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Subject: International Relations

  • What is the ‘2+2’ format of dialogue between India and the US?

    The fourth ‘2+2’ dialogue between India and the United States is underway in Washington DC.

    2+2 talks between India and allies

    • The 2+2 dialogue is a format of meeting of the foreign and defence ministers of India and its allies on strategic and security issues.
    • A 2+2 ministerial dialogue enables the partners to better understand and appreciate each other’s strategic concerns and sensitivities taking into account political factors on both sides.
    • This helps to build a stronger, more integrated strategic relationship in a rapidly changing global environment.
    • India has 2+2 dialogues with four key strategic partners: US, Australia, Japan, and RUSSIA.

    Inception of the idea

    • The inaugural 2+2 dialogue with Australia was held in September 2021 when Jaishankar and Singh met with their counterparts Marise Payne and Peter Dutton in New Delhi.
    • India held its first 2+2 dialogue with Russia in December last year, when Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu visited India.
    • The first India-Japan talks in the 2+2 format were held on November 30, 2019 in New Delhi.

    Dialogue with the US

    • The US is India’s oldest and most important 2+2 talks partner.
    • The first 2+2 dialogue between the two countries was held during the Trump Administration.
    • It hosted then-Secretary of State Michael Pompeo and then-Secretary of Defence James Mattis and the late Sushma Swaraj and then Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman in New Delhi in September 2018.
    • The second and third editions of the 2+2 dialogues were held in Washington DC and New Delhi in 2019 and 2020 respectively.

    Defence and strategic agreements

    • Over the years, the strategic bilateral relationship with its partners, including the dialogues held in the 2+2 format, have produced tangible and far-reaching results for India.
    • India and the US have signed a troika of “foundational pacts” for deep military cooperation, beginning with the:
    1. Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) in 2016
    2. Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) after the first 2+2 dialogue in 2018, and
    3. Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) in 2020

    Deterrents in ties ahead of the meet

    • There is little doubt as to how beneficial this mechanism has been.
    • On one side, the ‘two plus dialogue’ is expected to abate, if not resolve, highly problematic issues such as Chinese aggression.
    • Even though there is a tonne of expectations from this mutual dialogue between the two countries, the dialogue is also the source of some worry.
    • This time, the US is sceptical of India’s mammoth oil import from Russia.
    • Another problematic pointer is India’s voluminous weaponry sanctions from Russia.

    Why a 2+2 with Russia?

    • Russia is one of those countries with which a 2+2 format talk “fits perfectly” in India’s foreign policy.
    • India and Russia have shared a strategic relationship since October 2000, which later got upgraded to ‘Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership’ in December 2010.
    • To be sure, the India-Russia 2+2 does have a particularly strong signalling component when seen against the backdrop of the S400 controversy.
    • Holding the 2+2 talks with Russia is much needed. This gives out a strong message to the world that India sees everyone to be on the same level.
    • This is visible messaging that India cannot be compelled to choose partners. India pursues an independent foreign policy serving its national and non-allied interests.
    • Having a 2+2 with Russia also means that India is “not in anyone’s camp” and that bilateral ties between Moscow and New Delhi are “traditional and comprehensive”.

    Way forward

    • India and the US don’t set ‘red lines’ and are pushing for “an honest dialogue”, the ongoing 2+2 dialogue is an opportunity for both India and the US.
    • The US also understands that India is one of the few countries that could leverage its relationship with Russia to bring the two warring parties to the negotiating table through a ceasefire and diplomatic resolution.
    • For Delhi, it is a season for careful and adroit diplomacy.

     

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  • The wider impact of Pakistan’s internal crisis

    Context

    As Pakistan goes through a major political convulsion, India must resist the temptation to see the changes across our western frontiers through the narrow prism of bilateral relations.

    Why Pakistan matters

    • Pakistan is an important regional piece in the power play between the US, China and Russia.
    • Given its location at the crossroads of the Subcontinent, Middle East, Eurasia, and China, Pakistan has always been a vital piece of real estate that was actively sought by contending geopolitical blocs.
    • The internal and external have always been tightly linked in Pakistan.
    • Today, Pakistan’s internal battles are tied to external geopolitical rivalry.

    Two important factors in the political trajectory of Pakistan

    • Any Indian strategy in dealing with the new government in Islamabad would depend on an assessment of Pakistan’s post-Imran political trajectory.
    • Two important factors stand out.
    • 1] First is the changing nature of civil military relations in Pakistan.
    • It is part of a serious intra-elite struggle that transcends the well-known military dominance over Pakistan’s polity.
    • One of the more interesting questions to come out of the current episode is whether the army’s famed internal coherence and unity of command might endure the crisis.
    • 2] Second is the growing fragility of Pakistan’s polity triggered by the deepening economic crisis and sharpening social contradictions.
    • There is no guarantee that the army’s ties with new civilian rulers will be smooth nor can we assume that the civilian coalition against Imran Khan will survive the many challenges ahead as it confronts difficult policy challenges on multiple fronts.

