing of any laws in case of services too.
- Further, the term āsupplyā replaces āsale or purchaseā.
(5) Article 366: Addition of Important definitions
Article 366 was an existing article amended to include the following definitions:
- GST means the tax on supply of goods, services or both. It is important to note that the supply of alcoholic liquor for human consumption is excluded from the purview of GST.
- Services refer to anything other than goods.
- State includes Union Territory with legislature.
Back2Basics: GST Council
- The GST Council is a federal body that aims to bring together states and the Centre on a common platform for the nationwide rollout of the indirect tax reform.
- It is an apex member committee to modify, reconcile or to procure any law or regulation based on the context of goods and services tax in India.
- The GST Council dictates tax rate, tax exemption, the due date of forms, tax laws, and tax deadlines, keeping in mind special rates and provisions for some states.
- The predominant responsibility of the GST Council is to ensure to have one uniform tax rate for goods and services across the nation.
How is the GST Council structured?
- The GST is governed by the GST Council. Article 279 (1) of the amended Indian Constitution states that the GST Council has to be constituted by the President within 60 days of the commencement of the Article 279A.
- According to the article, the GST Council will be a joint forum for the Centre and the States. It consists of the following members:
- The Union Finance Minister will be the Chairperson
- As a member, the Union Minister of State will be in charge of Revenue of Finance
- The Minister in charge of finance or taxation or any other Minister nominated by each State government, as members.
Terms of reference
- Article 279A (4) specifies that the Council will make recommendations to the Union and the States on the important issues related to GST, such as the goods and services will be subject or exempted from the Goods and Services Tax.
- They lay down GST laws, principles that govern the following:
- Place of Supply
- Threshold limits
- GST rates on goods and services
- Special rates for raising additional resources during a natural calamity or disaster
- Special GST rates for certain States
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Explained: Article 142 of the Constitution
The Supreme Court has exercised the power conferred on it under Article 142 of the Constitution to order the release of former Prime Ministerās assassination convict.
What is Article 142?
Article 142 titled āEnforcement of decrees and orders of the Supreme Court and orders as to discovery, etc.ā has two clauses:
[1] Article 142(1)
- The Supreme Court in the exercise of its jurisdiction may pass such decree or make such order as is necessary for doing complete justice in any cause or matter pending before it.
- Any decree so passed or order so made shall be enforceable throughout the territory of India.
- It may be in such manner as may be prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament and, until provision in that behalf is so made, in such manner as the President may by order prescribe.
[2] Article 142(2)
- The Supreme Court shall have all and every power to make any order for the purpose of securing the attendance of any person, the discovery or production of any documents, or the investigation or punishment of any contempt of itself.
History of Article 142
- When a draft Constitution was prepared by the drafting committee and placed before the Constituent Assembly, Article 142 was actually numbered as Article 118.
- It was placed before the Constituent Assembly on May 27, 1949 for debate but got adopted on the same day without any debate.
- This was possibly because everyone agreed that in order to ensure judicial independence, the highest court of the country must be empowered with plenary power to do complete justice.
Articles invoked in Perarivalan Case
- In the case of Perarivalan, the Supreme Court invoked Article 142(1) under which it was empowered to pass any order necessary to do complete justice in any matter pending before it.
- It held that it was not a fit case to be remanded to the Governor for his consideration under Article 161 of the Constitution.
Important instances when Article 142 was invoked
- Bhopal Gas tragedy case: The SC awarded a compensation of $470 million to the victims and held that āprohibitions or limitations or provisions contained in ordinary laws cannot, ipso facto, act as prohibitions or limitations on the constitutional powers under Article 142.ā
- Babri Masjid demolition case: The Supreme Court ordered framing of a scheme by the Centre for formation of trust to construct Ram Mandir at the Masjid demolition site in Ayodhya.
- Liquor sale ban case: The Supreme Court banned liquor shops within a distance of 500 metres from National as well as State highways in order to prevent drunken driving.
Try this PYQ from CSP 2019:
Q.With reference to the Constitution of India, prohibitions or limitations or provisions contained in ordinary laws cannot act as prohibitions or limitations on the constitutional powers under Article 142. It could mean which one of the following?
a. The decisions taken by the Election Commission of India while discharging its duties cannot be challenged in any court of law.
b. The Supreme Court of India is not constrained in the exercise of its powers by laws made by the Parliament.
c. In the event of grave financial crisis in the country, the President of India can declare Financial Emergency without the counsel from the Cabinet.
d. State Legislatures cannot make laws on certain matters without the concurrence of Union Legislature.