    Geopolitical challenges of Pakistan

    • Engaging India is unlikely to be a high priority for the new government in Islamabad.
    • Today, Pakistan has many other things to worry about — reviving its flagging economic fortunes, stabilising the Durand Line with Afghanistan, and rebalancing its ties with the major actors in the Middle East, including Iran, UAE, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.
    • Pakistan, which traditionally enjoyed good relations with the West as well as China, is finding it hard to maintain a balance in its great power relations.
    • While the army and the new government are eager to restore ties with the US, Imran Khan has made it hard for them.
    • Imran Khan’s repeated praise for India’s independent foreign policy was in essence a critique of the Pakistan army that has long steered Islamabad’s international relations.

    Way forward

    •  Delhi should focus on the potential shifts in Pakistan’s strategic orientation triggered by the current crisis.
    • The good news from Pakistan is that India is not part of the argument between the political classes or between Imran Khan and the “deep state” represented by the army.

    Conclusion

    An India that gets an accurate sense of Pakistan’s changing geopolitics will be able to better deal with Islamabad.

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  • Amending the Weapons of Mass Destruction Act

    Recently the Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and their Delivery Systems (Prohibition of Unlawful Activities) Amendment Bill, 2022 was passed in the Lok Sabha.

    What is the WMD Bill?

    • The Bill amends the WMD and their Delivery Systems (Prohibition of Unlawful Activities) Act, 2005 which prohibits the unlawful manufacture, transport, or transfer of WMD (chemical, biological and nuclear weapons) and their means of delivery.
    • It is popularly referred to as the WMD Act.
    • The recent amendment extends the scope of banned activities to include financing of already prohibited activities.
    • The WMD and their Delivery Systems (Prohibition of Unlawful Activities) Act came into being in July 2005.

    What was the purpose of the original WMD Act?

    • Its primary objective was to provide an integrated and overarching legislation on prohibiting unlawful activities in relation to all three types of WMD, their delivery systems and related materials, equipment and technologies.
    • It instituted penalties for contravention of these provisions such as imprisonment for a term not less than five years (extendable for life) as well as fines.
    • The Act was passed to meet an international obligation enforced by the UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1540 of 2004.

    What is the UNSCR 1540?

    • In April 2004 the UN Security Council adopted resolution 1540 to address the growing threat of non-state actors gaining access to WMD material, equipment or technology to undertake acts of terrorism.
    • In order to address this challenge to international peace and security, UNSCR 1540 established binding obligations on all UN member states under Chapter VII of the UN Charter.
    • Nations were mandated to take and enforce effective measures against proliferation of WMD, their means of delivery and related materials to non-state actors.
    • It was to punish the unlawful and unauthorised manufacture, acquisition, possession, development and transport of WMD became necessary.

    UNSCR 1540 enforced three primary obligations upon nation states —

    1. To not provide any form of support to non-state actors seeking to acquire WMD, related materials, or their means of delivery;
    2. To adopt and enforce laws criminalising the possession and acquisition of such items by non-state actors;
    3. To adopt and enforce domestic controls over relevant materials, in order to prevent their proliferation.

    What has the Amendment added to the existing Act?

    • The Amendment expands the scope to include prohibition of financing of any activity related to WMD and their delivery systems.
    • To prevent such financing, the Central government shall have the power to freeze, seize or attach funds, financial assets, or economic resources of suspected individuals (whether owned, held, or controlled directly or indirectly).
    • It also prohibits persons from making finances or related services available for other persons indulging in such activity.

    Why was this Amendment necessary?

    • India echoes these developments for having made the Amendment necessary.
    • Two specific gaps are being addressed-
    1. As the relevant organisations at the international level, such as the Financial Action Task Force have expanded the scope of targeted financial sanctions and India’s own legislation has been harmonised to align with international benchmarks.
    2. With advancements in technologies, new kinds of threats have emerged that were not sufficiently catered for in the existing legislation.
    • These notably include developments in the field of drones or unauthorised work in biomedical labs that could maliciously be used for terrorist activity.
    • Therefore, the Amendment keeps pace with evolving threats.

    What more should India do?

    • India’s responsible behaviour and actions on non-proliferation are well recognised.
    • It has a strong statutory national export control system and is committed to preventing proliferation of WMD.
    • This includes transit and trans-shipment controls, retransfer control, technology transfer controls, brokering controls and end-use based controls.
    • Every time India takes additional steps to fulfil new obligations, it must showcase its legislative, regulatory and enforcement frameworks to the international community.
    • It is also necessary that India keeps WMD security in international focus.