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NATO Expansion & Russia
After nearly three months of debate within the two countries, Finland and Sweden have formally applied for membership of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
What is NATO?
- NATO is a military alliance established by the North Atlantic Treaty (also called the Washington Treaty) of April 4, 1949.
- It sought to create a counterweight to Soviet armies stationed in Central and Eastern Europe after World War II.
- Its original members were Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
- NATO has spread a web of partners, namely Egypt, Israel, Sweden, Austria, Switzerland and Finland.
Expansion of NATO: Transforming Europe
- The war in Ukraine has already changed the geopolitics of Europe and the world.
- The admission of Finland and Sweden to NATO would bring about a transformation in the continentās security map by giving NATO a contiguous long frontier in western Russia.
- Finland and Russia share a 1,300-km border ā and doubling it from the present 1,200 km, parts of it in northern Norway, Latvia and Estonia, and Poland and Lithuania.
- In addition, Swedenās island of Gotland in the middle of the Baltic Sea would give NATO a strategic advantage.
- Furthermore, when Sweden and Finland join NATO, the Baltic Sea ā Russiaās gateway to the North Sea and the Atlantic Ocean ā would be ringed entirely by NATO members.
Why Nordic countries are willing to join NATO?
- Although the debate over joining NATO was ongoing in both countries for nearly three decades, Russiaās annexation of Crimea pushed both towards NATOās āopen doorā policy.
- Still, there was little political consensus in either country, especially in Sweden where the Social Democrats have long been against the idea.
- However, February 24 changed everything the date on which Russia invaded Ukraine.
A knee jerk reaction?
- If Putinās invasion of Ukraine was meant to deter NATOās eastward expansion, the war has had the opposite effect.
- If admitted, Sweden and Finland will become its 31st and 32nd members.
Russian response
- Back in March, Russia had evoked a threatening response to take retaliatory measures by stationing its nuclear and hypersonic weapons close to the Baltic Sea.
- Russia denounced the problems with Finland and Sweden but the NATOās expansion at the expense of these countries does not pose a direct threat to us.
- But the expansion of military infrastructure into this territory will certainly provoke their response, warned Mr Putin.
- Sweden had already said it would not allow NATO bases or nuclear weapons on its territory.
Hurdles for Finland, Sweden
- At the moment the main obstacle to their applications in Turkey, a member since 1952 and which has NATOās second-largest army after the US.
- Turkish president Erdogan has objected to their applications on the ground that the two countries had provided safe haven to the leaders of the Kurdish group PKK.
- Many Kurdish and other exiles have found refuge in Sweden over the past decades.
- PKK is an armed movement fighting for a separate Kurdistan, comprising Kurdish areas in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria.
- Neither of these countries have a clear, open attitude towards terrorist organisation.
What could Turkey gain?
- Turkey is expected to seek to negotiate a compromise deal to seek action on Kurdish groups.
- Erdogan could also seek to use Sweden and Finlandās membership to wrest concessions from the United States and other allies.
- Turkey wants to return to the US-led F-35 fighter jet program ā a project it was kicked out of following its purchase of Russian S-400 missile defense systems.
- Alternatively, Turkey is looking to purchase a new batch of F-16 fighter jets and upgrade its existing fleet.
How does this affect Turkeyās image in the West?
- Turkey is reinforcing an image that is blocking the allianceās expansion for its own profit.
- It also risks damaging the credit it had earned by supplying Ukraine with the Bayraktar TB2 armed drones that became an effective weapon against Russian forces.
Is Turkey trying to appease Russia?
- Turkey has built close relations with both Russia and Ukraine and has been trying to balance its ties with both.
- It has refused to join sanctions against Russia ā while supporting Ukraine with the drones that helped deny Russia air superiority.
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On marital rape, regressive notions undermine autonomy of women
Context
On 11 May, two judges of the Delhi High Court handed down separate judgments in RIT Foundation v Union of India.
Background
- Section 375 of the IPC defines ārapeā as when a man has sex with a woman without her consent.
- Exception to Section 375 of IPC: Ā An exception to Section 375 provides that it is not rape for a husband to have sex with his wife, regardless of consent.
The two judgements
1] Violation of rights:
- In his judgment, Justice Rajiv Shakdher concluded that the marital rape exception violated the rights to life, equality, non-discrimination, and freedom of speech and expression under the Constitution.
- There is no reasonable basis to distinguish between married and unmarried women.
- Marriage is a relationship of equals, and women do not forfeit their agency and sexual autonomy upon marriage.
2] Issues with Constitutional validity of exception
- Justice C Hari Shankar took a different view, concluding that the marital rape exception is constitutionally valid.
- First, the judge held that it is the wrong starting point to assume that a husband who has sex with his wife without her consent ācommits rapeā.
- 1] Exclusion from definition argument: The judge noted that the effect of the exception to Section 375 of the IPC is that any sex between a husband and wife, whether or not consensual, is excluded from the definition of rape.
- That analysis does not bear scrutiny.
- It makes little difference whether the starting point is that non-consensual sex within marriage should be characterised as rape or, for example, sexual assault.
- The critical question is whether it is unconstitutional to exclude non-consensual sex from the definition of rape.
- 2] Preservation of marital institution argument: The judge held that the marital rape exception was āaimed at preservation of the marital institution, on which the entire bedrock of society restsā.
- The difficulty with that proposition is obvious ā is it the policy of the law that marriage is to be preserved at all costs?
- If so, does that withstand constitutional scrutiny?
- 3] Impact argument: the judge rejected the challenge to the martial rape exception based on the right to equality on the spurious assumption that the impact on a woman who is raped by her husband cannot ābe equated with the impact of a woman who is raped by a strangerā.
- Ā No evidence is cited in support of those claims.
- They also defy logic. Being raped by someone in whom you have reposed trust is likely to have an indelible emotional impact.
- 4] Reluctance to file complaint: The judge concluded that, as a practical matter, a āmajority of Indian womenā would be reluctant to file a complaint of rape against their husbands in any event.
- Even if that were true, it is no reason to disempower, by the operation of the law, women who do have the resolve to make a rape complaint against their husbands from doing so.
- 5] Creation of new offence: Justice Shankar held that it is not within the courtās power to create a new offence, and striking down the marital rape exception would have that effect.
- There is no question of creating a new offence ā the court would simply be striking down an exception carved out of an existing offence.
- The only principled basis for the judgeās objection is that it may be unfair to punish someone for rape for conduct that was excluded from the definition of rape when it was undertaken.
- But that is not a reason to avoid striking down the marital rape exception.
- The easy solution is for the court to declare that its judgment will apply only to conduct after the date of the judgment.
Conclusion
Whether the marital rape exception violates fundamental rights under the Constitution is a question that falls within the Courtās core competency. There is only one reasonable answer to that question.
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The āRoeā draft ruling could affect other civil rights
Context
The leaked Roe vs Wade draft opinion has been in the news for its possible impact on abortion rights, but it also paves the way for the erosion of gay rights in America.
Background of abortion rights cases in the U.S.
- Ā Almost 50 years earlier, the U.S. Supreme Court held in Roe vs Wade(1973) that it was unconstitutional for states to ban or restrict abortions before fetal viability.
- Later, Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania vs Casey (1992) reaffirmed Roeās central holding on viability.
- In December 2021, the U.S. Supreme Court concluded oral arguments in Dobbs vs Jackson Womenās Health Organization, an ongoing case that looks at a 2018 Mississippi law (The Gestational Age Act) that bans most abortions after 15 weeks.
- Keeping Roe and Casey in mind, lower courts permanently enjoined the Mississippi law, but the case eventually moved up to the Supreme Court, with the following question: are all pre-viability prohibitions on elective abortions unconstitutional?
- This question (and the courtās acceptance to answer it) is at the heart ofĀ RoeĀ andĀ CaseyĀ because theĀ RoeĀ court had already decided that answer in the affirmative back in 1973; and this was re-affirmed in 1992 by theĀ CaseyĀ court.
- The leaked first draft of the courtās majority decision inĀ Dobbs, however, departs from precedent and signals a completely different turn.
Originalist reading of the US Constitution
- A running theme in this first draft of the Dobbs judgment was the courtās emphasis on originalism.
- The very first page of the draft says that āthe constitution makes no mention of abortionā.
- On page 9 it reads āthe abortion right, which is not mentioned in the Constitution, is part of a right to privacy, which is also not mentioned.
- An originalist reading of the Constitution and an application of similar reasoning as the one applied in this draft opinion (minus the emphasis on protecting ālife or āpotential lifeā) could invalidate all rights for gay and lesbian Americans.
Implications for other rights
- Gay rights do not have any place in American history and tradition; it is quite the opposite with American history.
- Ā Simply put, a rollback ofĀ RoeĀ andĀ CaseyĀ could allow state legislatures across the country to re-instate bans or restrictions on gay rights such as limitations on same-sex couple adoptions or sexuality education in schools.