    Setting up a precedence

    • There is no room for complacency.
    • Even countries which do not have WMD technology have to be sensitised to their role in the control framework to prevent weak links in the global control system.
    • India can offer help to other countries on developing national legislation, institutions and regulatory framework through the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) or on bilateral basis.

    Could the Amendment become troublesome to people on account of mistaken identity?

    • In the discussion on the Bill in Parliament, some members expressed concern on whether the new legislation could make existing business entities or people in the specific sector susceptible to a case of mistaken identity.
    • The External Affairs Minister, however, assured the House that such chances were minimal since identification of concerned individuals/entities would be based on a long list of specifics.

    What is the international significance of these legislation?

    • Preventing acts of terrorism that involve WMD or their delivery systems requires building a network of national and international measures in which all nation states are equally invested.
    • Such actions are necessary to strengthen global enforcement of standards relating to the export of sensitive items and to prohibit even the financing of such activities.

    Way forward

    • Sharing of best practices on legislations and their implementation can enable harmonization of global WMD controls.
    • India initially had reservations on enacting laws mandated by the UNSCR.
    • This is not seen by India as an appropriate body for making such a demand.
    • However, given the danger of WMD terrorism that India faces in view of the difficult neighbourhood that it inhabits, the country supported the Resolution and has fulfilled its requirements.

    Conclusion

    • It is in India’s interest to facilitate highest controls at the international level and adopt them at the domestic level.
    • Having now updated its own legislation, India can demand the same of others, especially from those in its neighbourhood that have a history of proliferation and of supporting terrorist organisations.

     

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  • BRICS and the creation of a multipolar world

    Context

    The current crisis in Ukraine will consolidate BRICS as the group will make further efforts to become a real alternative to the West to create a real multipolar world.

     BRICS’ efforts to change world economic system

    • The group was brought together by geopolitical rather than economic considerations and this can be seen in the strategic interests shared by Russia and China.
    • Inclusion of non-Western states in international financial institutions: BRICS is actively involved in the efforts to change the world economic system by increasing the number of non-Western states in international financial institutes.
    • The BRICS countries decided to create the $100 billion BRICS Development Bank and a reserve currency pool worth over another $100 billion to offer an alternative to countries in the non-Western world when it comes to choosing the sources of funding for development or coping with serious economic crises.

    Consequences of Ukraine crisis for BRICS

    •  It demonstrates that the West has not abandoned the idea of a unipolar world and will continue building it up by drawing into its foreign policy orbit issues it calls “international” or even “common to mankind.”
    • Many non-Western states look at this as a new wave of colonialism.
    • This will increase the desire of non-Western countries to enhance their coordination and perhaps the current conflict is already showing signs in this respect.
    • The BRICS states are different in many respects and their disagreements with the West are rooted in different historical and political circumstances.
    • The current crisis in Ukraine will consolidate BRICS as the group will make further efforts to become a real alternative to the West to create a real multipolar world.
    • RIC controls 22 per cent of the global GDP and 16 per cent of global exports of goods and services.
    • The fallout from Russia’s alienation from the G-8 group of nations, raises the prospect that — tactically at least — Russia, India, and China might be playing their own triangular integrationist card within BRICS at Moscow’s initiative.
    • Eurasian integrationist core: This will create a north Eurasian integrationist core within BRICS, whichever way Moscow’s relations with the US and Europe play out.

    Implications for India

    • Both the Asian giants — India and China — may stand to reap the “best of both worlds” as the Ukraine imbroglio plays out.
    • Investment: This could mean greater industrial and energy cross investments between Russia and India as well as between Russia and China.
    • Additionally, the proposed arrangement for rupee-ruble cross currency pairing could result in settlement of payments in non-dollar currencies with more countries looking at India’s sovereign Financial Messaging Systems (SFMS), while also remaining connected with a central system like SWIFT.
    • Dedicated payment mechanism: This should also anchor India’s quest to build a dedicated payment mechanism for energy-related payments and settlements as a long-haul measure.
    • This could change the contours of the global payments landscape and benefit the rupee immensely.

    Spotlight on India

    • As the war progresses, New Delhi has been receiving a stream of high-profile visitors from around the world.
    • This has included delegations from the US, Australia and Japan, India’s partners in the Quad.
    • The foreign minister of Greece has also been to India and the Israeli prime minister is scheduled to visit soon.
    • Even traditional rival China is making overtures to India at this time, with Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit.
    • Another suitor is Russia, which is now also becoming a supplier of discounted crude oil to India as Moscow recoils from sanctions enforced by western consumers of its natural gas.

    Conclusion

    New Delhi is basking in its well-deserved spotlight with well-crafted diplomacy. India could be looking at a new dawn.

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  • What caused Sri Lanka’s worst economic crisis?

    Context

    Sri Lanka’s ruling Rajapaksa family is facing mounting public anger, calls for resignations and political defections amidst the island’s worst economic crisis in its post-independence history.

    Reasons for the crisis

    • 1] Overnight switch to organic farming and import ban on fertiliser: There was the decision to ban fertiliser imports and switch overnight to organic farming.
    • The decision was reversed after sustained farmer protests but not before damage had already been done to crop yields.
    • 2] Then, precious foreign exchange was wasted in propping up the rupee while imposing controls on key imports that led to shortages and price rise.
    • 3] For several months, as the crisis deepened with rolling power-cuts and shortages of essentials, the government refused to seek IMF assistance.
    • It has now relented on the IMF, but Sri Lanka’s economic distress has been prolonged and deepened by this indecision.

    Contradictions in the Sri Lanka’s politics

    • While the immediate causes of popular anger are explicable, the crisis also reveals a more enduring contradiction at the foundation of Sri Lanka’s politics.
    • Sinhala nationalist-inspired policies: What this crisis shows is that Sinhala nationalist-inspired policies are no longer financially or politically viable.
    • Hardline approach toward Tamils: The Rajapaksas first rode to power in September 2005 on the wave of Sinhala nationalist antipathy against the then-ongoing Norwegian-mediated peace process with the LTTE.
    • Upon his election as president, Mahinda expanded the military and launched a full-frontal military offensive that ended with the LTTE’s total defeat and destruction in May 2009.
    • After the war, instead of seeking a political settlement with the Tamils, Mahinda Rajapaksa unrolled a de-facto militarised siege of the Tamil-speaking areas and population.
    • Assertive foreign policy: The hardline approach to the Tamils and their demands was also linked to a new, more assertive foreign policy.
    •  The government turned away the long-established pattern of alignments with Western states and India.
    • Mistrust of India: There is a long-standing mistrust of India amongst Sinhala Buddhist nationalists who see it as the source of historic Tamil invasions.
    •  The Rajapaksas translated this sentiment into policy, pushing back against Indian attempts to forge closer economic ties and a constitutional settlement of the Tamil question.
    • Ties with China: In place of these ties, the Rajapaksas ostentatiously set out to forge new alliances, principally with China.
    • The Rajapaksas also bet on a new geo-political optimism.
    • They believed that with China’s rise, Sri Lanka’s location on east-west trade lanes would become a prized asset.
    • They were confident that in the global competition for power triggered by China’s rise, international actors would be compelled to seek Sri Lanka’s favour for fear of “losing” it to the other side.
    • With this geo-political calculus in mind, they assuredly rebuffed Western and Indian demands.
    • None of the great powers who were supposed to be competing for Sri Lanka’s favour have stepped up to offer a bailout, although the sums are quite small by global standards.
    • The bid for total sovereign autonomy has crash-landed and yet the alternatives are also politically difficult.

    More leverage to international actors

    • The irony of Sri Lanka’s push for total sovereign autonomy is that it has given international actors more leverage than they had before.
    • Going to the IMF will require concessions on human rights and good governance to secure preferential access to European markets.
    • At the same time, Indian bilateral assistance has conditionalities on clearing controversial investments.

    Way forward

    • Push non-reversible changes: International actors who really want to help Sri Lanka should use this leverage to push for tangible and non-reversible changes in the treatment of Tamils and Muslims whatever leadership emerges in Colombo.
    • Eemilitarisation and normalisation of relations with the Tamils and Muslims: The crisis can serve as a reality check for the Sinhala nationalist leadership and electorate. The model of economic and political governance they have pursued is unsustainable, and the alternatives must be faced.
    • The most pressing of these is the demilitarisation and normalisation of relations with the Tamils and Muslims.
    • Sinhala political attention can perhaps then be turned to the other pressing failures of governance that have brought Sri Lanka to this state.

    Conclusion

    The Rajapaksas may be the principal protagonists of this crisis but the underlying script they have followed is a Sinhala Buddhist one and until Sri Lanka finds a new script it cannot find peace or stability.

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  • Fulfilling the potential of the Bay of Bengal community

    Context

    The celebrations to mark the 25th year of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) have been accompanied by the announcement of several new initiatives.

    Important outcome of BIMSTEC Summit

    The summit had several important outcomes: Expanding the grouping’s agenda, deepening cooperation between the member countries and planning systematically for consistency and coherence.