- Moreover, because the Constitution makes no explicit mention of āprivacyā, āsexual orientationā, āgayā, ālesbianā, or āgay rightsā anywhere, these rights could be challenged further.
- The constitutional recognition of same-sex marriage is, after all, only a recent phenomenon, both globally and nationally.
- Ā In 1992, theĀ CaseyĀ court affirmed what was already decided two decades ago inĀ RoeĀ ā namely, that women in America had the ālibertyā to an abortion under the Fourteenth Amendment.
- However, theĀ DobbsĀ draft ruling discards this right to ālibertyā just as it does the right to āprivacyā.
- Ā By specifically re-defining ālibertyā and calling into question its applicability in the case of abortions, the court paves the way for potentially reviewing other ālibertyā rights not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution ā such as the right to travel ( Kent vs Dulles, 1958), the right to inter-racial marriage ( Loving vs Virginia, 1967), and the right to engage in same-sex activity in private ( Lawrence vs Texas, 2003), among others.
Conclusion
The bottom line is that if 50 year-old constitutionally guaranteed rights could be revoked today, then more recent and similarly, situated rights could also be revoked under an originalist reading of the Constitution.
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Delimitation fallouts
Context
Four years from now, when the delimitation of the constituencies will take place, Indiaās electoral democracy will stand on an existential crossroads.
Historical background of North-South tension
- There was a time, not all that long ago, when English speakers in the south of India routinely referred to our north as āUpper Indiaā.
- The Imperial Legislative Council, with its Central Legislative Assembly as the Lower House and the Council of State as the Upper House, being located in Delhi pushed that upperness further up.
- Ā Later, the Constituent Assembly continued the āIndiaās north as Indiaās peakā image.
- Role of Congress: The Indian National Congress was from the very start, aware of the need for Indiaās regions to be seen as equal, bereft of any asymmetry.
- Its very third session after Bombay (1885) and Calcutta (1886) was held in Madras (1887, and many times later).
- The All India Kisan Sabha, the peasant wing of the Communist Party of India, likewise, which had first met in a āfounder-conferenceā in Lucknow in 1936, met at its fifth session in 1940 in Palasa, Srikakulam.
- These considered arrangements embody the opening Article 1 of our Constitution: India, that is Bharat.
What would be the Impact of delimitation
- A delimitation of the constituencies that will elect Members of the Lok Sabha, following the population figures returned by the next decennial Census, is to take place in 2026.
- Need to increase number of members: We cannot have, should not have, the same number of Members of Parliament ā 543 ā representing a vastly increased population in the Lok Sabha.
- Mathematically speaking, the higher the number of people per constituency, the lower the impact each voter has on parliamentary representation ā clearly an undesirable situation.
- Reduced representation to States that stabilised their population: Re-arranging and standardising the number of people per constituency through the scheduled delimitation exercise will inevitably lead to a reduced representation for States that have managed to stabilise their populations, and to a higher representation for States that have not stabilised their populations.
- Considering the Census data for 2011, almost half (48.6%) of our population (of approximately 1.38 billion) is contributed by the States of Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh.
- Issues with population-based marking: A population-based marking out or re-arrangement of constituencies, as envisaged in Article 82 of the Constitution, will have the effect of giving more MPs to the States and Union Territories that have let their numbers grow, and will give markedly less MPs to those that have held their numbers in some check.
- Realising the anomaly that a delimitation based on Census data would cause, a delimitation freeze was put in position by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi through the 42nd Amendment of the Constitution in 1976.Ā
- Ā This was extended by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee through the 84th Amendment.
- It is this extension that is to end in 2026, placing us at a crossroads.
Way forward
- There are two alternatives before us:
- 1] Onother freeze: One, we go in for another freeze, this time not for any specific period but for until all States have achieved population stabilisation.
- 2] Mathematically equitable formula: Two, we request demographic and statistical experts to devise a mathematical model along the lines of the āCambridge Compromiseā based on a mathematically equitable āformulaā for the apportionment of the seats of the European Parliament between the member-states.
Conclusion
The population-stabilising States of India that is Bharat, which include all the southern States, must continue to enrich our legislative and parliamentary processes as they have been doing since the time of the Imperial Legislative Council, with no penalties having to be paid for their sense of responsibility. We need to limit population, not representation.
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Supreme Court frees Perarivalan
The Supreme Court has invoked its extraordinary powers to do complete justice under Article 142 of the Constitution and ordered the release of A.G. Perarivalan in former PM assassination case.