    1] Finalisation of charter

    • The Bay of Bengal Community was launched in 1997. But its charter, finalised last week, was more than two decades in the making.
    • The 20-page document adopted at the fifth BIMSTEC Summit articulates the purpose, principles and legal standing of the organisation.
    • It also delineates the process to admit new members – this requires the consensus of the members.
    •  The emphasis on consensus is important, given the sensitivities of the member countries.
    • One important provision in the charter is to keep regular meetings on track and provide enough scope to the BIMSTEC Permanent Working Committee to keep the process energised.

    2] Development on connectivity issues

    • Amongst the important decisions is the one related to the BIMSTEC Master Plan for Transport Connectivity.
    • The region requires seamless connectivity through multi-modal channels that improve links within and amongst the member countries.
    • These channels should be in sync with the regulatory frameworks of the member countries.
    • There are proposals to extend the trilateral highway project between Thailand, Myanmar and India to Laos and Cambodia. Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal have also evinced interest in the project.
    • Digitisation has enhanced cooperation in customs regulations and facilitated and improved cargo clearance procedures. All this will surely enhance investment linkages and improve regional trade.

    3] A systemic approach to streamline the evolution of BIMSTEC.

    • Establishing an Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG) for formulating a vision document for the region will help in articulating the aspirations of the collective.
    • EPGs have been quite useful in the EU and ASEAN.
    • For instance, the ASEAN-India Eminent Persons Group (AIEPG) was constituted in 2005 after the Eighth ASEAN-India Summit.
    • Its recommendations still guide the grouping’s work.
    • In 2011, the EU constituted an EPG  to suggest a roadmap to address the challenges arising from the resurgence of intolerance and discrimination in Europe.

    4] MoU for legal assistance and mutual cooperation

    • The MoU for legal assistance in criminal matters and additional MoUs for mutual cooperation between diplomatic academics and training institutes would help in creating an ecosystem of deeper knowledge-related cooperation.
    • The technology transfer facility proposed in Colombo is likely to augment these efforts.

    India’s leading role

    • India has promised $1 million to set up a Secretariat in Dhaka.
    • India has identified several other areas where it will support the collective.
    • Delhi will provide a $3 million grant to the BIMSTEC Centre for Weather and Climate, promote collaboration between industries and start-ups, and launch programmes that will help in the adoption of international standards and norms.
    • Agricultural trade analysis: Delhi has also suggested a regional value chain based agricultural trade analysis – this will be conducted by the RIS.
    • The Asian Development Bank and the New Delhi-based ICRIER have stewarded awareness programmes on trade facilitating measures in the member countries.
    • Support to Sri Lanka and Nepal: The pandemic has created fresh challenges and aggravated old ones in the countries of the region, particularly Sri Lanka and Nepal.
    • India’s support to these countries, especially in financial matters, could help in reducing undesirable external intervention in the region.

    Way forward

    • Need for FTA: The early completion of the regional free trade agreement could provide a fillip to the organisation’s efforts.
    • Promote research on cultural and civilisation linkages: Besides economic links, the Bay of Bengal countries share a cultural and civilisational legacy.
    • The role of institutions like Nalanda University in promoting research on cultural and civilisational linkages and improving the adoption of sustainable practices would be equally significant.

    Conclusion

    The collective’s fifth summit that concluded in Colombo showcased member nations’ resolve to facilitate connectivity and security and enhance the prosperity of the region.

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  • Russia suspended from UN Human Rights Council membership

    Russia’s membership to the Human Rights Council (UNHRC), to which it was elected in 2020, was suspended after the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) vote.

    Why was Russia suspended from UNHRC?

    • Russia’s three-year term as member of the Council began on January 1, 2021.
    • With membership on the Council comes a responsibility to uphold high human rights standards.
    • It is this responsibility that Russia is alleged to have wilfully violated in Ukraine.

    India stayed absent. Why?

    • India questioned the process by which the move to suspend Russia took place given that it happened before the international probe into the massacre.
    • New Delhi’s point is that it should have been brought before the Human Rights Council first, and not the UNGA, sources said.
    • This is a signal to the West that due process has not been followed, something that Indian interlocutors can draw Moscow’s attention to.

    About UN Human Rights Council

    • The UNHRC is an inter-governmental body within the United Nations system, which is responsible for strengthening the promotion and protection of human rights around the world.
    • It addresses and makes recommendations on situations of human rights violations, and can discuss all thematic human rights issues and situations.
    • The UNHRC replaced the former UN Commission on Human Rights.
    • It was created by the UNGA on March 15, 2006, and the body met in its first session from June 19-30, 2006.

    Working of the Council

    In 2007, the Council adopted an “institution-building package” to set up its procedures and mechanisms. Among these were:

    1. Mechanism of Universal Periodic Review to assess the human rights situations in all UN Member States.
    2. It has Advisory Committee that serves as the Council’s think tank providing it with expertise and advice on thematic human rights issues.
    3. Its Complaint Procedure, allows individuals and organisations to bring human rights violations to the Council’s attention.
    4. The Council also works with the UN Special Procedures established by the former Commission on Human Rights, consisting of special rapporteurs, special representatives, independent experts etc.

    Membership of the Council

    • The Council, which meets at the UN Office in Geneva, Switzerland, is made up of 47 UN Member States who are elected by majority vote through a direct and secret ballot at the UNGA.
    • The membership of the Council is based on equitable geographical distribution.
    • African and Asia-Pacific states have 13 seats each, Latin American and Caribbean states have 8 seats, Western European and other states 7 seats, and Eastern European states 6 seats.
    • The members serve for three years and are not eligible for immediate re-election after serving two consecutive terms.

    Leadership of the Council

    • The Council has a five-person Bureau, consisting of a president and four vice-presidents, each representing one of the five regional groups.
    • They serve for a year each, in accordance with the Council’s annual cycle.
    • The Human Rights Council President of the 16th Cycle (2022) is Federico Villegas, who is the Permanent Representative of Argentina to the UN and other international organizations in Geneva.
    • He was elected president of the Human Rights Council for 2022 in December 2021.

    Meetings of the Council

    • The Human Rights Council holds no fewer than three regular sessions a year, for a total of at least 10 weeks.
    • These sessions take place in March (4 weeks), June (3 weeks) and September (3 weeks).
    • The Council met in its latest (49th) regular session from February 28 to April 1, 2022
    • If a third of the Member states requests, the Council can decide at any time to hold a special session to address human rights violations and emergencies.
    • Under the presidency of Nazhat S Khan of Fiji, the Council held a record five special sessions in 2021 — on Myanmar, the Occupied Palestinian Territory and Israel, Afghanistan, Sudan, and Ethiopia.

     

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  • India-Nepal relationship

    Context

    The Nepal Prime Minister, Sher Bahadur Deuba, paid a long-awaited visit to India last week (April 1-3). Sworn in in July 2021, this was his first bilateral visit abroad, in keeping with tradition.

    Positive outcomes of the visit

    • Among the highlights was the operationalisation of the 35 kilometre cross-border rail link from Jayanagar (Bihar) to Kurtha (Nepal). 
    • The second project that was inaugurated was the 90 km long 132 kV double circuit transmission line connecting Tila (Solukhumbu) to Mirchaiya (Siraha) close to the Indian border.
    • In addition, agreements providing technical cooperation in the railway sector, Nepal’s induction into the International Solar Alliance, and between Indian Oil Corporation and Nepal Oil Corporation on ensuring regular supplies of petroleum products were also signed.
    • The Mahakali Treaty covers the Sarada and Tanakpur barrages as well as the 6,700 MW (approximately) Pancheshwar Multipurpose project.
    • Both sides have agreed to push for an early finalisation of the detailed project report.
    • The joint vision statement on power sector cooperation recognises the opportunities for joint development power generation projects together with cross border transmission linkages and coordination between the national grids; it can provide the momentum.

    Issues in India-Nepal relations

    • Over the years, a number of differences have emerged between India and Nepal that need attention.
    • The relationship took a nosedive in 2015, with India first getting blamed for interfering in the Constitution drafting process and then for an “unofficial blockade” that generated widespread resentment against India.
    • Revision of Treaty of  Peace and Friendship: As one of the oldest bonds, the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship was originally sought by the Nepali authorities in 1949 to continue the special links they had with British India.
    • It provides for an open border and for Nepali nationals to have the right to work in India.
    • But today, it is viewed as a sign of an unequal relationship, and an Indian imposition.
    • The idea of revising and updating it has found mention in Joint Statements since the mid-1990s.
    • Demonetisation is another irritant. In November 2016, India withdrew â‚č15.44 trillion of high value (â‚č1,000 and â‚č500) currency notes. Many Nepali nationals who were legally entitled to hold â‚č25,000 of
    • Indian currency (given that the Nepali rupee is pegged to the Indian rupee) were left high and dry.
    • The Nepal Rashtra Bank, which is the central bank, holds â‚č7 crore and estimates of public holdings are â‚č500 crore.
    • After more than five years, it should certainly be possible to resolve this to mutual satisfaction.
    • Kalapani boundary issue: These boundaries had been fixed in 1816 by the British, and India inherited the areas over which the British had exercised territorial control in 1947.
    • While 98% of the India-Nepal boundary was demarcated, two areas, Susta and Kalapani remained in limbo.
    • In November 2019, India issued new maps following the division of the State of Jammu and Kashmir as Union Territories, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.
    • Though the new Indian map did not affect the India-Nepal boundary in any material way, a new map of Nepal was endorsed by the legislature through a constitutional amendment.
    • While it did not alter the situation on the ground, it soured relations with India and added a new and emotive irritant.