Among the factors that sustained Perarivalanās long battle was the determination and commitment of his mother, Arputham Ammal, who emerged as the face of an anti-death penalty movement, and the sympathy and empathy that he received from people from all walks of life.
What is the news?
- A Bench led by Justice L. Nageswara Rao, in its judgment, took into consideration Perarivalanās long jail term for over 30 years to order his release.
- The court held that the TN Council of Ministersā advice to pardon Perarivalan was binding on the Governor under Article 161 (Governorās power of clemency) of the Constitution.
- The advice of the State Cabinet is binding on the Governor in matters relating to commutation/remission of sentences under Article 161.
Note: As per Article 161, the Governor of a State shall have the power to grant pardons, reprieves, respites or remissions of punishment or to suspend, remit or commute the sentence of any person convicted of any offence against any law relating to a matter to which the executive power of the State extends
What branded Perarivalan as a murderer?
- He had bought two 9 volt battery cells on behalf of the bomber.
- These were used to make the bomb explode.
- This confession statement taken under Section 15(1) of TADA to establish his link with the assassins and his knowledge and role in the assassination.
Why was this a case for Governor?
- Perarivalan was not a death sentenced convict.
- Earlier, the apex court had commuted his death penalty to life sentence for murder in 2014.
- The Governor had no business forwarding the pardon plea to the President after sitting on it for years together.
- Had this been a death penalty, the case would have been different.
Why did the Supreme Court intervene?
- Governorās delay to decide Perarivalanās pardon for more than two years has compelled the apex court to employ its constitutional powers under Article 142 to do justice to Perarivalan.
- After all, the court said, a Governorās non-exercise of power under Article 161 of the Constitution was not immune from judicial review.
What is Article 142?
- Article 142 provides discretionary power to the Supreme Court.
- It states that the court in the exercise of its jurisdiction may pass such decree or make such order as is necessary for doing complete justice in any cause or matter pending before it.
- Such decree shall be enforceable throughout the territory of India in such manner as may be prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament.
- It is usually used in cases involving human rights and environmental protection.
Other legal aspects of this pardon
- The Court dismissed the Centreās argument that the President exclusively, and not the Governor, had the power to grant pardon in a case under Section 302 (murder) of the Indian Penal Code.
- The court had said that such a contention would render Article 161 a ādead-letterā.
- This would rather create an extraordinary situation whereby pardons granted by Governors in murder cases for the past 70 years would be rendered invalid.
Back2Basics:
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Ethanol blend in petrol to be raised to 20% in 3 years
The Union Cabinet has approved amendments to the National Policy on Biofuels, 2018, to advance the date by which fuel companies have to increase the percentage of ethanol in petrol to 20%, from 2030 to 2025.
What is the news?
- The policy to introduce 20% ethanol in petrol will take effect from April 1, 2023.
Why such move?
- A 2021 report by the NITI Aayog said that 20% ethanol blending by 2025 could accrue immense benefits such as:
- Saving ā¹30,000 crore of foreign exchange per year
- Increased energy security
- Lowered carbon emissions
- Better air quality
- Self-reliance
- Better use of damaged foodgrains
- Increase farmersā incomes and investment opportunities
What is the present status of ethanol blending in India?
- India achieved 9.45% ethanol blending as on March 13, 2022, according to the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas.
- The Centre projects that this will reach 10% by the end of financial year 2022.
- The government first announced its plans of advancing the 20% blending target in December 2020.
Why is it so difficult to raise the blending?
- A 10% blending of petrol does not require major changes to engines.
- But a 20% blend could require some changes and may even drive up the prices of vehicles.
- A greater percentage of blending could also mean more land being diverted for water-intensive crops such as sugar cane, which the government currently subsidises.
Back2Basics: Ethanol Blended Petrol (EBP) Programme
- EBP programme was launched in January, 2003 for supply of 5% ethanol blended petrol.
- The programme sought to promote the use of alternative and environment-friendly fuels and to reduce import dependency for energy requirements.
- OMCs are advised to continue according to priority of ethanol from 1) sugarcane juice/sugar/sugar syrup, 2) B-heavy molasses 3) C-heavy molasses and 4) damaged food grains/other sources.
- At present, this programme has been extended to the whole of India except UTs of Andaman Nicobar and Lakshadweep islands with effect from 01st April 2019 wherein OMCs sell petrol blended with ethanol up to 10%.
Also read:
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