    Way forward

    • The political narrative has changed in both countries and these issues can no longer be swept under the carpet or subsumed by invoking a ‘special relationship’.
    • Part of the success of Mr. Deuba’s visit was that none of the differences was allowed to dominate the visit.
    • Yet, to build upon the positive mood, it is necessary these issues be discussed, behind closed doors and at Track 2 and Track 1.5 channels.

    Conclusion

    The need today is to avoid rhetoric on territorial nationalism and lay the groundwork for quiet dialogue where both sides display sensitivity as they explore what is feasible. India needs to be a sensitive and generous partner for the “neighbourhood first” policy to take root.

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  • What are Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)?

    The Weapons of Mass Destruction and their Delivery Systems (Prohibition of Unlawful Activities) Amendment Bill, 2022 has been unanimously passed in Lok Sabha.

    WMD Bill

    • The Bill seeks to amend The Weapons of Mass Destruction and their Delivery Systems (Prohibition of Unlawful Activities) Act, 2005.
    • It aims to provide against the financing of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems in line with India’s international obligations.
    • The 2005 Act prohibited the manufacturing, transport, and transfer of weapons of mass destruction, and their means of delivery.

    Need for the Bill

    • In recent times, regulations relating to proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems by international organisations have expanded.
    • The UNSCs targeted financial sanctions and the recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force have mandated against financing of proliferation of WMD and their their delivery systems.

    Weapons of Mass Destruction

    • The expression “weapon of mass destruction” (WMD) is usually considered to have been used first by the leader of the Church of England, the Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1937.
    • They usually refer to the aerial bombing of civilians in the Basque town of Guernica by German and Italian fascists in support of General Franco during the Spanish Civil War.
    • The expression WMD entered the vocabularies of people and countries around the world in the early 2000s after the US under President George W Bush and the UK under PM Tony Blair justified the invasion of Iraq.
    • They invaded Iraq on the grounds that the government of Saddam Hussain was hiding these weapons in the country. However, no WMDs were ever found.

    What are NBC weapons?

    • While there is no single, authoritative definition of a WMD in international law, the expression is usually understood to cover nuclear, biological, and chemical (NBC) weapons.
    • WMD can be any nuclear, radiological, chemical, biological, or other device that is intended to harm a large number of people.

    India’s 2005 WMD Act defines-

    1. “Biological Weapons” as “microbial or other biological agents, or toxins
of types and in quantities that have no justification for prophylactic, protective or other peaceful purposes; and weapons, equipment or delivery systems specially designed to use such agents or toxins for hostile purposes or in armed conflict”; and
    2. “Chemical Weapons” as “toxic chemicals and their precursors” except where used for peaceful, protective, and certain specified military and law enforcement purposes; “munitions and devices specifically designed to cause death or other harm through the toxic properties of those toxic chemicals”; and any equipment specifically designed for use in connection with the employment of these munitions and devices.

    Control over use of WMDs

    • The use of chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons is regulated by a number of international treaties and agreements.
    • Among them are the Geneva Protocol, 1925, that banned the use of chemical and biological weapons; and the Biological Weapons Convention, 1972, and Chemical Weapons Convention, 1992, which put comprehensive bans on the biological and chemical weapons respectively.
    • India has signed and ratified both the 1972 and 1992 treaties.
    • There are very few non-signatory countries to these treaties, even though several countries have been accused of non-compliance.
    • The use and proliferation of nuclear weapons is regulated by treaties such as Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT).

    Back2Basics:

    Nuclear Security Contact Group

    • The NSCG was established in 2016.
    • The NSCG or “Contact Group” has been established with the aim of facilitating cooperation and sustaining engagement on nuclear security after the conclusion of the Nuclear Security Summit process.
    • The Contact Group is tasked with:
    1. Convening annually on the margins of the General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and, as may be useful, in connection with other related meetings
    2. Discussing a broad range of nuclear security-related issues, including identifying emerging trends that may require more focused attention

    Nuclear Suppliers Group

    • NSG is a group of nuclear supplier countries that seeks to contribute to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons through the implementation of guidelines for nuclear exports and nuclear-related exports.
    • The NSG was set up as a response to India’s nuclear tests conducted in 1974.
    • The aim of the NSG is to ensure that nuclear trade for peaceful purposes does not contribute to the proliferation of nuclear weapons.

    Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty

    • CTBT was negotiated at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva and adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1996.
    • The Treaty intends to ban all nuclear explosions – everywhere, by everyone.
    • It was opened for signature in 1996 and since then 182 countries have signed the Treaty, most recently Ghana has ratified the treaty in 2011.

    Fissile material cut-off treaty

    • FMCT is a proposed international agreement that would prohibit the production of the two main components of nuclear weapons: highly-enriched uranium (HEU) and plutonium.
    • Discussions on this subject have taken place at the UN Conference on Disarmament (CD), a body of 65 member nations established as the sole multilateral negotiating forum on disarmament.
    • The CD operates by consensus and is often stagnant, impeding progress on an FMCT.
    • Those nations that joined the nuclear NPT as non-weapon states are already prohibited from producing or acquiring fissile material for weapons.
    • An FMCT would provide new restrictions for the five recognized nuclear weapon states (NWS—United States, Russia, United Kingdom, France, and China), and for the four nations that are not NPT members (Israel, India, Pakistan, and North Korea).

     

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  • Centre extends relief to Tibetan Committee by 5 years

    The Union government has extended the scheme to provide â‚č40 crore grants-in-aid to the Dalai Lama’s Central Tibetan Relief Committee (CTRC) for another five years, up to fiscal year 2025-26.

    Do you think that India’s support for the Tibetan cause is the root cause of all irritants in India-China relations?

    What is CTRC?

    • The Dalai Lama’s Central Tibetan Relief Committee (CTRC) was formed and registered as Charitable Society under Indian Societies Registration Act XXI of 1860.
    • It effectively acts as the Relief and Development Wing of Home Department, Central Tibetan Administration.
    • All the CTRC activities are carried out with consent and support from Board of Directors and approval from TPiE (Tibetan Parliament in Exile).

    Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile (TPiE)

    • The Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile (TPiE) has its headquarters in Dharamsala, in the Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh.
    • According to the Green Book of the Tibetan government-in-exile, over 1 lakh Tibetans are settled across India.
    • The remaining are settled in United States, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Costa Rica, France, Mexico, Mongolia, Germany, United Kingdom, Switzerland and various other countries.

    Working of the TPiE

    • The Speaker and a Deputy Speaker head the Tibetan Parliament-in-exile.
    • It includes two members from each of the four schools of Tibetan Buddhism and the pre-Buddhist Bon religion.
    • Other representatives are from the Tibetan Communities in North America and Europe; and from Australasia and Asia (excluding India, Nepal and Bhutan).
    • Till 2006, it used to be called as Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies (ATPDs) with the chairman as its head and a vice-chairman.

    Tibetan Constitution

    • The Central Tibetan Administration exists and functions on the basis of the Constitution of the Tibetan government called the ‘The Charter of the Tibetans in Exile’.
    • In 1991, The Constitution Redrafting Committee instituted by the Dalai Lama prepared the Charter for Tibetans in exile. The Dalai Lama approved it on June 28, 1991.
    • In 2001, fundamental changes happened with the amendment of the Charter that facilitated the direct election of the Kalon Tripa by the Tibetans in exile.
    • The Kalon Tripa is called Sikyong or president of the Central Tibetan Administration.

    The Kashag (Cabinet)

    • The Kashag (Cabinet) is the Central Tibetan Administration’s highest executive office and comprise seven members.
    • It is headed by the Sikyong (political leader) who is directly elected by the exiled Tibetan population.
    • Sikyong subsequently nominates his seven Kalons (ministers) and seeks the parliament’s approval. The Kashag’s term is for five years.

    A backgrounder: Democracy for Tibet

    • The Dalai Lama began democratization soon after he came to India during the 1959 Tibetan National Uprising.
    • He reportedly asked Tibetans in exile to choose their representatives through universal adult suffrage, following which polls were held for electing Tibetan Parliamentarians in 1960.
    • Democracy for the Tibetans, thus, began in exile.
    • The Dalai Lama, however, continued to remain the supreme political leader. On March 14, 2011, he relinquished his political responsibilities, ending a 369-year-old practice.

    Is TPiE officially recognized by any country?

    • Not exactly, it is not recognised officially by any country, including India.
    • But, a number of countries including the USA and European nations deal directly with the Sikyong and other Tibetan leaders through various forums.
    • The TPiE claims its democratically-elected character helps it manage Tibetan affairs and raise the Tibetan issue across the world.
    • The incumbent Sikyong, Lobsang Sangay, was among the guests who attended the oath-taking ceremony of our PM in 2014, probably a first.

     

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